1 Introduction
Instant runoff voting (IRV) has rapidly become a popular electoral system for major elections in several large democracies. A central motivation for its adoption is that it renders strategic voting practically ineffective (Gehl and Porter Reference Gehl and Porter2020, Chapter 5). However, the best-understood connections between IRV and strategic voting are mediated by institutions or voter psychology (Santucci Reference Santucci2021), and research into how the mechanical rules of IRV shape voters’ strategic opportunities has required substantial original formal work (Atsusaka Reference Atsusaka2025; Bouton Reference Bouton2013; Eggers and Nowacki Reference Eggers and Nowacki2024). The biggest obstacle to estimating the size of voters’ strategic opportunities in that system, and to modeling voting in IRV, is that we do not yet have a method to estimate the probability that a ballot will change the outcome of the election, which is one of the essential terms in the classical theory of strategic voting (Riker and Ordeshook Reference Riker and Ordeshook.1968). So, what is the probability that a ballot cast in any IRV election will change the election winner?
There is widespread agreement that IRV “encourages sincere (as opposed to strategic) voting” (Drutman and Strano Reference Drutman and Strano2021, 68), potentially implying that “voters do not need to make complicated strategic calculations” (Tolbert and Kuznetsova Reference Tolbert and Kuznetsova2021, 266). Many possible rationales have been proposed and studied. However, in Duverger’s (1951, Book 2, Ch. 1, §1) classic division between the “mechanical effects” of an electoral system that arise automatically out of its literal vote-counting rules and the “psychological effects” caused by voters’ anticipation of those rules, most research on the relationship between IRV and strategic voting has focused on psychological effects or downstream institutional changes. This includes impressive bodies of work on candidate or party behavior (Buisseret and Prato Reference Buisseret and Prato2022; Donovan and Tolbert Reference Donovan and Tolbert2023; Santucci Reference Santucci2021), and on voters’ actual decision-making processes under IRV (Dowling et al. Reference Dowling, Tolbert, Micatka and Donovan2024; Reilly Reference Reilly2021; Simmons and Waterbury Reference Simmons and Waterbury2024).
IRV would have a deeper and less contingent kind of resistance if it mechanically reduces voters’ opportunities for strategic voting, for example by liberating voters from the pressure in Single-Member District Plurality (SMDP) to vote for the lesser of two evils (Benjamin and Burden Reference Benjamin and Burden2021; Simmons, Gutierrez, and Transue Reference Simmons, Gutierrez and Transue2022). However, while IRV walls off this strategic avenue, it opens others, and research has pointed in both directions. There can be voters, for example, who have an incentive to vote strategically under two-round runoff rules, but that incentive is eliminated by switching to IRV (Saari Reference Saari2003, 543). And yet, versions of the “lesser evil” logic (Eggers and Nowacki Reference Eggers and Nowacki2024) and the spoiler effect (Graham-Squire and McCune Reference Graham-Squire and McCune2022) have both happened in IRV elections to the federal governments of large democracies. A full accounting of whether IRV mechanically mitigates strategic voting would require comparing the strategic opportunities that IRV introduces to the strategic opportunities that it walls off.
This letter contributes to that foundation by deriving the probability that a vote cast in a single-winner IRV election changes the outcome of that election. I obtain the first general expression of the probability that a ballot cast in IRV is pivotal in selecting the election winner, for any number of voters and any number of candidates, and where any number of those candidates can be ranked on the ballot. This expression only requires information about the rankings that are expected to be cast in the election, so for example it could be applied to the results of a poll that asks voters how they will rank the candidates. This could facilitate comparisons of strategic opportunities under SMDP and IRV using voters’ real preferences and actual numbers of candidates and lengths of ballots; as an initial example, I present stylized simulations that suggest the two systems may have broadly similar strategic opportunities.
This points to a second, methodological motivation to derive pivotal probabilities in IRV. The probability of casting a pivotal vote is a crucial ingredient in formal treatments of voting as a strategic activity (Cox Reference Cox1994; Myerson Reference Myerson1998). Researchers studying substantive questions about IRV using formal methods, including those specifically studying the connection between IRV and strategic voting (Eggers and Nowacki Reference Eggers and Nowacki2024), have often needed to derive expressions for the pivotal probability of a ballot up to the number of candidates they consider in order to proceed with their substantive investigation (Bouton Reference Bouton2013). Other formal comparisons of strategic voting opportunities across electoral systems have been unable to include IRV until the pivotal probability of a ballot is known (Baltz Reference Baltz2022). This letter’s core methodological contribution is to generalize the pivotal probability expressions of Bouton (Reference Bouton2013) and Eggers and Nowacki (Reference Eggers and Nowacki2024) from three or four candidates up to contests between any number of candidates, so that future researchers can plug any candidate number and ballot length into an equation to obtain the pivotal probability of a ballot for use in their models.Footnote 1
2 Definitions and notation
Let C be the set of all $\kappa $ candidates contesting an IRV election. For a candidate c, denote that candidate’s vote total $v_c$ . $\beta $ will represent the ordering of candidates on a ranked ballot, where a voter may make $L \leq \kappa $ choices, with the positions indexed by i. When considering a list $\lambda $ , the ordered sub-list from index a up to index b (inclusive, indexing from 1) will be denoted $\lambda _{a:b}$ . We will represent the order in which candidates are dropped as a list of dropped candidates $S = [S_1, S_2, \ldots , S_{\kappa -1}]$ . For brevity let $S_{-1} \equiv S_{\kappa - 1}$ . We will also consider the list of dropped candidates with the winner w concatenated to the end, denoted by A, so that $A = [S_1, S_2, \ldots , S_{\kappa -1}, w]$ . To represent the number of voters who rank candidate c in any of the ballot positions between 1 and r, given that they assigned every higher ballot position to some candidate in the sub-list $S_{1:n}$ , we will use $\mu _{c}^{r}|S_{1:n}$ .
I use “ballot” to mean a voter’s cast ranking $\beta $ , “ballot length” to mean the number L of candidates who can be ranked, and “round” for each act of comparing votes (e.g., $S_1$ is dropped in the “first round”). There are two mutually exclusive ways that a ballot could be pivotal:
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• Direct pivotality: because a candidate is ranked on a ballot, they win the election.
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• Indirect pivotalty: because candidate A is ranked on a ballot, candidate B wins the election.
When I state a pivotal probability, the implicit comparison is to abstention, as explained in Section 2 of the Supplementary Material. Section 4 of the Supplementary Material discusses the history of indirect pivotality.
3 Example
Imagine a voter in Alaska’s 2022 U.S. House contest expects ballots to be cast in the following (unrealistic but illustrative) distribution.Footnote 2 For exposition, suppose Bye always loses tie-breakers and Palin always wins them.
Default: If the voter abstains, Palin wins as follows:
Direct pivotality: If the voter ranks Peltola first (e.g., $\beta = $ [Peltola, Bye, Begich, Palin]), they cause Peltola to win:
Indirect pivotality: Imagine the voter casts $\beta $ = [Bye, Begich, Palin], leaving the last spot blank. By ranking Bye, they cause Peltola to win:
4 Direct pivotality
After d candidates have been dropped, candidate c has the following vote total:
Denote the probability that candidate c has k more votes than some candidate j by
The probability that placing some candidate c in position i on the ballot will cause that candidate to win is the probability that, after every candidate has been eliminated except two, c is among those two remaining candidates, is ranked on the ballot above the other remaining candidate, and is either a) one vote short of winning and would not win the tie-breaker, or b) two votes short of winning and would win the tie-breaker. The probability that c and some other candidate have the same vote totals after some number of eliminations is:
In order to reach a pivotal contest against candidate $S_{-1}$ , candidate c must exceed the vote total of every other candidate at the time at which they are dropped. But this is only pivotal if c also is not among the dropped candidates.
In Section 3 of the Supplementary Material, I state two independence assumptions, which I introduce only for ease of communication, so that we can multiply the probability of events without specifying their joint probabilities. By Assumption 2, the probability $p_d|S$ of a directly pivotal contest involving candidate c (for now just considering the case in which a tie can be broken), given a specific sequence S in which the other candidates are dropped, is:
This equation is conditional on the candidates being dropped in the order of some list S. The probability of S occurring is the probability that candidate $S_1$ has fewer initial votes than any other candidate, that $S_2$ has the fewest votes once $S_1$ has been dropped, and so on. Recall that A is the list obtained by concatenating the winning candidate to the end of S. By Assumptions 1 and 2, the probability $p_d(S)$ that S is the list of candidates dropped, followed by c being in a directly pivotal contest, is:
S is mutually exclusive with any other drop sequence, so the probability that ranking candidate c first will be directly pivotal is obtained by summing over Equation 6 for every possible drop sequence:
where $\text {Sym}(C \,{\backslash}\, c)$ is the symmetric group on the set of other candidates.
To move beyond the first ballot position, impose a simple restriction: the ith ballot position can only be pivotal if all candidates ranked higher on the ballot have been dropped. Note also that a voter can be pivotal not just by breaking a first-place tie that the candidate would not have won, but also by creating a first-place tie that the candidate wins. The direct pivotal probability of the ballot $\beta $ is obtained from summing over Equation 7 for all positions on the ballot:
5 Indirect Pivotality
Suppose that candidates will be dropped according to $A \equiv [S_1, S_2, \ldots , S_{\kappa }]$ , but because a voter ranks some candidate c in position i on their ballot, instead candidates are dropped according to a different sequence $A'$ . In Section 4 of the Supplementary Material, I identify two conditions specifying the cases in which a switch from A to $A'$ represents an indirectly pivotal event. By the reasoning there, the probability of c being involved in a potentially pivotal tie with another candidate is the sum of the probability of c being in a tie or a near-tie with each remaining candidate t. So, where y is the index of c in A,
To obtain the probability of switching from A to $A'$ , it is necessary to know not just the probability that there was a tie to create or break, but also that the end of $A'$ will be the specific sequence that follows creating or breaking that tie involving c. That is the probability that every candidate d in $A^{\prime }_{y+1:\kappa }$ defeats every candidate prior to it. For brevity denote $G \equiv A^{\prime }_{y+1:\kappa }$ , that is, G is the alternate ending in the hypothetical pivotal event. Recall that the candidate that c is in a last-place tie with must be $A^{\prime }_{y}$ , and let $t \equiv A^{\prime }_y$ . Then, by Assumption 1:
This is the conditional probability of turning some A into a specific sequence $A'$ . But there is not just one valid $A'$ . Let $\mathbf {A}$ denote the set of all $A'$ that, for a given A, fulfill Conditions 1 and 2 from Section 4 of the Supplementary Material, and note that any two $A'$ represent mutually exclusive events. Then the probability of any indirectly pivotal event arising from the ranking of c in position i given that the drop sequence would otherwise have followed A is the sum of Equation 10 over all possible $A'$ :
To obtain the probability of $A'$ arising because of a vote for c, it is now necessary to know the probability that A occurs. By Assumptions 1 and 2, the probability $p_{\neg \text {d}}(A \to A')$ that a vote for c changes the sequence from A to $A'$ is the product of Equation 11 with the probability of A:
What remains is to sum over the possible sequences A, and also conduct the calculation for every ballot location. The one important detail in the sum over different values of A is that the only sequences that should be included are those which involve dropping every candidate listed before i on the ballot, which we can obtain by summing Equation 12 over all possible A and all ballot locations:
Finally, substitute Equation 2, and account for making as well as breaking ties, to obtain the full expression for the indirect pivotal probability of $\beta $ :
6 Full Pivotal Probability
The probability that a ballot $\beta $ is pivotal is Equation 8 (direct pivotal probability) plus Equation 14 (indirect pivotal probability). We can obtain the expected utility, or the probability of causing a pivotal event times the utility obtained from that change, by multiplying by the change in the voter’s utility as a result of the pivotal event. This yields the full expression for expected utility in IRV as a function of the ballots cast:
where $\text {Sym}(C)$ is the symmetric group of the set C, L is the length of the ballot $\beta $ such that $L \leq \kappa $ , $\mu _{a}^{b}|S$ denotes the number of voters expected to rank candidate a in any of the ballot positions 1 through b conditional on assigning any higher ballot position to candidates in the set of previously dropped candidates S, y is the index in the list A of the candidate ranked at position i, t is the candidate in $A^{\prime }_y$ , and $\mathbf {A}$ is the set of all ordered lists $A'$ formed by pre-pending $A_{1:y}$ to G, for every G in the symmetric group on the set $C \,{\backslash}\, A_{1:y}$ .
Equation 15 accounts for partially blank ballots or contests where not all candidates can be ranked. If any i in $\beta $ is blank, the probability that candidate ties is vacuously zero, so add zero to the pivotal probability. When $L < \kappa $ , simply sum up to L. Section 5 of the Supplementary Material provides worked examples, §6 provides pseudocode, §7 discusses the caveat that multiple ballots may have the same expected utility, and §8 introduces one idea for modeling probabilities.
Section 9 of the Supplementary Material performs an initial, illustrative comparison between the pivotal probability in IRV versus SMDP of ballots cast by hypothetical electorates with two types of preferences: uniformly distributed preferences, or preferences that follow a power law. These highly stylized simulations produce numbers of very similar orders of magnitudes, suggesting that IRV and SMDP may provide similar strategic opportunities.
7 Conclusion
This letter presented the first general expression for the probability that an IRV ballot changes the election winner, for any number of voters and candidates, when any number of candidates can be ranked. The probability is a function of the rankings that a voter expects to be cast. This equation will facilitate modeling vote choice in IRV, especially to study the kinds and amount of strategic opportunities that are mechanically baked into that system. Highly stylized simulations comparing pivotal probability in IRV and SMDP suggests that the level of pivotal opportunity may be broadly similar in those two systems.
Acknowledgments
The simulations were performed on computers available through a fellowship from the Michigan Institute for Computational Discovery and Engineering. I am grateful to Luka Bulić Bračulj, Joelle Gross, and Christa Hawthorne for technical insights and corrections, and to Walter R. Mebane, Jr. and Charles Stewart III for valuable discussions. All errors are my own.
Data Availability Statement
Replication code for the simulations has been published in Code Ocean, a computational reproducibility platform that enables users to run the code, and can be viewed interactively at https://codeocean.com/capsule/1700151/tree/v1 (Baltz Reference Baltz2024).
Supplementary Material
For supplementary material accompanying this paper, please visit https://doi.org/10.1017/pan.2024.32.