Institutional food is renowned for being monotonous and unappetising, yet the accuracy of these prescribed diets is difficult to verify archaeologically. Desiccated plant remains from beneath the floorboards at Hyde Park Barracks in Sydney offer a rare insight into the culture of food at the Female Immigration Depot (1848–1887) and the Destitute Asylum (1862–1886). Here, the author reveals the wide range of unofficial plant foods accessed by inhabitants at these two institutions—representing resources sourced from across the British Empire—and the sometimes-illicit nature of their consumption, highlighting the importance of incorporating archaeological evidence into discussions of institutional life.

Japan is the only place in the world where bananas are marketed and priced by cultivation altitude. In the late 1980s, plantation managers sourcing the fruit from the southern Philippine region of Mindanao discovered a paradigm-shifting formula: the higher up one grew, the sweeter the bananas became. And the sweeter the bananas were, the closer they were to replicating the taste of colonial Taiwanese bananas, lost in the switch to Philippine supply. This paper offers the first transnational history of the banana’s transition along the spectrum from a fungible commodity to a nonfungible product in the Asia-Pacific region. Engaging critical studies of commodities and plantations, it takes fungibility as the characteristic that makes goods interchangeable and as the principle that renders landscape and labor as empty vessels open to the projection of others’ desires. The paper argues that the introduction of kōchi saibai banana or “highland cultivated bananas” for the Japanese market brought not the reversal of fungible life to the Philippine highlands but rather its continuation. In so doing, this work critiques conceptual frameworks that understand fungibility through the idioms of liquidification and immateriality. Instead, it proposes a topographical approach, which sees processes of fungibilization as operating through the profoundly material rearrangement of human and environmental communities. By focusing on the tensions between fungibility and differentiation, this paper offers an account of both an idiosyncratic marketing strategy particular to the Philippines and Japan, and a dynamic that pervades the creation of all commodities under capitalism.

Cystic and alveolar echinococcosis are considered the second and third most significant foodborne parasitic diseases worldwide. The microscopic eggs excreted in the feces of the definitive host are the only source of contamination for intermediate and dead-end hosts, including humans. However, estimating the respective contribution of the environment, fomites, animals or food in the transmission of Echinococcus eggs is still challenging. Echinococcus granulosus and E. multilocularis seem to have a similar survival capacity regarding temperature under laboratory conditions. In addition, field experiments have reported that the eggs can survive several weeks to years outdoors, with confirmation of the relative susceptibility of Echinococcus eggs to desiccation. Bad weather (such as rain and wind), invertebrates and birds help scatter Echinococcus eggs in the environment and may thus impact human exposure. Contamination of food and the environment by taeniid eggs has been the subject of renewed interest in the past decade. Various matrices from endemic regions have been found to be contaminated by Echinococcus eggs. These include water, soil, vegetables and berries, with heterogeneous rates highlighting the need to acquire more robust data so as to obtain an accurate assessment of the risk of human infection. In this context, it is essential to use efficient methods of detection and to develop methods for evaluating the viability of eggs in the environment and food.

EU food law is built on two paradigms – food safety and consumer choice. Consumers should have access to any food they like, provided that it is safe for consumption and that consumers are made aware of the products’ characteristics through adequate information. Growing emphasis on sustainability has not challenged these foundations. On the contrary, the law is intended as a tool to further empower consumers to make a healthy and environmentally responsible choice. However, it will be argued that this information centric approach is no longer a tenable position. The regulatory solutions characteristic of the consumer empowerment logic are of limited effectiveness and do not challenge the biggest obstacles to the sustainable transition of food systems – the commodification of food and the lack of regulation of the food environment. This contribution sketches out some far-reaching yet realistic food law reforms to genuinely address sustainability issues. Mindful of the special status of food and the growing discontent towards the EU and the green transition, this contribution also argues for some changes in the making and design of EU food law, leading towards greater involvement of citizens and local communities, and, ultimately, for truer empowerment of individuals.

This article offers a new interpretation of καθαρίζων πάντα τὰ βρώματα in Mark 7.19c. After reviewing and offering some nuance to an emerging non-antinomian interpretation of 7.15a/18b, I turn to Mark 7.19c and argue that the phrase καθαρίζων πάντα τὰ βρώματα should be understood as a part of Jesus' speech in 7.18–19. Jesus’ argument, I suggest, is that ritually defiled food cannot defile humans through ingestion because humans purify all foods from ritual impurity through digestion. This reasoning depends on a widespread Jewish view that excrement is impervious to ritual impurity: because all excrement is pure, the stomach acts as a purifying agent that purifies all food from ritual impurity. I proffer that the common translation of Mark 7.19c – ‘Thus he declared all foods clean’ (NRSV) – should therefore be abandoned.

The prevalence of food allergies in New Zealand infants is unknown; however, it is thought to be similar to Australia, where the prevalence is over 10% of 1-year-olds(1). Current New Zealand recommendations for reducing the risk of food allergies are to: offer all infants major food allergens (age appropriate texture) at the start of complementary feeding (around 6 months); ensure major allergens are given to all infants before 1 year; once a major allergen is tolerated, maintain tolerance by regularly (approximately twice a week) offering the allergen food; and continue breastfeeding while introducing complementary foods(2). To our knowledge, there is no research investigating whether parents follow these recommendations. Therefore, this study aimed to explore parental offering of major food allergens to infants during complementary feeding and parental-reported food allergies. The cross-sectional study included 625 parent-infant dyads from the multi-centred (Auckland and Dunedin) First Foods New Zealand study. Infants were 7-10 months of age and participants were recruited in 2020-2022. This secondary analysis included the use of a study questionnaire and 24-hour diet recall data. The questionnaire included determining whether the infant was currently breastfed, whether major food allergens were offered to the infant, whether parents intended to avoid any foods during the first year of life, whether the infant had any known food allergies, and if so, how they were diagnosed. For assessing consumers of major food allergens, 24-hour diet recall data was used (2 days per infant). The questionnaire was used to determine that all major food allergens were offered to 17% of infants aged 9-10 months. On the diet recall days, dairy (94.4%) and wheat (91.2%) were the most common major food allergens consumed. Breastfed infants (n = 414) were more likely to consume sesame than non-breastfed infants (n = 211) (48.8% vs 33.7%, p≤0.001). Overall, 12.6% of infants had a parental-reported food allergy, with egg allergy being the most common (45.6% of the parents who reported a food allergy). A symptomatic response after exposure was the most common diagnostic tool. In conclusion, only 17% of infants were offered all major food allergens by 9-10 months of age. More guidance may be required to ensure current recommendations are followed and that all major food allergens are introduced by 1 year of age. These results provide critical insight into parents’ current practices, which is essential in determining whether more targeted advice regarding allergy prevention and diagnosis is required.