INTRODUCTION
In view of the intimate connections between the 2007–09 financial crisis, ineffective regulation and the scandals that preceded the crisis,Footnote 1 there have been increasing demands for the re-evaluation and smarter coordination of the financial sector's governance, supervision and enforcement mechanisms, with a view to preventing recurrences.Footnote 2 Recognition that the financial fiascos cast doubt on the ability of codes of conduct, and traditional supervisory and enforcement strategies to insulate the global financial sector from failure, has led to calls for changes in current systems.Footnote 3 In essence, demands for a new architecture in the governance of the pilloried sector are founded on the critical need to re-instil the trust and credibility that has been eroded by, inter alia, lack of transparencyFootnote 4 in the sector. Intertwined with human frailties, in particular untrammelled greed, excessive “group think” and “herd behaviour”,Footnote 5 widespread lack of transparency has engendered a fertile ground upon which scandals have flourished.Footnote 6 Essentially therefore, post-crisis diagnostics have arguably cascaded into a governance discussion, in which the need for transparency and the importance of ethical and moral aspects of economic activities within the financial services have come to the fore.Footnote 7 The understanding is that:
“Financial markets, when left to their own devices, have proven fertile grounds for disastrously bad behavior and poor decision making. Banks take on extreme leverage to fuel speculative and often foolhardy bets involving poorly understood investments; conflicts of interests can skew incentives such that analysts insufficiently assess and report risk; con men can develop fraudulent schemes to cheat investors out of their savings; and executives are empowered to act in their own short-term interest instead of the interests of the firms for which they work and shareholders.”Footnote 8
On that basis, regulators have widely embarked on extensive reformulation of national regulatory approaches and structures in the hope of enhancing financial stability and averting fraudulent activities.Footnote 9
While such legislative interventions cannot be questioned, this article contends that, for so long as there is “jurisdictional dissonance”Footnote 10 between the regulators and the financial sector, that is to say, for so long as the regulatory agencies are too remote from the firms they supervise,Footnote 11 these legislative paradigms will not avail much. That cynical observation is premised on the notion that, unless the substance of the reforms is reinforced by an aggressive culture that engages with, inter alia, the insiders who have better and greater access to the operations of the financial sector, such measures will not attain the expected objectives.Footnote 12 “The jurisdictional dissonance between the regulators and the regulated has encouraged financial players to engage in games of regulatory arbitrage within and across nations, by skirting and leaping ahead of existing law, and by moving between shadow finance and regulated finance. The jurisdictional gaps and gulfs among regulators often serve as fertile ground for financial innovation and malfeasance.”Footnote 13
Without the active participation of insiders in these intricately formulated corporations, where engrained greed is considered to be “the engine that propels a market economy”,Footnote 14 outsiders seeking to understand what goes on in such organizations would be faced with a substantial challenge.Footnote 15 Compounding that challenge is the fact that exposing financial crime through traditional surveillance and investigative techniques is generally a resource intensiveFootnote 16 pursuit and often leads to cases being discontinued or dropped for lack of evidence.Footnote 17
Given the complexities that characterize and impede the capacity of most regulatory and supervisory agencies to execute their mandate effectively,Footnote 18 it is fair to say that reliance on other strategies, including supervisory mechanisms that engender compliance, would be expedient in deterring or mitigating the magnitude of the hidden activities and debacles.Footnote 19 On account of the fact that the financial scandals were largely a consequence of greed and lack of ethics, the assumption is that transparency would assist in promoting the interests of an informed financial services market.Footnote 20 Fostering transparency in the financial sector would not only disclose an unfavourable financial assessment, thereby assisting the investor in making informed decisions,Footnote 21 but also provide an invaluable surveillance tool, a means of protecting investors as well as promoting efficient and fair markets.Footnote 22
This article contributes to that subject. By building on the widely recognized fact that whistleblowing is an essential element of the transparency agendaFootnote 23 and that it is a core element of a well-functioning risk management system,Footnote 24 it seeks to contribute to the literature on global economic governance and financial transparency. It attempts to accomplish that objective by way of a comparative examination of the degree to which Switzerland and South Africa have enhanced the transformative role of transparency through whistleblowing. This is a crucial quest, especially in view of the fact that the recent financial crisis highlighted how internationalized the financial sector has become and demonstrated how, in the absence of harmonized policies and standards, the perils of systemic risk and cross border contagion can easily spread through the global village's fault lines and vulnerabilities.Footnote 25 It has been shown that “market participants take advantage of gaps in the financial system; they also take advantage of uncoordinated regulations by engaging in highly profitable and dangerous games of arbitrage and evasion”.Footnote 26
It is therefore hoped that a comparison of this nature, albeit limited to two jurisdictions, can be a crucial tool in minimizing counterpart risk by bringing about some policy coherence through an alignment of standards and norms in the governance of the financial sector.Footnote 27 A comparison of this nature is also crucial having regard to the accepted fact that regulatory and standard convergence across jurisdictions is regarded as a precondition for financial integration.Footnote 28 Likewise, the linkages between South Africa and SwitzerlandFootnote 29 suggest that they have a stake in the soundness and stability of each other's financial systems. As such, the predictability of finance-related standards and frameworks between these countries could be enhanced by a comprehensive understanding and convergence of their governing laws.
Further, the choice of South Africa as a subject of this discussion is based on pragmatic considerations. Of late there have been increased calls there for transparency, accountability and good governance in both public and private institutions through, in particular, the exposure of illicit conduct by individuals.Footnote 30 Switzerland, on the other hand, presents an interesting contrastFootnote 31 owing, inter alia, to the controversy surrounding its approach, steeped in a long history of financial services secrecy.Footnote 32 To start with, not only does Switzerland manage approximately one quarter of total global offshore assets, it has also been depicted as the “old grand-daddy of tax havens”.Footnote 33 For a long time and until recently, it has managed to fend off international criticism and pressure to dismantle the existing systemFootnote 34 and has, instead, taken refuge in institutionalized management systems as a means of deterring financial crime.Footnote 35 The tide has now shifted, globalization of the financial sector has brought about macroeconomic costs, including the loss of national policy making independence,Footnote 36 hence the urgent need for cohesion between global whistleblowing standards and Swiss mechanisms, with a view to creating an integrated system of standards and codes of financial sector good practice.
This article does not purport to be a comprehensive analysis of the various laws that govern disclosure of illegitimate behaviour; rather it seeks to provide an overview of the legislative approaches that govern disclosure of illicit conduct and the extent to which the two countries have sought to attain transparency in the financial sector.
RECOUNTING WHISTLEBLOWING
While it lacks an exact and universal definition,Footnote 37 whistleblowing has been broadly recognized to entail a current or former employee or contractor of an organization disclosing a perceived illicit or immoral practice of that organization to authorities who are tasked with taking appropriate action.Footnote 38 It may also emanate through an external source, a channel outside the organization such as a law enforcement agency or the government.Footnote 39 The motive is generally to avert financial, physical or psychological harm.Footnote 40
Although it is not the purpose of this article to discuss the merits of the concept, it is worth pointing out that whistleblowing has been accepted as a tool for maintaining and enhancing the quality of governance and constitutes an essential element of a well-functioning risk management system.Footnote 41 More specifically, “whistle-blowers play a crucial role in organisational regulatory unit relationships - providing otherwise unobtainable information, enhancing the regulatory units' claims to defence of public interest and detracting from any organisation's claims of extreme or biased regulatory activity”.Footnote 42
What makes whistleblowing critical are the concerns associated with silence in the face of wrongdoing. This environment is clearly prejudicial as it results in, among other adverse consequences, numbing the consciences of and discouraging decent individuals from questioning what they clearly consider to be inappropriate conduct. Furthermore, selfishness and self-interestedness become the norm as employees shift their focus to their own short term interests and not the mutual interests of the workforce and the organization.Footnote 43
Likewise, it has been established that the amount of money that organizations have saved and the scale of potential prejudice from which they have been safeguarded through whistleblowing can never be underestimated.Footnote 44 For instance, a study undertaken in over 500 European companies demonstrated that those companies suffered losses of more than EUR 3.6 billion through fraudFootnote 45 and scholars argue that corporations suffer more fraud occasioned by insiders than by external persons.Footnote 46 The utility of whistleblowing is reinforced further by the fact that acquiring and disclosing corporate insider information improves the functionality of the markets, in that, when the markets have adequate information, they are better equipped to allocate resources to the sectors where those resources are required.Footnote 47 On the contrary, the absence of financial transparency may reverberate into the macroeconomic systems of a country. For instance, it could be an effective tool in boosting illicit capital flight from developing countries.Footnote 48 Note should nevertheless be taken of the fact that, though commendable and popular, tipping about illicit conduct is in some quarters regarded as unethical and condemnable, and is symptomatic of lack of loyalty to an organization.Footnote 49
THE LEGISLATIVE MECHANISMS FOR WHISTLEBLOWING IN SOUTH AFRICA AND SWITZERLAND
The perception that whistleblowers are unprincipled individuals acts as a powerful vehicle that disincentivizes those who would otherwise want to report corporate wrongdoing. Ordinarily, whistleblowers will only come forward when they have assurance that their allegations will be investigated and actioned, and that they will suffer no retaliation from the individuals whose conduct has been reported. Against this backdrop, legislation has been formulated not only to embolden employees to speak out against wrongdoing, but also to safeguard the whistleblowers from retribution.Footnote 50 This article now attempts to examine the relevant Swiss and South African legislative frameworks that seek to encourage tipping, as well as providing protection for those who do so.
The protection of whistleblowing in the South African context hinges on the Protected Disclosures Act 26 of 2000 (PDA).Footnote 51 Not only does this piece of legislation provide procedures that a private or public sector employee can follow when making a disclosure regarding improprieties by his or her employer, sections 2 and 3 also shield such an employee “from being subjected to an occupational detriment on account of having made a protected disclosure”. Equally noteworthy is the fact that this act works retrospectively: protected disclosure extends to issues that occurred before its enactment. The protection accorded by this statute is reinforced by remedies that are made available to the employee in the event of any prejudice or occupational detriment triggered by their disclosure.Footnote 52 For clarity, section 1 of the PDA defines disclosure to encompass:
“[D]isclosure of information regarding any conduct of an employer, or an employee of that employer, made by any employee who has reason to believe that the information concerned shows or tends to show one or more of the following:
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(a) That a criminal offence has been committed, is being committed or is likely to be committed;
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(b) that a person has failed, is failing or is likely to fail to comply with any legal obligation to which that person is subject;
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(c) that a miscarriage of justice has occurred, is occurring or is likely to occur;
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(d) that the health or safety of an individual has been, is being or is likely to be endangered;
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(e) that the environment has been, is being or is likely to be damaged;
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(f) …
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(g) that any matter referred to in paragraphs (a) to (f) has been, is being or is likely to be deliberately concealed.”
Furthermore, supplementary protection in the private sector is provided under other legislation governing economic activities, such as the Investigation into Serious Economic Offences Act 117 of 1991, under which the public can report suspected economic offences to the Investigating Directorate: Serious Economic Offences. Intrinsically connected to the whistleblowing framework are values embedded in the South African Constitution, particularly section 16, which provides for freedom of expression, and the right to receive and impart information and ideas. These are said to be related to the constitutional objective of creating a transparent and accountable South African society.Footnote 53 In addition to that framework, there are private organizations, such as Whistle Blowers - Independent Whistleblowing Service Whistle Blowers (Pty) Ltd, an independent company that provides an alternative channel through which employees may anonymously report fraud and other allegations of impropriety in the workplace.Footnote 54
By contrast, Switzerland boasts no such elaborate structures governing whistleblowing or protecting whistleblowers. Instead, any semblance of whistleblowing is couched in very broad and vague corporate governance rules, the overall import of which is a requirement that the board of directors takes appropriate measures to ensure the organization's compliance with the law,Footnote 55 without specifically calling for a whistleblowing or whistleblower protection scheme.Footnote 56
Under article 321a of the Swiss Code of Obligations, employees are obliged to protect their employer's legitimate interests. This common obligation automatically requires an employee to observe business secrets and the termination of employment does not extinguish the prohibition. As such, employees are bound by specific confidentiality covenants that hinder them from disclosing confidential organizational information.Footnote 57 Neither the labour laws nor the Code of Obligations define what is classified as confidential information and it is up to the courts to determine whether or not the information in issue could be regarded as protected. However, such information has been regarded as that, which “(i) is known only to a limited group of persons, (ii) is not publicly available and cannot be retrieved by general research, (iii) with regard to which the employer has a legitimate interest in keeping it confidential and (iv) with regard to which a third party can easily recognize that the employer wants to keep it confidential”.Footnote 58
This implied duty of silence differs strikingly from South Africa's PDA, in that under the PDA any contract that specifies that an employee will not disclose illegal or incorrect acts or information is void.
Specifically within the Swiss financial sector, article 47 of the Banking Act and article 273 of the Penal Code form the foundation upon which customer confidentiality is premised.Footnote 59 Such protection of secrecy is supplemented by additional protections under the Swiss Constitution, the Swiss Civil Code and the Swiss Code of Obligations.Footnote 60 More particularly, article 47 of the Swiss Banking Act demonstrates how any possibility of whistleblowing is likely to be suppressed. It creates a criminal penal regime that forbids bank officers such as employees and agents from violating the professional relationship of confidence between bankers and clients.Footnote 61 More specifically, article 47 states:
“Whoever discloses a secret which has been confided to him or of which he has become aware in his capacity as a member of a governing body, employee, agent, liquidator or commissioners of a bank, as a banking Commission supervisor, as a member of a governing body or employee of recognized auditors, or whoever attempts to induce such a breach of professional secrecy, shall be liable to a term of imprisonment or a fine…”
Related to the proscription against disclosure of bank secrecy is article 43 of the Swiss Stock Exchange Act of 1995 (SESTA), which criminalizes breach of stock market secrecy and provides:
“Whoever
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(a) discloses a secret which has been confided to him in his capacity as a member of a governing body, employee, agent, liquidator of a stock exchange or a securities dealer, or as a member of a governing body or employee of recognized auditors, or of which he has become aware in his official capacity, or
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(b) attempts to induce such a breach of professional secrecy
shall be liable to imprisonment or a fine.”
Not only does this proscription capture both intentional and negligent disclosures of a customer's financial information,Footnote 62 it also empowers the Swiss government to prosecute such violations without the injured party having filed a complaint.Footnote 63 The import of article 47 is therefore to “punish disclosures that occur due to a lack of appreciation of the notion of secrecy”Footnote 64 and serves to protect such secrecy from all forms of intrusion.Footnote 65
Likewise, any disclosure of confidential information could trigger liability under article 273 of the Swiss Criminal Code. By virtue of the fact that banking information fits into the category of business secrets,Footnote 66 its disclosure to a private or official foreign organization or its agents amounts to a criminal offence that attracts a fine of up to CHF 250,000 or imprisonment of up to three years.Footnote 67 Furthermore and as if there were not enough to dash all hope of whistleblowing, article 162 of the Swiss Criminal Code safeguards private information from being divulged by those who are legally or contractually obliged to maintain its confidentiality.Footnote 68 Captured in this category, as with article 273, are bankers, the difference being that article 162 is aimed at protecting the interests of private parties.Footnote 69
Contrary to the strict Swiss proscription against disclosure, the South African common law, while recognizing traditional bank / customer confidentialityFootnote 70 the violation of which amounts to breach of an implied contractual obligation,Footnote 71 nonetheless provides for limited circumstances where whistleblowing can be an exception to the common law duty of secrecy. South African law permits confidentiality to be disregarded if the interests of the state are considered of greater importance than that of a customer's confidentiality.Footnote 72 It may also be varied where such disclosure is in the interest of the bank. Client confidentiality may also be superseded where there is a duty to the public to discloseFootnote 73 or if the client consents to the disclosure.
WHISTLEBLOWING CULTURE IN SWITZERLAND AND SOUTH AFRICA
What emerges from this is that, under Swiss law, there is no specific statutory protection for whistleblowers in the financial sector. In an unfavourable environment that boasts of far reaching confidentiality obligations and barriers, employees who report cases of malpractice within a company to the public are treated with cynicism and arguably do so at their own risk. Worse still “[p]oliticians continue to be very reluctant to discuss the topic, and it is certainly not at the top of any agenda. Recent developments in other OECD countries and the recommendations of international organizations seem to have had no effect on decision makers in Switzerland”.Footnote 74 Besides the dominance of labour laws that demand loyalty, equally disconcerting is the fact that cultural hurdles engender fear of reprisals, which militates against any likelihood of whistleblowing.Footnote 75 Society's general attitude is that Swiss law serves to protect an individual's right to privacy and that this embraces both economic as well as purely personal affairs.Footnote 76 The rationale is that banking secrecy is the client's secrecy, not the bank's.Footnote 77
Comparatively, this deeply entrenched culture distinguishes the Swiss financial sector from other jurisdictions. In fact, “[n]o other country has shown such strong attachment to a principle that has enjoyed little public sympathy but strong private support”.Footnote 78 The common rationalization for this refusal to make concessions to international pressure is that, because in Swiss law financial services officers and employees, like lawyers, priests and doctors, owe fiduciary duties to their customers, they must never disclose clients' information that they come across in the performance of their duties.Footnote 79 It is therefore clear that Swiss attempts at whistleblowing are moderated by and play second fiddle to well developed individual liberties, especially those pertaining to the right of confidentiality. It is this attitude that has sustained Switzerland's image as an impenetrable fortress against the disclosure of information, which, disturbingly, has worked against the development of a whistleblowing culture.
Be that as it may, there have been notable developments that seem to suggest that there could be some cracks in the Swiss financial secrecy vault.Footnote 80 This is mainly demonstrated by recent cases in which Switzerland has succumbed to international pressureFootnote 81 and, against its long standing tradition of banking secrecy, co-operated with the USA by handing over details of Americans whose assets are held in Swiss banks.Footnote 82 However, that exceptional case of piercing the banks' secrecy should not be enough to cause celebration, as it has profound implications for the sovereignty of domestic Swiss law as well as the nation's strongly guarded culture of financial sector privacy.Footnote 83 The far reaching effects of this, continued umbrage at the enforced whistleblowing and the sovereignty-based reluctance to disclose information is best summarized by then Swiss Foreign Minister Micheline Calmy-Rey, who reiterated the fact that Swiss unwillingness to disclose financial information, even in cases where foreign account holders had violated their country's laws “is about Switzerland's sovereignty. We want our laws to be respected. It is also about our financial centers and about jobs”.Footnote 84 It follows therefore that, so far as the Swiss are concerned, any changes to banking secrecy policies, especially if introduced in response to international pressure, should be seen to be aimed at preventing abuse of banking secrecy, not eliminating the “professional” secrecy obligation on the part of financial sector operatives.Footnote 85
With a statute that specifically targets whistleblowing and as a country that boasts an array of institutional features that are necessary to minimize corruption, particularly its constitution, an independent judiciary and a robust and proactive media, all which arguably compare favourably with those of its more economically advanced counterparts in the G20,Footnote 86 South Africa is expected to fare better. The irony, however, is that, despite such resources, South Africa does not seem to have succeeded in curbing the existence of fraud or encouraging whistleblowing.Footnote 87 The regime is still beset with problems: its regulation is said to be incomplete and in a state of flux, there are inconsistencies relating to its application and it is riddled with gaps and concerns regarding its policy and implementation.Footnote 88 It has been established that “[t]he result, at a glance, is a splintered, but interrelated body of laws cutting across different departments and disciplines that are applied erratically by public and private organizations in a manner that has left whistleblowers, at risk of victimisation, losing their job or damaging their career”.Footnote 89
An interplay of cultural, political and historical factors can be said to constitute a barrier that shapes people's attitude towards the disclosure of wrongdoing in organizations. Scholars have shown that, within South Africa, whistleblowing is inhibited by the need for loyalty and fear of reprisals. Historically, before independence, informants who disclosed any information to the apartheid government against the liberation cause were reviled and labelled impimpi [snitches]. That mindset is arguably part of the culture that whistleblowing on organizational impropriety amounts to selling out and is treachery, to be frowned on by society.Footnote 90
Additional impediments include lack of awareness of the protection accorded by the law. On the other hand, where there is knowledge of the law, there is a perception that it does not have the capacity to protect whistleblowers, rendering disclosing information a futile exercise as no action is likely to be taken to remedy the misconduct reported, which tends to militate against any willingness to make a disclosure.Footnote 91 Probably the greatest impediment is the lack of incentives to foster a culture of disclosure. So important is incentivizing whistleblowing that it has been argued that part of the corporate governance related flaws linked to the recent financial crisis was the regulators' underestimation of the utility of financial incentives in corporate whistleblowing.Footnote 92 Coming forward with information is associated with adverse consequencesFootnote 93 and, unless the rewards of making a disclosure outweigh the risks, individuals are bound to remain quiet.
A further concern has been said to be the PDA's failure to incorporate provisions that require organizations to implement robust whistleblowing structures as part of their risk management culture. The protection afforded to disclosers of information by the regulatory framework has also been criticized for being inadequate and poor. Flaws are said to include the fact that it does not amount to an effective deterrent against employers who are intent on victimizing the disclosing employee.Footnote 94 In the same manner, the scope of the framework is said to be too narrow, as protected disclosure is restricted to public and private sector employees, to the exclusion of consultants, part time and agency workersFootnote 95 and citizens who are in no way connected to the organization.Footnote 96 Not only does the PDA fail to provide incentives to whistleblowers, it also does not offer immunity against civil and criminal liability for making a protected disclosure. Such gaps in South Africa's regulatory provisions have undoubtedly worked against the legitimate intentions and objectives of the legislature, hence the need to evaluate the regime with a view to making it robust.Footnote 97
What stands out from this discussion is the fact that South Africa and Switzerland have adopted widely divergent approaches in regulating the disclosure of illegalities in the financial sector. What is reassuring in the case of South Africa, in contrast to Switzerland, is the fact that, despite flaws in the framework, South Africa has managed to build not only a relatively coherent system of disclosure but also a corpus of whistleblowing cases that can be used as a reference.Footnote 98 It is therefore clear that, while it is a more mature economy with a long history of regulating its financial sector, when all factors are aggregated, the Swiss approach of regulating whistleblowing lags behind South Africa in line with current global standards. This disparity, however, is an apt demonstration of the common perspectives that influence the adoption of a disclosure regime; more specifically these two regimes evince the fact that, subject to the preferred perception, “whistleblowing is either being considered an ethical and commendable or an unethical and condemnable behaviour. Thereby, the difference in perception is not driven by the stage of development of a given country, but rather by the political and social system”.Footnote 99 Switzerland could build on the experience and examples of its fellow G20 members' financial services and broaden the existing restricted operation of its whistleblower legislation. Unless Switzerland complies and brings its whistleblowing approach into line with its regional counterparts, when it comes to minimizing financial services misconduct, unfortunately “Europe could continue to be a place of diverse policy making, yet with a common ground”.Footnote 100
CONCLUSION
It is not in doubt that there is need for consistency and coordination in the governance and risk management of the financial sector with a view to minimizing financial crime. Much as that is trite, this article has attempted to show how divergent the regulation of whistleblowing is within selected countries, also demonstrating that the attainment of unified global standards remains work in progress. Whereas an analysis of the whistleblowing approach adopted in South Africa evinces many weaknesses, the Swiss attitude to the disclosure of corporate malfeasance suggests that more could be done to build a supportive environment. Serious consideration must be given to these issues, especially in light of the lessons learned from the recent financial crisis.
Objectionable financial industry behaviour, characterized by exponential self-preservation and predatory governance, could be curtailed if there were a real possibility of such conduct being made public through whistleblowing. As such, the Swiss and South African financial sectors should be encouraged to build trust by introducing suitable whistleblowing policies and procedures. Considering how globalized the financial sector has become, it is important that nations develop harmonized frameworks that not only increase the accountability of financial institutions and their supervisors, but also restore trust in the financial sector and address transnational governance problems. The first step to accomplishing that objective is to compare the approaches in various regimes; this article has attempted to do that by comparing the Swiss and South African mechanisms and concludes that there is need for a shift in the current mechanisms.