Interpretation of the historical and epigraphical data can only provide a bare outline of the political and social environment of Knossos between the 5th and 7th centuries AD. Consequently, our understanding of late Antique Knossos comes primarily from the excavated remains of two of the Christian basilicas in the Valley; the Sanatorium Basilica and the KMF Basilica. Although excavations of the former have been published in full, concerning the KMF Basilica, only a brief summary of its architecture has been published. As a result, a detailed analysis of the excavations of the basilica itself will be made available here, including particulars of its architecture, mosaics, and summaries of the associated elements of the entire basilica complex (a detailed discussion of the whole Late Antique KMF excavations is forthcoming). As such, not only is a new and full interpretation of the KMF Basilica provided, but also for the first time the material culture of Late Antique Knossos is collated and subsequently analysed to provide a clear understanding of the nature of the city during this period. Despite a dearth of domestic evidence, a contextual study of the surviving architecture (principally religious) in conjunction with the mortuary remains, allows a broad perception of society and a clear comprehension of the development of the city. Thus the aim here is to examine the compelling evidence that, contrary to common belief, during the Late Antique period Knossos continued to be a vibrant and influential city as it had been in the Roman period.

An unusual figurative larnax of LM III date was found in the dromos of an Iron Age chamber tomb in the KMF cemetery north of Knossos. The decoration includes retorted spirals, tricurved arch, parallel chevrons, wavy lines, and ‘tree’. The figures have closest analogies on the Ayia Triadha sarcophagus. There is a modelled animal's head on the top ridge of the lid.

Reasonable doubts exist with regard to the conclusions that have been drawn from the ostraca found in the Athenian Agora as well as those from the fill of the Rectangular Rock-cut shaft on the Agora Hill. These doubts extend to the dating of the buildings along the west side of the Agora. A re-examination of the published accounts leads to the conclusion that Buildings C and D, the Temple of Apollo and the shrine of Zeus were built before 480 and were destroyed by the Persians, who were also responsible for digging the Rectangular Rock-cut Shaft. Building F was erected soon after 479. By 450, the Heliaia, the Tholos, the Old Bouleuterion, a Public Records Office and the Royal Stoa were constructed. The public buildings in question all seem to have been built as a consequence of the political reforms brought about by Ephialtes in the late 460s. They are probably the few extant physical remains of the early days of Periclean democracy.

The village of Arkalokhóri in central Crete lies a short distance to the south-west of Lyttos. To the east of the village is an eminence to which the ruined church on the top has given the name of Prophetes Elias. Below the summit on the western slope is a cave, the mouth of which is shewn in Fig. 1. Many years ago the peasants found bronze objects and potsherds at this point, and began an excavation of the cave in the hope of finding buried treasure. On entering the cave they found more and more pieces of bronze, described as blades of knives and lances, as well as some beads, and in order to get more quickly to the bottom of the cave, where they supposed that the treasure would be, they broke up the greater part of it with dynamite. They say that they collected eighteen okes of bronze objects, for the most part rusted blades, and sold them in Candia as old metal. No report of this had ever reached me, but last year a peasant from Arkalokhóri brought some blades to the Candia Museum from this cave, and thus led me to go and make an examination of the place.

The mouth of the cave was then choked with large boulders which had fallen down from above; these I broke up and rolled down the slope. Beneath and amongst them I immediately began to find blades of swords and knives and double-axes, all of bronze with the exception of a small axe which was of silver. The area thus cleared after rolling away the boulders in front of the present cave, is about 4 metres in length, and in width from 1 to 2 metres, and seems to have been the floor of the original cave.

Since the excavations of Carapanos at Dodona in 1878, Epirus has remained terra incognita to the archaeologist. In regard to prehistoric archaeology the reason is to be found in the Epirote terrain; the plains are usually small, and the humid climate encourages grass, with the result that settlements, unlike those of Thessaly or Macedonia, are too small to raise a tumulus and any deposit is covered with turf. The following sites include the re-excavation of Dodona by Mr. Evangelides and some scattered settlements found by myself during my visits to Epirus.

It is proposed that Aipy, named in Iliad ii. 592 as part of Nestor's kingdom be located (following Strabo) in the vicinity of Lepreon, and specifically at the prehistoric acropolis of Ayios Dhimitrios.

The recent publication of the Attic black-figured pottery from the sanctuary of Aphaia on Aegina has brought into question the widely accepted date for the construction of the late archaic temple and its sculpture. Much of the pottery comes from the terrace system around the temple which preceded the building's construction. 47.7% of the black-figured pottery is later than the commonly assumed date of c. 510 for the destruction and rebuilding of the temple. Using the latest pottery and the widely accepted Studniczka-Langlotz chronology a terminus post quem is provided during the time of the Persian Wars. The range of pottery also shows that the terrace fills around the temple fall into the same chronological horizon as deposits at Athens which have been linked to the Persian destruction and may, in fact, be even later. The historical context for the rebuilding seems to be in the affluent years after the Persian Wars when the cities of Greece were able to benefit from booty won on the field of battle.

This article considers the contents of the temple of Hera at Olympia in the light of Pausanias' account and of excavation reports. Of all the temples Pausanias describes, the Heraion is the most crowded, and it is argued that by his day it was acting as a storeroom, primarily for objects from nearby buildings. The implications are assessed for the history of the attribution of the Heraion, and for the use of temples in Pausanias' day.

Of the innumerable minor shrines which were scattered over all parts of the city of Athens and its suburbs, one of the most curious is the shrine of Kodros, Neleus, and Basile. Nothing of it has been found, and its site in south-eastern Athens is only approximately known, but we have a good deal of interesting and at some points puzzling information about it, mainly from an inscription, IG i2. 94, a decree of the Boule and the Demos of 418/17 B.C. Much has been written about this decree, which amongst other things has points of chronological interest and is important in connexion with the leasing of shrines, but its topographical and architectural implications have not been fully worked out, or else have been misinterpreted. E. Curtius, who first attacked the problem after Koumanoudes's provisional publication, went so far as to draw a plan of the shrine with the catchment area from which it drew the water for its olives, in relation to the neighbouring part of south-eastern Athens; but in nearly all particulars his plan is open to serious doubt. Others, including Judeich, who merely prints ‘Neleus und Basile?’ in the region of the presumed site (his Plan I, G 7), have been more vague and cautious. IG i2. 94 will repay a little further topographical study, I believe, and several more recently found inscriptions may throw a little new but uncertain light on Basile.

The Greek cities of the western coast of the Black Sea knew both foundation myths and the phenomenon of the second foundation, associated with the rebuilding of civic life after the invasion of Burebista, the king of the Getae and Dacian tribes from 82 bce to 44 bce. In most foundation stories the ktistes is either a god (in the case of the city of Dionysopolis) or a hero (in the cases of the cities of Kallatis, Tomis and Anchialos), and the stories date mostly to the Antonine age. The story of Tomos of Tomis stands out owing to its wide acceptance among the local elite, while that of Melsas of Mesambria may have never gained official acceptance: it was created in the late Hellenistic age, probably reviving a Thracian tale of Melsas, perhaps a hero, known from early-third century bce coins. The Melsas story is a prime example of cultural transfers from the native population to Greek-majority Mesambria in the Hellenistic and early Roman ages.

The bronze cover of a phalanx-man's shield, found in Upper Macedonia and published by P. Adam-Veleni, was inscribed ‘of king—’, the name being illegible. From the inscription and the decoration one can estimate that the Macedonian ‘foot’ was in the upper category of length. It is suggested that the king—probably Antigonus Gonatas—had these shields manufactured, and that he issued them to his infantry guard.

As the excavation at Lampousa was coming to its close, news came that tombs of the Bronze Age had been found about a mile further west, in a field bounded by the coast; and leave was at once obtained to examine the site. During most of this excavation, Mr. Leonard Buxton was in charge, and this summary of results is collected from his tomb-plans and field notes, as war-service and other duties thereafter prevented him from preparing a formal report. All the objects from these tombs were sent to the Cyprus Museum, repaired by that skilful veteran, Loizo of Dali, and registered by Mr. Markides.

The same nearly level and fairly recent deposit of sandy limestone and calcareous sand as forms the acropolis at Akheiropoiétos, here forms the foreshore, with a low ragged cliff about 10 feet above sea-level, and a level surface of sandy soil for about a quarter of a mile inland, till it is smothered by sandy hill-wash, full of springs, and mostly planted with olives.

Apsidal and elliptical buildings are characteristic of rural societies. In Greece their tradition goes back to the late Neolithic period. Apsidal houses become common in the EH and especially the MH periods, while oval buildings do not occur as often. It is generally acknowledged that curvilinear plans went out of fashion at the end of the MH period and that they reappeared in the beginning of the EIA. This statement is fundamentally correct for rectangular constructions prevail throughout the Mycenaean era. Yet an attentive survey of LBA sites in Greece proves that curvilinear buildings were still constructed in certain regions. A rapid review of these sites could be beneficial, for it might help in elucidating some of the reasons of the resurgence of these particular building plans shortly after the final collapse of the Mycenaean civilization.

An ancient reed-blown pipe (αὐλός) has recently been acquired by the Museum of Greek Archaeology in Reading University. This article contains a full descriptive account of the instrument, and a brief discussion of its relationship to other surviving auloi.

The instrument is designed to be played with one hand, and must therefore have been one of a pair; its especial value as evidence for ancient auloi lies in the fact that it is more nearly complete than almost any other surviving ancient instrument. Two losses, however, are particularly to be regretted; as with all other ancient instruments, the reed has been lost, and (so far as I know) the other pipe of the pair does not survive. So we cannot gain any new information on two of the most vexed questions regarding the aulos—the size and structure of the reed, and the method of playing two pipes together.

For convenience of description, this instrument may be divided into seven sections (see Plate 55). Some of these have been put together, not very expertly, in modern times; in particular, the joins at each end of the sixth section (F and G) are badly out of alignment. These divisions have been chosen because they are externally visible; the method of construction will be examined more closely later.

Two inscribed slabs in the Sparta Museum and the imperial statue base from which they came are restudied. It is demonstrated that it once supported statues of Septimius Severus, Caracalla, Geta, Julia Domna, and Plautilla. A second part assembles evidence for a hitherto neglected Spartan festival, the Olympea Comodeia.

Towers on the island of Thasos are discussed, to determine how they relate to the Thasian countryside. It is unlikely that there is any single explanation for their existence. Defence does not appear to be a normal purpose. Some may have served as signals of danger to sailors, others were primarily agricultural, providing safe, if temporary, bases for farming and herding. Some may have been strong rooms associated with normal village dwellings for storage and protection of goods as well as people in times of danger or as a display of wealth. It is noted that village settlements are infrequent on Thasos. A catalogue of the towers is given in an appendix.

Restudy of the fragments belonging to the LM IA Floral Fresco from the Unexplored Mansion at Knossos yields a more comprehensive reconstruction that focuses on the arrangement of the floral elements within their landscape setting and facilitates an examination of the composition within the context of Aegean art. The reconstruction suggests that the anonymous artist displays technical mastery and innovation which produce the unusual ‘anemone’, ‘frilled flower’, and ‘osier’ motifs, yet reveal an intimate knowledge of contemporary trends in both Minoan and Cycladic painting. Comparison with surviving fragments of landscape painting from the neighbouring Knossos town houses further suggests that LM IA artists actively participated in a competitive environment in which new pictorial motifs were invented to satisfy the demands of their patrons for novelty.

The perception of Late Antique Knossos has changed in recent years from one of a city in desertion to one of a flourishing innovator. Within this context of renewed theories regarding the Late Antique city, this article provides a contribution to the further understanding of the nature of society during this period. Of the Late Antique remains at the Knossos Medical Faculty site, only the Basilica building itself has been published in detail. As such, the aim of this work is to complete the publication record for the Late Antique and other features at the Knossos Medical Faculty site. To this end, the evidence of the entire Basilica complex is discussed and a full account of the mortuary data including the skeletal remains is presented. In addition to the religious architecture and mortuary data the secular material dating to the Venetian and Ottoman periods is considered. Consequently, this overview of the history and function of the KMF basilica complex adds to the expanding knowledge of Late Antique Knossos with particular regard to the religious and burial practices.

In the following article we will present and discuss more than 150 terracotta figurines that form part of the Collection of Antiquities housed at the British School in Athens. The majority of these artefacts originate from private collections bequeathed by men of culture and illustrious scholars (i.e. George Finlay, G. Empedokles, T. J. Dunbabin). However, there is a small group within the Collection that consists of pieces both brought to light from excavations and found by chance by British archaeologists working in Greece. This group of terracotta figurines dates from a period that ranges from the end of the 7th century B.C. to the second half of the 4th century A.D. and with time, this initially small collection grew in scale and importance. The largest group of objects in the collection belongs to the prolific terracotta production of Boeotia. However, many other terracotta workshops from places such as Cyprus, Eastern Greece, Attica, Corinth and Argolid, are well represented. The majority are common types but there are several remarkable exceptions which shed light on our knowledge of ancient terracotta production. This examination of terracotta figurines will be concluded with a group of more recent artefacts currently part of the Collection at the Museum of the British School in Athens

The technical and morphological features of the products of the Late Geometric Achaean Impressed Ware workshop as well as its connection with the contemporary fine painted ware and Thapsos ware are presented in the present article.

Apart from Ano Mazaraki, where the products of the workshop form one of the most important categories of dedications to the goddess, impressed pottery so far has been found at two other sites in Achaea: Aigio and Trapeza Hill in the village of Koumari near Aigio. Outside Achaea, products of the impressed pottery workshop have come to light at the sanctuary of Artemis at Lousoi (ancient Arcadia) and also at Delphi.

The characteristic shapes produced by the Impressed Ware workshop are handleless cylindrical and biconical vases, pyxides, small skyphoi and also models of granaries and possibly tables, tripod legs and human figurines.

The recognition and identification of the unique Impressed Ware workshop reflect the skills and productivity of Achaean potters during the Late Geometric period. The study of the products of this workshop has led to the recognition of its Achaean identity and its direct relations with the contemporary Achaean fine painted-ware. Furthermore comparison of Impressed Ware with the Thapsos Class vases found so far in Achaea has led us to identify important issues of fabric similarity, close contextual associations, motifs, and decorative syntax which link the above wares, and allow Impressed Ware pottery to make a significant contribution to the argument for an Achaean Thapsos Class production centre.