La tradition manuscrite des homélies Πɛϱὶ ὰϰατλᾐπτoν est particulièrement riche. C'est une preuve de l'intérět durable qu'elles ont suscité à travers les siècles. Mais cette richesse pose des problèmes difficiles à résoudre. Il faut, de toute nécessité, chercher des principes de classification qui aident à mettre un peu d'ordre parmi ces nombreux témoins.

The initial date chosen for this survey is the beginning of the publication of the Journal of the History of Ideas in 1940; the final date, 1952, is that of the appearance of A Syntopicon of Great Books of the Western World. These two events mark the two principal directions in which the method of the historical study of ideas has moved on this continent: first toward the analytical study of ‘unit ideas’ as defined by Arthur O. Lovejoy (especially in The Great Chain of Being, 1936), who is also the intellectual father of the Journal of the History of Ideas; secondly toward the synthetic ‘recording’ of the main currents and aspects of the ideological tradition of the West in its entirety, unity, and continuity, as aimed at by the Great Books program of Robert M. Hutchins, Mortimer J. Adler, and their collaborators.

Shortly after its completion and circulation, the Decretum Gratiani became the foundation for a new canonical jurisprudence. Ironically, study of the work's history has suffered rather than benefited from its prominence in the history of law. Scholars have tried to reconstruct the text of the Decretum as it originally left the workroom of the Magister, but they have almost never tried to discover why — apart from scholarly motives — he undertook the enterprise. Instead, they have concentrated attention on his doctrine, or on the doctrine of the canons he cited, because their primary concern is to find the sources of later canonical theories. When they have searched for the sources of Gratian's own ideas, they have looked to earlier collections of the canons on which he relied. Gratian scholarship has thus been part of the history of ideas; concern for the Magister's place in the history of jurisprudence has kept historians from considering his place in the history of his times.

One of the most memorable and hideous scenes in Njáls saga is the death of the apostate viking chief Bróðir. According to the account of the battle of Clontarf in the saga, after the Irish forces had won the victory most of Brian Boru's bodyguard left the king in order to pursue the survivors. Bróðir, who had been hiding in the woods near the battlefield, saw that the king was relatively unprotected, and took the opportunity to break through the line of men who were protecting King Brian and kill him.

En vertu du c. 1508 du Code de droit canonique, qu'il s'agisse de prescription acquisitive ou de prescription extinctive, I'Église reçoit dans son droit propre la législation de chaque nation, sauf quelques réserves contenues dans les cc. 1509–1512. Dans quelle mesure les canonistes contemporains ont-ils tenu compte de cette nouvelle législation dans I'élaboration de leur doctrine de la prescription, eu égard, par exemple, au droit civil beIge ou français?

When in the early morning hours of February 14, 1130, Pope Honorius II closed his eyes forever, a crisis within the Church of Rome broke into the open which long had been in the making. The forces which had dominated the Curia for eighty years, which had given to the world the great popes of the Reform, were challenged and swept aside by the revolution of an energetic minority which during less than a decade had steadily increased its influence in the Sacred College. Its undisputed leader was the Chancellor Haimeric, a Frenchman who had been appointed to his high office in 1123 by the French Pope Calixtus II. It was he who devised the measures which were to insure the succession to his party, measures which under the circumstances were bound to result in an uncanonical election, and, as a natural consequence, in a second election by the outraged majority.

In Act II, scene iv of Shakespeare's Henry VIII, Queen Catherine is confronted by the start of divorce proceedings against her. One of the two cardinals delegated as judges by the pope is Henry's faithful servant, Cardinal Wolsey, a man little likely to be an impartial judge of the legal merits of the famous case. And so the Queen says to him:

I do believe

Induced by potent circumstances, that You are mine enemy, and make my challenge You shall not be my judge.

Shakespeare does not today enjoy a wide reputation as a canonist, but he has here described with some correctness the canonical recusatio. This is the right, under certain circumstances, to challenge and remove a papal judge delegate for interest, prejudice, or unfitness for office.

The versicles, Salvum fac servum tuum, etc., which are written by another scribe after the Agnus Dei in Missal W 11 (fol. 12r) of the Walters Art Gallery of Baltimore, are a formula—the shorter and, as I believe, the, older of the two formulae still printed in the Monastic Breviary—for the blessing of the weekly reader prescribed in Chapter xxxviii of St. Benedict's —Regula Monasteriorum. Since St. Benedict directs that the reader is to ask for the blessing on Sunday ‘post Missas et Communionem,’ the insertion of the formula at this point, that is, after the Ordinarium Missae, as we call it to-day, is not surprising. It is found similarly placed in at least one other book, the Sacramentarium Fuldense saeculi X, in which it is preceded by a title, Oratio pro ebdomadario refectorii lectore. Besides this Fulda book and our Walters Missal, the text is found in several customaries and ordinals which will be mentioned below, but for its earliest occurrence we must go to the commentary on the Holy Rule composed before 774 by Paul the Deacon in the monastery on Monte Pedale near Civate in the diocese of Milan. Accordingly, it is found also in the commentary ascribed to Hildemar, an amplified recension of the work of the Lombard monk of the preceding century.

Europe was christened in the waters of Roman Christianity. Creeds, liturgies, hierarchies, saints, and ascetic practices favored in later imperial Rome washed over the European peoples in successive centuries and marked their Christianity indelibly. The splendor of that imperial era, rescued from facile notions of a declining Rome, has come to historical life in a distinct epoch called “late antiquity” (300–650). Its monuments testify to an ethos at once classical and spiritual. Late antique Christians instinctively took from Roman surroundings all that suited their new religious ends, from the architectural form given churches to the rhetoric and philosophy that mediated sermons and theologies. This Roman imprint passed to European Christians as a sacred legacy: the basilica as a church rather than a civic hall, the metropolitan as a clerical rather than a civic official, Rome as the city of Saint Peter rather than the emperor, the Empire as destined for Christ's birth as much as Augustus's triumphs. Medieval believers, seeking to re-create the church of first-century Jerusalem, fixed repeatedly upon exemplars from late antique Rome: the teachings of Augustine, the Bible of Jerome, the philosophical theology of Boethius, the laws of Leo, the Rule of Benedict, the prayers ascribed to Gregory. Even the story of Rome's religious transformation entered into the self-understanding of medieval and modern Europeans, the conversion narrative joined to biblical history with its outcome treated as providential and decisive.

Le ms. H. 308 de l'É cole de Médecine àMontpellier contient une collection de textes patriotiques et conciliaires qui a livré plusieurs pièces de grande valeur. En 1656, le jésuite P. F. Chifflet en a tiré de très importants fragments de l'ouvrage perdu de Fulgence de Ruspe, Contra Fabianum. Il a également servi àSchwartz, avec un seul autre ms. de Paris, pour son édition d'une lettre de Jean II, déjà publiee par Sichard. Le même critique l'utilise aussi pour de nombreuses pièces des conciles de Chalcédoine et d'É phèse. En préface de son édition de la lettre de Jean II, il a donné une description du contenu, et il nous avertit qu'il l'a faite d'autant plus volontiers qu'il s'agit d'un genre d'ouvrage fort peu étudié. Je crois pouvoir apporter ici des indications précises sur l'origine de la collection.

Der Codex Berolinensis 77 (Phillips 1481, xii. Jahrhdt.) enthält fol. 233r-235r und fol. 246v-249v drei unedierte Homilien unter dem viel missbrauchten Namen des hl. Chrysostomus. Schon die erstmalige Lektüre zeigt klar, dass Chrysostomus hier nicht in Frage kommt. Inhalt, Stil und Sprache weisen in andere Richtung. Ein genaueres Studium der Texte zeigt eine ziemlich weitgehende Verwandtschaft mit den Gedanken und Redewendungen der christologischen Diskussionen, die mit Eustathius von Antiochien und Diodor von Tarsus ihren Anfang nahmen, durch Theodor von Mopsuestia eine gewisse Verschärfung erfuhren und mit Nestorius ihren Höhepunkt erreichten. Man wird also zunächst bei diesen Namen, die alle der antiochenischen Schule angehören, stehen bleiben dürfen. Die ausdrückliche und einmütige Bezeugung der Handschriften für Chrysostomus, der ebenfalls Antiochener war, legt den Gedanken nahe, dass man die Homilien schon sehr frühe, wohl nicht ohne bestimmte Absicht, unter die schützende Obhut eines anerkannt gefeierten Namens gestellt hat. So ist z.B. gerade von Nestorius bekannt, dass seine Anhänger früher oder später dessen Schriften unter falschem Namen zu erhalten und zu verbreiten suchten. Bekanntlich hatte Kaiser Theodosius II. im Jahre 435 den Befehl gegeben, sämtliche Schriften des Nestorius zu verbrennen. Dem kaiserlichen Befehl ist ohne Zweifel in weitgehendem Maasse entsprochen worden, denn es hat sich unter des Nestorius eigenem Namen, ausser grösstenteils vorephesinischen Fragmenten und Zitaten, ganz wenig erhalten; anderes nur unter fremdem Namen und zwar hauptsächlich unter dem seines grossen Landsmannes und Vorgängers Chrysostomus. Ähnlich erging es später auch Diodor und Theodor.

In a recent article on the study of Boethian logical works during the Middle Ages, Osmund Lewry discusses the revival of logical studies at the end of the tenth century, focusing on the period after ca. 970 when Abbo of Fleury and Gerbert of Aurillac (later Pope Sylvester II) renewed the teaching and study of dialectical works, and when Notker Labeo translated some logical texts into German. To this small group of tenth-century scholars known to have been concerned with dialectic and philosophy may be added the name of Heriger, schoolmaster and abbot (990–1007) of the Belgian monastery of Lobbes. The present study begins with the identification of quotations by Heriger from dialectical and philosophical works, then discusses Heriger's use of dialectic in theological argumentation, and finally considers the influence of his philosophical teaching at Lobbes. Heriger's interest in dialectic is revealed by quotations in his Vita Remacli from Boethius' In Topica Ciceronis and Apuleius' Peri Hermeneias. These quotations are identified for the first time in the present study. The application of dialectical learning to theological questions, specifically his use of logical principles in his tract De corpore et sanguine domini (PL 139.179–88), indicates that Heriger's quotations from logical texts reflect more than bookish antiquarianism; the study of dialectic was useful to him in theological argumentation. The evidence of Heriger's philosophical pursuits provides the first clear indication that Lobbes was one of the important Lotharingian centers for philosophical studies.

Perhaps this article had best begin with an apology. One need not be very conversant with the biography of St. Thomas to know that the points of contact between him and France were comparatively few and that he never was particularly attracted towards a country long the enemy of his own. And still, even before the points of contact did exist, very little experience could not fail to teach him that France was no negligible factor in the affairs of the world and that whether he liked it or not, he could not ignore her thought or her politics. As years passed by, he had opportunities to pay the neighboring nation occasional visits, he made the personal acquaintance of some of her more or less eminent representatives, and a time came when he had to discuss State matters for his country with a few of them. That was not all, and almost on his last day, at the solemn hour of his trial, the name of France was on his lips. These few facts seem sufficient proof to the present writer that his country cannot have left his favorite saint indifferent (Ch. I), and he feels the more drawn towards an inquiry into the matter as he is sure that his favorite saint, in turn, is far from having left some at least of his compatriots indifferent in the course of the last four centuries (Ch. II).

In der Christologie der nach-nicänischen und nach-chalcedonischen Zeit findet sich eine Bezeichnung der menschlichen Wirklichkeit Jesu Christi, deren Geschichte und Bedeutung bis heute noch nicht völlig geklärt sind: ὁ ϰυϱιαϰὸς ἄνθϱωπος, in lateinischer Übersetzung: homo dominicus. Bisher wurde ihr Vorkommen am meisten beachtet im Zusammenhang der Erforschung der Epistula ad Antiochenos (hier weiterhin: EAA) oder des sogenannten Sermo maior de fide, einer Schrift, die heute Markell von Ankyra zugeteilt wird, und der pseudathanasianischen Expositio fidei (fortan: EF), die von dem eben genannten Werk allerdings nur in den §§ 3–4 abhängig ist. Vermutlich darf man Marcus Eremita und seinen Gebrauch von ϰνϱιαϰὸς ἄνθϱωπος (fortan: ϰ.α.) in dem aszetischen Werk Ad Nicolaum praecepta animae salutaria (= Opusculum V) daneben stellen, während sein dogmatisches Werk Aduersus eos qui dicunt sanctam carnem non fuisse unitam cum Verbo … (= Opusculum XI) einen wichtigen Schritt darüber hinaus bedeutet. Man hat auch behauptet, daß Athanasius von Alexandrien diese Bezeichnung gebraucht habe, dies unter Berufung auf einige Texte bei Severus von Antiochien. Dies ist zu überprüfen. K.α. taucht sodann auf im Schrifttum des Didymus von Alexandrien, des Epiphanius von Salamis, des Gregor von Nyssa. Im Osten reicht seine Geschichte bis hin zu Leontius von Jerusalem und (Ps.-) Pamphilus, der wohl bald nach 560, sicher aber vor 630 geschrieben hat, und schließlich bis zu Anastasius Sinaita. Von den Lateinern kennen sie Hieronymus, Papst Damasus, dann Augustinus und der Nestoriusgegner Ioannes Cassian. Wenn Augustinus in seinen Retractationes davon Abschied nimmt, so mag dies nicht ohne Einfluß auf das Verschwinden dieses Ausdrucks in der westlichen Theologie gewesen sein, wenn er auch noch Thomas von Aquin (S. Th. III 16 3) der Erwähnung und der Diskussion für wert erschienen ist. Die Verlegenheit der Dogmenhistoriker in der Deutung dieser Geschichte dauert an bis heute. Der Grund dafür liegt darin, daß die Verwendungs- und Bedeutungsgeschichte dieses Ausdrucks ϰυϱιαϰὸς ἄνθϱωπος, zu dem der andere ϰυϱιαϰὸν σῶμα gehört, zu wenig differenziert untersucht und dargestellt worden ist. Die meisten Forscher haben sich mit der Feststellung einer undifferenzierten Wortverwendung begnügt oder vorausgesetzt, daß ϰ.α. einen einheitlichen Bedeutungsgehalt habe. Darum führen auch verschiedene Versuche, mit Hilfe des Vorkommens dieses Ausdrucks Echtheits- oder Verfasserfragen zu lösen, kaum zu brauchbaren Ergebnissen.

Eadmer of Canterbury, companion for many years and biographer of St. Anselm of Canterbury, is best known for his two intimate records of Anselm's episcopate and personality: the Historia Novorum in Anglia and the Vita Anselmi. He is also the author of various devotional works, among them a minor classic on the Immaculate Conception, and of several saints' lives. As a hagiographer he recorded the lives and miracles of saints whose relics were preserved in his house, Christ Church, Canterbury, or the priory of the Holy Trinity, as it was known in the Middle Ages. Apart from his longer lives of St. Wilfrid, St. Oda, St. Dunstan, and St. Oswald, Eadmer wrote some shorter hagiographical works, one of them on Bregwine, archbishop of Canterbury in the eighth century. The life of Bregwine has never been printed in its entirety. It is my purpose in the following pages to edit the complete text of this work.

The popular portrayal of John Wyclif (d. 1384) is that of the inflexible reformer whose views of the Church were driven by a strict determinism that divided humanity into two eternally fixed categories of the predestined and the damned. In point of fact, however, Wyclif's understanding of salvation is quite nuanced and well worth careful study. It may be surprising to find that Wyclif's soteriology has not received a thoroughgoing analysis, one that would pull together the many facets involved in medieval conceptions of the salvific process. Instead, one finds some insightful, but abbreviated, analyses that tend to focus more on specific aspects, rather than offering a comprehensive view. The best sources are Lechler, Robson, and Kenny, all three of whom offer valuable appraisals. Actually, Lechler comes the closest to a broad view within his study of Wyclif, but well over a century has passed since it was first published. Needless to say, there has been an enormous amount of research done on late medieval thought since then, research that enables us to situate Wyclif more thoroughly within the discussions of his day. Even Robson's work is more than forty years old by now. And, while Kenny's treatment is comparatively recent at twenty years old, he tackles the subject only as part of a more strictly philosophical discussion of necessity and contingency. We will, of course, consider the views of each of these scholars in the course of this essay, the purpose of which is to offer a full appraisal of Wyclif's soteriology in its many facets. This means that we will first discuss the related questions of divine will and human freedom, and their impact upon his soteriology. Then we will examine his views on sin, grace, merit, justification, faith, and predestination, all within the larger medieval context. What we should find is that Wyclif's soteriology makes quite a lot of room for human free will even as he insists on the leading role of divine grace in all good works. Futhermore, Wyclif will emerge as a subtle thinker who most often presents a God who is at once just and merciful, extending grace and the possibility of salvation to all.