Flow cytometry relies on the use of fluorochrome-conjugated antibodies, most of them identified and produced after the discovery of the technology allowing to generate large amounts of monoclonal antibodies. Hence, nearly all these reagents are named after the cluster of differentiation (CD) number that was given to newly discovered molecules they recognize, many of them having no other name. Although some CDs have become very popular and well known, others are less familiar. This chapter provides a guide to recover the characteristics of surface or cytoplasmic antigens explored with the CDs most frequently used in the field of haematological malignancies.

In the late Iron I, the Galilee was dotted with small farming villages. In the early Iron II, these were all abandoned while at the same time, large, fortified towns such as Hazor were built in the adjacent regions. The two processes were connected, reflecting the Israelite takeover of the region. As the highland polity expanded into the hilly Galilee, the local groups, many of which had a similar background and lifestyle, had to choose whether to affiliate with it or fight against it. Many, especially in more mountainous regions, simply became Israelite “tribes,” whereas settlements that were regarded as non-Israelites (“Canaanites”) were mostly destroyed. Like in other regions, the result was a complete reshuffling in settlement patterns, and the new polity built new centers to control the area. Here, however, the new polity had to contend with another polity, Tyre, with which it wished to remain on friendly terms. Thus, the western part of the Galilee (along with the Galilee coast) was left in Phoenician hands.

Much before the Western radical youth ‘invented’ Occupy politics of 2011 (Occupy Wall Street, Occupy St Paul) in the West, inspired largely by the Arab Spring, there were instances in the Global South where precarious workers and communities unleashed their agency with unpredictable outcomes. What Hardt and Negri (2012) attribute to Occupy politics – their imaginations, revolts, slogans, movements and insistence on democracy as characteristics of multitudes – was also relevant for the subaltern struggles in the Global South. It is remarkable how the multitudes, both in the West and in the Global South, though spatially and temporally distinct, declare historically evolved truths through imaginative interventions towards a more egalitarian way of living. In South Asia, they also practised it as social movement identity politics in a world where corporates, often with the support of the state, threatened their rights to the commons, including their traditional environmental rights to land and water resources, and their human right to a decent living,3 thus bearing wider connotations than the Western-style Occupy protests. Latin American and African resistance movements such as the Landless Workers Movement in Mexico and Zapatistas/Chiapas in Brazil, and those in Buen Vivir (Ecuador), Cochabamba (Bolivia), the Estallido Social (Social Uprising) in Chile, and Ongoni (Nigeria) share similar traits in the way they assert and attribute new meanings to land rights, autonomy, food, water, environmental sovereignty, and identity. As a critical complement to the earlier-mentioned literature, the present monograph examines the livelihood, environmental, and identity struggles of the marginalized with a focus on Kerala, the state known for its twin legacies: the communist experiments and social development.

More on Premises

The protests, struggles, and movements in the Global South challenging corporate capital and the state, and even the mainstream male-led trade unions, take the form of what I would refer to as ecospatial struggles, resulting in the conceptualization of political ecospatiality in which ‘eco’ represents the varying dimensions of critiques of economics and ecology/environment and ‘spatiality’, the power relations ingrained in the social body politic (see Raman 2020b; Peluso and Watts 2001; Wapner 1996; Lefebvre 2011; Massey 1994; Harvey 2000).

As indicated by the title of this chapter, some conditions may display features evocative of hematological malignancies and have to be recognized as not being tumoral. Here, these situations have been grouped as increased leucocyte types (leucocytosis) or as decreased cell counts (cytopenias), segregated in disease types. A third part considers abnormal immunophenotypes of lymphocytes and myeloid cells. Finally, the recurrent question of haemodilution of bone marrow aspirates, which decreases the otherwise helpful ability of flow cytometry to count large numbers of cells and thus perform accurate differentials, is discussed.

The Linguaphile Activist

The celebrated Hindi poet Mahadevi Verma claimed that a monk does not need to be a scholar or an author. However, should the three qualities of spiritual practice, scholarship and literary craft blend, such a synthesis is sublime and sacred (M. Verma 1987, p. 32). For Verma, Camille, her dear younger brother, embodied this rare confluence. This chapter explores his progression from a young engineering student into Father Bulcke, the worldrenowned scholar on the Ramkatha, Hindi literature and Indology. Rama's story in the Ramcharitmanas, written by the celebrated Indian poet from the Bhakti era, Tulsidas, is considered a literary masterpiece and one of the most popular versions of the Ramayana in India. Tulsidas believed that the narration of Rama's story (in Awadhi, a north Indian vernacular language), undertaken purely for his own personal happiness, would ultimately bring him moksha, the highest spiritual goal in the teachings of Hinduism. Camille always referred to Tulsidas as his idol; propitiously, one may argue that by working on the genesis and the development of the Rama story, much like what Tulsidas wished for himself, Camille also strove for his intellectual moksha.

He was proud of his linguistic heritage; he loved his native Flemish language, while the society around him considered embracing French as the mark of upward mobility. His deep emotional bond with his mother tongue inspired him to become one of the leading activists in the political movement to adopt Flemish as a medium of academic, institutional and official language. As a protagonist of the Flemish language, he was greatly inspired by the Flemish writer Guido Gezelle; in fact, Gezelle was one of the first serious intellectual and theological influences on Camille's life. As a linguaphile, Camille was not against the French language per se; his opposition was directed against the imposition of a language as part of a colonial project to erase the local language and culture. His early brush with the French cultural and linguistic hegemony and his belief that language is the custodian of the cultural essence of any society eventually shaped the future course of his life, and his scholarship and activism in India.

Iron Age archaeologists working with material from ancient Israel have long noticed dramatic changes in pottery styles during the transition from the Iron I to the Iron II. The Aegean-inspired Philistine pottery that dominated the southern coastal plain during the Iron I completely disappeared in the tenth century BCE, as did the once pervasive collared rim jar of the highlands. Slip and burnish, rare in the Iron I, became extremely popular, and the limited ceramic repertoire that characterized the Iron I highland settlements grew significantly. Finally, in the Negev Highlands sites, a simple form of handmade pottery became dominant. The chapter reviews these dramatic changes, all taking place at approximately the same time, and shows that they were all a result of the growing complexity in the region, and the emergence of larger polities.

With the Occupy protests in the West, which have lately been superseded by the Black Lives Matter movements, we started telling the stories of protest movements in the Global South, with a focus on Kerala. It would also imply that right-making/state-making dialectics ought to be applied to understand and assess state formation and state performance, including that of the Kerala model of development. After the post-independence state formation, the historical landscape of Kerala, by and large, validates the right-making/statemaking thesis despite shortfalls; it appears that after state formation, and until recently, there have been tendencies on the part of the state to put constraints in the process. It strengthened the case for why the confluence of class and race/caste, with its gender expressions, matters for appropriate politics, particularly in leftist groups. Furthermore, research has shown that different communities have been negatively impacted by global crises like the coronavirus pandemic, with the most marginalized members of society bearing the brunt of this burden because they lack access to adequate healthcare, are malnourished, and live in poverty. Neither the exploitation and oppression of global capitalism nor the pandemic is caste- or class-neutral. All the more important is the livelihood and environmental vulnerability of the marginalized in a state which is otherwise known for its social developments and socialist experiments which in turn demands what has been described in this monograph as political ecospatiality.

Threats and enclosures are additional features of the current world, and the pandemic has made individuals who defend their rights even more vulnerable. Countries of the Global South such as Colombia, Niger, Indonesia, and the Philippines are used as examples of neoliberal predations (Burns and LeMoyne 2001; Lucas and Warren 2003; Iwilade 2012; Quimpo 2009). In the case of India, as argued elsewhere, the modalities of emerging power is by and large constituted by the Hindutva–corporate regime; this is further contrasted with the ‘graduated social democratic state’ as in Kerala (Raman 2023). As we describe the problems of the excluded, the future seems as hazy as ever. Yet the ecospatial struggles we narrated so far are optimistic, and so is ecospatiality in its totality, which is in and of itself politics proper.

Toward the end of the Iron I, the vast majority of the many rural villages excavated in the highlands were abandoned. At the same time, a handful of settlements began to grow into fortified towns. Why did these dramatic changes take place at this time, and what is the relationship between these two phenomena? The chapter reviews the evidence and evaluates the various possible explanations for such widespread abandonments, including climate change, nomadization, incentives to move to other regions, forced resettlement, death, and security (external threats), and concludes that the first phase of this abandonment could have only been a result of an external threat (the second phase of the abandonment will be discussed in subsequent chapters, and especially Excursus 12.1). The chapter then identifies the threat with the Philistines, analyzes the nature of Philistine–Israelite interaction, and assesses the impact of the Philistine pressure on social complexity in the highlands and the emergence of leaders there. This is also the phase in which the first Iron Age fortifications appear in the highlands. Taken together, these changes signify the emergence of the Israelite monarchy toward the end of the Iron Age I and the transition into the Iron II.