The difficulties that hedged round the Garden of the Hesperides in the Greek seem still destined to make the Cyrenaica, a country to which the eyes of archæologists have so wistfully turned, almost as inaccessible to the modern traveller as to the heroes of ancient fable. The classic maidens have vanished, the Garden is somewhat run to seed, but the dragon of early legend is there, in the person of the native official who guards the historical treasures that lie strewn over the rich sites of the Pentapolis, stately tombs that worthless Arabs kennel in or plunder for statues and vases, to be peddled to Maltese or Greeks for (literally) home consumption or foreign export.

A scheme of exploration in the central and eastern parts of Asia Minor was inaugurated last year by a series of journeys in Phrygia, the main results of which have been published in the Journal of Hellenic Studies (for 1897 and 1898). During the present season I had the good fortune to be accompanied by Mr. J. W. Crowfoot, to whom the opportunity was afforded by the liberality of the supporters of the Asia Minor Exploration Fund, and our energies were devoted chiefly to the exploration of Galatia, a country which has received but scant attention from archaeological or other travellers. But on our way thither, we did a piece of preliminary work in the shape of re-examining two difficult inscriptions which I had copied last year and visiting an unknown corner of Phrygia on the north of Mt. Dindymos (Murad Dagh). In the following paper we propose to give a full account of this preliminary excursion, and a brief sketch of our work in Galatia which will indicate in detail the routes we followed, and so impart a good deal of information that will be of use to future travellers, but cannot be conveniently repeated in our detailed discussion of the district.

The relationship of the metopes to the architecture of the peristasis of the Hephaisteion and the Parthenon is examined in order to ascertain the extent of planning which took place before the erection of a Classical Greek temple. All relevant published measurements are taken into consideration and critically compared. On the basis of the discrepancies of the corresponding architectural and sculptural members, it is argued that the working-out of the details of the plan was not the result of large-scale drawings, but was affected after the commencement of construction. While the Hephaisteion is built largely in accordance with the conventions of a Classical Doric temple, the Parthenon, due to its unique plan, provides indications of experimentation inferred from the extensive inconsistencies at its eastern end.

Since 1902 archaeological investigations at Palaikastro in eastern Crete have sought evidence for two architectural structures: a palace located amongst the substantial remains of Minoan settlement and the temple and sanctuary of Zeus Diktaios referred to by Strabo. In 2001 a geophysical survey was conducted in the Roussolakkos valley to the south-east of the excavated Minoan remains. Previous studies had recorded this as an archaeological ‘nil’ zone owing to the complete absence of cultural surface debris. Seven geophysical zones, covering a total of 20,960 m2, were surveyed using a combination of electrical resistance and magnetometry methods. Anomalies attributed to anthropogenic activity were found in six of these zones. They probably reflect substantial Minoan architecture based on the shape of some anomalies, a comparison with geophysical results from a previously excavated area (Block X) and the occurrence of no pottery later than Minoan on the ground. On this basis the geophysical survey has approximately doubled the known area, of the Minoan settlement. The anomalies may belong to a large urban block though their scale and orientation are also comparable to plans of palatial structures from other sites. Anomalies that could reflect architecture were found in Zone 7, situated in the area of earlier finds of Iron Age votives and Archaic architectural fragments and may therefore be related to the Diktaion.

It is only recently that the ritual object κέρνος or κέρχνος described by Athenaeus has been discovered, recognized, and explained by the labours of Philios, Kourouniotes, and Rubensohn. It was a clay vessel, to which were attached a number of small cups containing various grains and liquids, offered as first fruits of the harvest, especially in the Eleusinian worship, to the divinity. It was carried in procession on the head of the priestess (κερνοφορεῖν, κερνοφορία) to the accompaniment of ritual dancing (κερνοφόρον ὄρχημα) Besides the grains, the liquids and the unwashed wool, in the central bowl of the kernos was placed the παλάθιον upon which was set a lighted lamp or candle.

There is thus no doubt about the form and use of the kernos of the Greek period. But its existence and use have been traced also to the prehistoric period by Mr. Bosanquet, who has described similar Pre-Mycenaean vessels found many years ago in Melos, and now preserved in various European museums. He has also described and explained as a kernos another vessel consisting of three small vases, found in a tomb at στὸν Κάπρο near Phylakopi in Melos, and belonging to the so-called Cycladic (Early Minoan) period, and also in the excavations of the British School at Phylakopi prehistoric kernoi were found. Further, Mr. Dawkins considers that forty-four conical cups, which he found broken off some such complex vessels, together with idols and other ritual objects, in a Minoan house at Palaikastro in Crete, belonged to kernoi.

In recent years a number of vases with floral decoration have come to light, and we can now carry a little further the study of the Euboean floral black-figure style of vase-painting started in BSA lv. 211 f. Unfortunately few have any known provenience and it is often hazardous to attempt to distinguish between the work of Euboean and Boeotian workshops. Some of the Euboean attributions here made are tentative, and even when they can be regarded as certain the question of the distribution of the vases within Euboea still remains largely unsolved.

An early example of a vase with decoration that consists entirely of floral elements is a pelike in Athens, Plate 69a, with provenience given in the inventory as ‘Chalcis?’. It has bands of myrtle, ivy, and a kind of laurel with spatulate leaves covering the neck and the upper part of the body, and can be regarded as a precursor of the floral style. It is to be distinguished from it chiefly by the absence of the palmette, which is the chief ingredient of the floral style proper. The stemless ivy leaves accompanied by spots recall the sixth-century skyphos of Chalcidian make, Rhitsona 31. 41 (BSA lviii. 18, pl. 2. 3), and the little stemmed kothon, Athens E1520 (Ibid. pl. 2. 8).

The citadel of Mycenae owes much of its impressiveness to the fact that it lies at the foot of and between the twin heights of Hagios Elias to the north and Zara to the south. These two bare peaks of limestone rise very steeply, and seem to stand like two sentinels specially posted by nature to add to the dignity of Mycenae. Their mountain wildness is in strong contrast to the smiling fertility of the Argive plain, which stretches away to the south-west. Zara is some 659 m. high, and has no remains of antiquity on its summit. Hagios Elias is higher, some 807 m., and has been known, since the days of Schliemann, to be crowned by the ruins of ancient fortifications.

We made an expedition to the summit on the evening of June 18th, 1922, camped for the night there, and spent the next day in planning the walls and making trial excavations within them. The view from the summit is magnificent (Fig. 96). To the south the whole of the Argive plain lies at one's feet; Argos itself, Lerna, Tiryns, Mideia, Nauplia and Asine are all visible.

The troubled state of the Peloponnesus during the Middle Ages left its mark on no buildings more evidently than on its castles. Each successive owner obtained his title at the cost of some part of the building, and his first thought on gaining possession was either to strengthen the fortress he had just captured, or to dismantle it utterly and leave behind him a useless pile of ruins. Military architecture too, is little influenced by respect for the past and the more important castles must have been frequently modernised, so but little is left of their original structure. The lack of those ornamental details which are the main clue to the age of more elaborate buildings renders a classification of the different types of plan and of masonry of some importance; where mouldings or other details are found their evidence is usually conclusive, but in their absence we must be guided by the form of the plan and by the masonry.

The objects described in this section were found on a small prehistoric site at Tchukurkend on the eastern side of the Beishehir lake between Eflatoun Bounar and Kirili Kassaba. The village of Tchukurkend lies some two hours from the Hittite monument at Eflatoun Bounar and fifty minutes to the S.E. of the small town of Kirili Kassaba. On the previous day, coming from Eflatoun Bounar, I had ridden for the greater part of the way across the lower ground by the shores of the lake and had thus missed the village, but a jeweller in Kirili to whom I showed a small celt, with an enquiry if any were to be obtained in the neighbourhood, informed me that they were often found by the peasants at Tchukurkend. There in the hands of the villagers I found the two human figurines (Fig. 1A, B), the two animals (Fig. 2c, d), and the small fragment (Fig. 2b). They were all found with certain others which had been destroyed, on a low hill immediately above the village. Here was clearly a small prehistoric site in antiquity, now much denuded, on which I found a large quantity of obsidian, principally of the Melian variety, and a few fragments of the red-faced pottery common on other early sites in the district.

IG xii. 1. 695; T. Cam. 1. In the British Museum, from Kamiros. Early third century B.C.

Guarducci, Mem. dei Lincei vi. 8 (1938/9) 124, no. xxix bis; T. Cam. 2. Kamiros.

These lists present an organization at three levels:

(a) The smallest units are patrai, with names ending either -δαι or -ειοι, rather more of the latter than the former; the only exception is II 14 Ἀμφινεῖς.

(b) These are grouped under headings, Χυτριείων πάτραι (I 28, II 19), Βουκολείων πάτραι (III 18), &c. The general term for the bodies named Χυτρίειοι, &c., is not given.

(c) The heading Ἀλθαιμενίδος at I 19, II 11, embraces several of these second-level groups. At two removes above the patrai, Ἀλθαιμενίς must be a large body, something like a tribe, and the termination -ίς is common in tribe-names.

Among the puzzling features of the list is the repetition of certain names, either consecutively in the same group or from one group to another, thus:

⊖ωιάδαι: I 23–26 under Ἀμφινήων πάτραι.

Βουκολίδαι: I 30–32 under Χυτριείων.

Κρητινάδαι: I 29 under Χυτριείων; II 24, 26 under Χυτριείων; III 19 under Βουκολείων; T. Cam. 2. 2 in a different sequence with no heading preserved.

It is well known that in pre-Greek time a large part of Asia Minor was portioned out in theocracies, i.e. priest-kings representing the god, at great sanctuaries ruled over a considerable district whose population were servants and subjects of the central hieron. Such were Pessinus, Comana Pontica, Comana of Cappadocia, Venasa, Tyana, Antioch of Pisidia, the hieron of Sabazios in the Milyadic country, etc. It would appear to be a necessary characteristic of such a theocracy that there should be only one centre, one hieron, one sanctuary. In the case of Antioch, however, this seems not to have been the case. Strabo, p. 577, indeed describes the hieron at Antioch as if it were a single centre ruling a wide tract of country peopled by a large population; but in p. 557 he says that there were two sanctuaries in the Antiochian country, ‘the hieron of the Askaian (Men), which is beside Antioch-towards-Pisidia, and the hieron (of Men) in the region of the Antiochians.’ The meaning of ‘the region of the Antiochians’ as a geographical term I hope shortly to discuss in the Journal of Roman Studies, and will only say here that it applies to the entire Phrygian region of the Galatic province, of which Antioch was the metropolis. But why has Antioch apparently two hiera? Why has this ancient theocracy two seats of the god?

At the first appearance of the Ottomans, towards the close of the thirteenth century, Christian and Turk had already been living for two centuries side by side in the interior of Asia Minor under the rule of the Seljouk Sultans of Roum. The political history of this period is still emerging from obscurity: the social and religious history has hardly been touched. The Byzantine historians, concerned only incidentally with provinces already in partibus, give us no more than hints, and we have none of those personal and intimate records which are apt to tell us much more of social conditions than the most elaborate chronicle.

The golden age of the Sultanate of Roum is undoubtedly the reign of Ala-ed-din I. (1219–1236), whose capital, Konia, still in its decay bears witness by monument and inscription to the culture and artistic achievement of his time. Ala-ed-din was a highly-educated man and an enlightened ruler. He was familiar with Christianity, having spent eleven years in exile at Constantinople. One of his predecessors, Kaikhosru I. (1192–6, 1204–10) who likewise spent an exile in Christendom, nearly became a Christian and married a Christian wife.

One object of the excavations of 1907 was to attempt to determine the course of the city wall, so as to fix the limits within which the buildings mentioned by Pausanias were probably situated. In addition to the part traced by excavation in 1906 along the river bank (General Plan, O 15, 14, P 13, (Pl. I.)) I had observed in other places remains of Greek masonry and other indications which possibly belonged to the city wall. These were accordingly examined by excavation, and with the results thus obtained and the assistance of the stamped tiles which were found in great numbers at one or two points, it has been possible to determine approximately the line of the city wall, and consequently the extent of ancient Sparta.

During my travels in Epirus information reached me of a site near the village of Koumsádhes, now Ammótopos, which I visited on 5 July 1931. The village lies on that route from Arta to Ioánnina which was in vogue during Turkish times and probably during antiquity; for it is both shorter and cooler in summer than the modern road which follows the Loúros valley. Leaving Arta I walked in some three and a half hours to Koumsádhes, and thence one hour westwards to the site, which occupies a limestone spur on the western side of the valley and commands the entry into the pass leading northwards over the shoulder of Mt. Xerovoúni.

The excavations of 1921 in Macedonia recorded in Vol. XXIV. of the Annual (p. 1 ff.) were completed in 1922. The site known as Chauchitsa was completely examined and the cemetery on the two rocky mounds was sufficiently excavated to make it possible to establish the main features of the burial methods and equipment. The high mound at the back of the cemetery on the edge of the plateau was also excavated and found to be an undisturbed stratified site. The strata revealed were of the fourth century B.C., of the Early Iron Age, and below that of the Bronze Age. The objects found in the Bronze Age strata and the nature of these strata have been fully dealt with elsewhere: the purpose of this report is to describe the cemetery, the Iron Age deposit which overlay the Bronze Age settlement, the Historic strata which overlay the Iron Age settlement, and, finally, to shew the connection between the Iron Age settlement and the cemetery at the foot of the plateau.

The East Mound (Figs. 1 and 2).—Fourteen graves in all were opened in the first season and have been duly recorded. In the second season a further twenty-two graves were opened, and all alike shewed the same general character as the first fourteen.

Terracotta figurine (Figs. 47 and 48). Ht. 0·09 m. L. preserved 0·08 m. Broken in four pieces and much damaged. Fine orange clay, the surface smoothed or burnished. Decoration in red lustrous paint, much worn.

The figurine seems to represent an armed man riding astride upon an animal. The animal and its rider were moulded separately and were put together while the clay was still soft before firing. The rider's legs are not represent ed. He is wearing a conical helmet, and in his right hand he is clasping what appears to be the hilt of a sword or dagger slung in front of him: but the object might be intended for a bow or quiver. The left hand of the rider and the top of his sword are missing: so is the head of the animal and three of its legs, and there are chips from the remaining leg and from the tail. The animal, from its size in relation to the man and on grounds of general probabilities, may be assumed to be a horse.

The horse has a stripe down its back and vertical zebra-like stripes along the sides which continue down the legs and round the neck. The rider's helmet is painted solid, and his eyes are represented by dots. There is a single broad stripe down his back; but any decoration which there may have been in front, on his chest and on the sword, has left no trace.

No records or vase-paintings of an early date give any idea of the appearance of the primitive theatre cavea, and few of the remains in Attica can be traced back even as far as the Persian Wars. The earliest form of the Theatre of Dionysus at Athens may belong to the first half of the sixth century B.C., but none of the cavea there is of very early date; and it is questionable whether the theatre at Thorikos is as old as the sixth century. There is mention of a theatre at Eleusis, but none has been brought to light. It has therefore been suggested that the wide flight of steps above the Telesterion represented an auditorium.

Heinrich Schliemann (1822–90) was, it is well known, an energetic correspondent, a compulsive note-taker and an inveterate hoarder. For the archaeologist, as for the biographer, he left behind a rich mine with many seams. There is, however, no clear account of the history, location, and extent of Schliemann's literary remains. This paper is intended to go some way towards filling that gap. It has the additional aim of drawing attention to some notable lacunae in the Schliemann archive at the Gennadius Library in Athens in case the missing material should ever come to light.

The Return of Hephaistos to Olympus was a popular scene in Attic vase-painting from the beginning of the sixth century through the end of the fifth century bce, and it is found occasionally on other forms of pottery as well. According to myth, Hephaistos was lame, and this disability is sometimes depicted on painted pottery, almost always in scenes of his Return. The most well-known example is the François Vase, which is often the only vase cited when discussing instances of Hephaistos's lameness on Athenian pottery. Although three other Attic vases are occasionally cited as showing the disability, one of which does not show his Return, but instead the Birth of Athena, there are actually quite a number more Attic vases that depict his lameness than have previously been recognised. In this paper I present seven new Attic examples that clearly display his lameness, and consider both the different ways in which his disability is rendered and how they relate to the various epithets associated with him For example, he is often associated with the epithet ‘clubfoot’, and while there was an established iconography of clubfoot Corinthian komasts, the god's disability is never rendered in this manner on Attic vases. Instead, he is depicted in ways more similar to other epithets associated with him. Most notably, four vases represent the disability in a fashion that seems to be connected with Hephaistos's most common Homeric epithet, ἀμφιγυήεις, or ‘with both feet crooked’.

Studies of Christianisation in mainland Greece have indicated different processes, planned and unplanned, of religious change. Memory and tradition were drawn on to help situate the earliest churches within existing social and religious structures without creating significant tension. Using the methodology developed for the study of the Peloponnese, the aim of this work is to examine three topographically and politically distinct regions (Crete, Cyprus and Lycia) to assess the extent to which various network connections provided a conduit for religious change throughout the Late Antique period.