We agree with the authors that the time is ripe for evolutionary explanations of the appeal of various genres of popular culture, including works containing imaginary worlds and their connection to novelty-seeking or exploration. The authors state that the key determinant is that knowledge of the fictive world differs from knowledge of the real world. However, this criterion changes as our knowledge of the real world changes. An imagined far off world a few centuries ago, for example, is now far more familiar. Is this imagined world less imagined now? What is real versus imagined is very much dependent on the time and place of the writing. The authors acknowledge this when discussing From the Earth to the Moon. Who makes this judgment? Is the imagined world in the eye of the beholder? These issues and the overlap with other fictional genres make this definition rather nebulous.
We would argue that as the world has become more fully explored, stories described “just a town over” have become “in a far off exotic land,” then “in a galaxy far, far away,” to more easily suspend disbelief, to be less jarring in light of current knowledge. The expansion of imagined worlds is a logical next step after the expansion of known worlds. Authors are forced to create new mysterious planets as our own has become extensively studied. At present, we are left with space as the final frontier; there are no worlds left on this one to imagine. This suggests that imagined worlds are the natural progression of storytelling and have not exploded or expanded in recent years; they have just become more other worldly as humans have explored to the literal ends of the Earth.
The authors suggest that a significant appeal of imagined worlds comes from preferences for exploration which are also associated with not only risk-taking but also perhaps with sensation-seeking. This raises the question of developmental effects on risk preferences and how this relates to genre preferences. Sometimes when life is risky is when novelty-seeking may pay off most, as in high mortality, low-resource environments. Yet the authors suggest that more resource-rich environments are associated with more interest in imaginary world fiction. This raises several questions about the popularity of imagined worlds and their very creation. Surely less risk-averse cultures have more time and resources to devote to writing, publishing, and dispersing these stories, and cultures thrown into turmoil (and possible destruction) may lose their established works. As is too often the case, one is left wondering what data have been lost and what observations are myopic. What can researchers accurately observe regarding resources, risk, and imagined worlds? Moreover, is world building more interesting during the developmental period where risk is most attractive? Or is world building more interesting when trying to avoid REAL risk? This ties into the vicarious enjoyment of other people's risk when one is safe as well as the observational learning that occurs, especially during early developmental periods. Is world building more attractive to people who are risk attracted or risk averse? To people in developmental periods where they are generally more or less risk averse? And are fictional worlds more attractive in times of stress or uncertainty in the real world?
We would also argue that one of the motivations for creating an imagined world (and not a faithful representation of the real world) is also linked to risk; to challenge real-world societal mores without risking significant retaliation. Diverse populations have long found representation in imagined worlds, and science fiction and fantasy have long created allegories for civil rights and other advocacy.
As life-long female consumers of some of the films/fictions mentioned, we couldn't help but notice that the composition of the consumers in terms of sex was not discussed. In fact, many of these works have substantial female audiences and it would be useful to consider whether the appeal of these works to females is driven by the same factors as for males. Much of the attention paid to background knowledge as essential seems less relevant to female consumers who are often drawn as much or more to the characters, their relationships, and the challenges they face. Certainly, it is not the focus of most of the female produced fan fiction/art/music videos that have made websites such as AO3 (Archive of Our Own) so successful in terms of production and traffic. Those materials are very much focused on character and relationships, often of a romantic/sexual nature (Salmon & Burch, Reference Salmon, Burch, Carroll, Clasen and Jonsson2020; Salmon & Symons, Reference Salmon and Symons2004). What is the primary audience demographic of those imagined worlds without plot? We would suggest that the most popular/successful world-building fictions are not simply world building but character highlighting in terms of the personal and interpersonal challenges they face. Humans are drawn to plots that play on evolutionary themes: those of competition (or war) for resources or mates, romance, or yes, exploration. Likewise the character archetypes remain; the hero, the ingénue, etc. It appears that regardless of the setting, humans seek the same stories, variations on essential themes. How many LOTR fans would be drawn to the world created without the quest of the fellowship and the trials and tribulations as well as the triumphs of Aragorn, Frodo and company?
In short, is world building more popular now because the exploration of the real world has seemingly met its end? Is world building more popular now because the real world seems particularly risky or dangerous, or because real exploration has become more pedestrian, or simply because many other imagined worlds in ancient literature have not survived the ages? Is world building more popular with male readers, pointing to a greater desire for exploration? The great undiscovered country in many examples of imaginary worlds, for women, may be less the actual structure of the world and more the relationships between the people that inhabit it. Fictions that include both of these types of undiscovered country may be the most successful of all.
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We agree with the authors that the time is ripe for evolutionary explanations of the appeal of various genres of popular culture, including works containing imaginary worlds and their connection to novelty-seeking or exploration. The authors state that the key determinant is that knowledge of the fictive world differs from knowledge of the real world. However, this criterion changes as our knowledge of the real world changes. An imagined far off world a few centuries ago, for example, is now far more familiar. Is this imagined world less imagined now? What is real versus imagined is very much dependent on the time and place of the writing. The authors acknowledge this when discussing From the Earth to the Moon. Who makes this judgment? Is the imagined world in the eye of the beholder? These issues and the overlap with other fictional genres make this definition rather nebulous.
We would argue that as the world has become more fully explored, stories described “just a town over” have become “in a far off exotic land,” then “in a galaxy far, far away,” to more easily suspend disbelief, to be less jarring in light of current knowledge. The expansion of imagined worlds is a logical next step after the expansion of known worlds. Authors are forced to create new mysterious planets as our own has become extensively studied. At present, we are left with space as the final frontier; there are no worlds left on this one to imagine. This suggests that imagined worlds are the natural progression of storytelling and have not exploded or expanded in recent years; they have just become more other worldly as humans have explored to the literal ends of the Earth.
The authors suggest that a significant appeal of imagined worlds comes from preferences for exploration which are also associated with not only risk-taking but also perhaps with sensation-seeking. This raises the question of developmental effects on risk preferences and how this relates to genre preferences. Sometimes when life is risky is when novelty-seeking may pay off most, as in high mortality, low-resource environments. Yet the authors suggest that more resource-rich environments are associated with more interest in imaginary world fiction. This raises several questions about the popularity of imagined worlds and their very creation. Surely less risk-averse cultures have more time and resources to devote to writing, publishing, and dispersing these stories, and cultures thrown into turmoil (and possible destruction) may lose their established works. As is too often the case, one is left wondering what data have been lost and what observations are myopic. What can researchers accurately observe regarding resources, risk, and imagined worlds? Moreover, is world building more interesting during the developmental period where risk is most attractive? Or is world building more interesting when trying to avoid REAL risk? This ties into the vicarious enjoyment of other people's risk when one is safe as well as the observational learning that occurs, especially during early developmental periods. Is world building more attractive to people who are risk attracted or risk averse? To people in developmental periods where they are generally more or less risk averse? And are fictional worlds more attractive in times of stress or uncertainty in the real world?
We would also argue that one of the motivations for creating an imagined world (and not a faithful representation of the real world) is also linked to risk; to challenge real-world societal mores without risking significant retaliation. Diverse populations have long found representation in imagined worlds, and science fiction and fantasy have long created allegories for civil rights and other advocacy.
As life-long female consumers of some of the films/fictions mentioned, we couldn't help but notice that the composition of the consumers in terms of sex was not discussed. In fact, many of these works have substantial female audiences and it would be useful to consider whether the appeal of these works to females is driven by the same factors as for males. Much of the attention paid to background knowledge as essential seems less relevant to female consumers who are often drawn as much or more to the characters, their relationships, and the challenges they face. Certainly, it is not the focus of most of the female produced fan fiction/art/music videos that have made websites such as AO3 (Archive of Our Own) so successful in terms of production and traffic. Those materials are very much focused on character and relationships, often of a romantic/sexual nature (Salmon & Burch, Reference Salmon, Burch, Carroll, Clasen and Jonsson2020; Salmon & Symons, Reference Salmon and Symons2004). What is the primary audience demographic of those imagined worlds without plot? We would suggest that the most popular/successful world-building fictions are not simply world building but character highlighting in terms of the personal and interpersonal challenges they face. Humans are drawn to plots that play on evolutionary themes: those of competition (or war) for resources or mates, romance, or yes, exploration. Likewise the character archetypes remain; the hero, the ingénue, etc. It appears that regardless of the setting, humans seek the same stories, variations on essential themes. How many LOTR fans would be drawn to the world created without the quest of the fellowship and the trials and tribulations as well as the triumphs of Aragorn, Frodo and company?
In short, is world building more popular now because the exploration of the real world has seemingly met its end? Is world building more popular now because the real world seems particularly risky or dangerous, or because real exploration has become more pedestrian, or simply because many other imagined worlds in ancient literature have not survived the ages? Is world building more popular with male readers, pointing to a greater desire for exploration? The great undiscovered country in many examples of imaginary worlds, for women, may be less the actual structure of the world and more the relationships between the people that inhabit it. Fictions that include both of these types of undiscovered country may be the most successful of all.
Funding
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.
Conflict of interest
None.