Compared with other Western countries Australia stands out as having one of the most highly mobile populations. Despite this, there is very little recognition of this phenomenon and its social and educational effects. School personnel are particularly culpable in this regard, maintaining an image of schooling as a system focussed on relatively stable class groups. The available data, however, paint a very different picture, and one which compels the attention of not only educators but also a variety of individuals from the helping professions and welfare agencies. This article explores the nature of student mobility, its effects on children, and their adjustment to school.

While it may, at first, appear absurd to associate Stockholm syndrome with situations other than those involving kidnapping or hostage relationships, it is quite tenable to do so. In fact, research has shown that a variety of different psychological issues and forms of captivity are best explained as instances of Stockholm syndrome. Originally, Stockholm syndrome was typified as a disorder resulting from situations involving negative face-to-face contact between captors and captives. The resulting environment is one of extreme fright or terror to victims, rendering them helpless and, over time, totally subservient to their perpetrators. Typification helps to shed light on the connection between abusive athletic coaches and consequential victimisation of young athletes, which can lead to Stockholm syndrome. This correlation supports the view that Stockholm syndrome relates to victimisation of young athletes in a paradoxical, but very real way. This concept paper addresses the potential for domain expansion of Stockholm syndrome into the area of youth athletics. It develops the theory that once youth begin to rationalise the actions of abusive athletic coaches, they begin to sympathise and defend the actions of the abusive coach leading to a pattern of events which can be labelled as indications of Stockholm syndrome.

Guest Editors' Note

One of the most central principles for social pedagogues is to critically examine their role and the purpose of their practice: What are the social aspects of relevance for their practice? How can they help the children they work with to develop social competences, to feel included in a social network and the wider society, to have a sense of belonging and take more responsibility for their community? To what extent must social pedagogues be advocates for those marginalised within society, be a critical voice that challenges social inequalities? And on the other hand, what pedagogical aspects are important within their work context? How can they create learning opportunities that prepare children and young people for many aspects of life? To what extent are they expected to be formative and socialise children and young people to fit in, and to what extent must their practice nurture the individual's autonomous development? These are not easy questions to answer, and they need to be asked over and over as the answers will change, depending on the individual with whom social pedagogues work, but also their work context and, importantly, the wider societal–political framework, which might make particular aspects more relevant at times.

England's Catholic religious minority devised various strategies for its survival in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, including the establishment of seminaries and convents in continental Europe, predominantly in France and the Spanish Netherlands. These institutions educated the next generation of English Catholic clergy, nuns and lay householders. Although convent schools were usually small, the nuns educated young girls within their religious cloisters. The pupils followed a modified monastic routine, while they were taught the skills appropriate for young gentlewomen, such as music and needlework. While many students were placed in convents with the intention that they would become nuns, not all girls followed this trajectory. Some left the cloister of their childhood to join other religious houses or to return to England to marry and raise a new generation of Catholics. Although we have few first-hand accounts of these girls’ experiences, it is possible to piece together a sense of their lives behind cloistered walls from chronicles, obituaries and letters. While the exiled monastic life for children was difficult, surviving evidence points to the vital role of convent care in Catholic families’ strategies, and the acknowledgement of their importance by the girls placed there, whether temporarily or permanently.

In all countries where the evidence is available, the educational performance of children looked after away from home falls markedly below that of their peers. In the recent years this has become a subject of intense debate. Is it an inevitable consequence of the adversity they have suffered before coming into care, and only to be expected given the characteristics of their families of origin? Or does the care system itself bear some responsibility? This question is not simply one of academic interest. Longitudinal research on social exclusion has shown the strong association between low levels of education and negative adult outcomes which disproportionately affect those with a background in care. This paper argues that efforts to narrow the gap in achievement between children in public care and their home-based peers will meet with little success as long as the problem is only tackled at the individual level. In an attempt to bring about systemic change, the English government in 2006 introduced a new concept: the Virtual School for “looked after” children. The Virtual School encompasses as pupils all children and young people in a particular area who are in public care, but has no physical existence other than an office base. The children continue to attend their own schools, which are responsible for their progress. Initially a difficult concept to grasp, the model now seems to be fully accepted and all local authorities in England are legally required to appoint a Virtual School Head (VSH). The article reviews the limited available research and offers an illustrative case study. In conclusion, it suggests that the virtual school may be a model with potential to help raise the attainment of children in care in countries other than England.

This paper explores foster carers’ therapeutic capacities. This topic arises from advances in knowledge of the adverse effects of complex trauma on children’s social, emotional and cognitive development. A growing expectation of fostering agencies is that their carers work within a therapeutic framework. Knowledge of foster carers’ therapeutic capacities has importance, because while foster carers are the primary agents of therapeutic change for these children, the skills and processes in which they do so are not well understood. Eighteen foster carers who work within a therapeutic framework were interviewed about their perceptions of therapeutic care. Their responses were analysed using an ecological systems framework. Foundational to therapeutic care is the mesosystem, the relationship between the foster carer and the child. Key elements of this relationship are safety, trust and love. There are two other aspects to therapeutic care: the microsystem, which represents therapeutic capacities that foster carers exercise to help in the recovery of these children, and the exosystem, which includes the networks of support that foster carers require to exercise therapeutic care. This paper will present key findings relating to foster carers’ therapeutic capacities. I will also consider some key implications for fostering agencies.

The Australian Bureau of Statistics estimates that at 31 December 2011 there were 5,098,694 children and young people in Australia under the age of 18 years, while for the period 1 July 2011 to 30 June 2012, the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare's report on child protection indicates that there were 48,420 substantiated cases of child abuse and neglect in Australia. The likelihood is that almost 95 (94.96) per cent of Australian children and young people were not abused or neglected in that period; and this is a cause for national celebration. These figures are good reason to praise the parents and caregivers of the 5,050,274 children who were not abused or neglected. We argue that there is a need for an emphasis in the political debate about child protection that focuses on children who are not abused, in order for the issue of child abuse and neglect to be placed in proper perspective. The lack of perspective in the current dialogue simply results in an unending demand for more resources for detection-focused services. Instead, there has to be increased emphasis on preventative services for vulnerable families who fail to meet community child-rearing standards. These exacting standards of parenting can only be achieved through parent education and the provision of intensive and extensive family support services, combined with sensitive monitoring of at-risk families. Accordingly, this article is written in a dissenting voice.

Young people leaving care are expected to become independent at a far earlier age than are young people who are fortunate enough to have supportive families. High rates of unstable accommodation, unemployment, poverty and early parenthood, have been found in research studies into the outcomes for young people leaving care. Governments have a duty of care to provide resources and support to ensure that young people leaving care experience a safe and sustainable transition to independence. Key elements of best practice framework are outlined in this article for this to be achieved.

Criticism of child protection practice in Victoria has emerged not only from the political Left, but also from conservative groups such as the Australian Family Association. The AFA does not deny the existence of child abuse, but argues that it can be primarily attributed to social changes such as the breakdown of the traditional nuclear family. The AFA believes that the strengthening and support of the traditional family is the best means of protecting children from harm. Critics of the AFA argue, however, that the implementation of the AFA's agenda would place the preservation of families ahead of the right of children to be protected from abuse or harm.

Hoarding is a complex and persistent mental illness that may pose significant threats to the health, safety and optimal functioning of the sufferer and their family members. Children and youth who live in hoarded environments are especially vulnerable to safety hazards and the negative social and developmental impacts that can result from this challenging behaviour. Some educational, health and protective service organisations are compelled to act on legal and regulatory mandates that necessitate interventions for hoarding in cases where children and youth are residing and may be at risk. Striking the balance between individual rights and protection of some of society’s most vulnerable citizens is a significant challenge. Carefully executed multidisciplinary interventions grounded in an ecological system’s approach offer some hope for minimising adverse impacts on youth and families while reducing the potential for harm caused by hoarding behaviour.

This commentary aims to start a debate about various dimensions of social disadvantage and the relationship to child abuse and neglect (CAN). These dimensions include poverty, educational attainment, employment status, sub-standard housing, disadvantaged neighbourhoods and social isolation from family. Other aspects such as mental health issues, domestic violence and substance misuse are compounding factors that are critical influences on the relationship between disadvantage and CAN. New South Wales is used as the exemplar Australian state.

Drawing on the findings of a Churchill Fellowship study tour, this article discusses the need to expand our understanding of family engagement and, in particular, to implement Family Inclusive practice in Australian child welfare, both to increase reunification and to improve outcomes for children who do not return home. I argue for this expansion through the integration of six key elements of Family Inclusive practice drawing on examples of practice and innovation from my study tour. This article commences with a discussion of the literature in support of family engagement and Family Inclusive practice. It is argued that we need to embrace an approach to Family Inclusive practice that acknowledges and addresses power imbalances, is contextualised and goes beyond relationships between workers and families. An exploration of the six elements of Family Inclusive practice follows, contributing to the understanding and practical application of Family Inclusive practice, with reference to initiatives in several countries visited during my study tour as well as to the literature more broadly. If these elements are integrated into child welfare practice and policy, they will contribute to Family Inclusive practice in the interests of children in Australia.

The impact of a manipulative art therapy technique combined with an attuned therapeutic relationship which aims to replicate the experience of nurturing touch in infancy is explored in this paper. The current literature will be reviewed in relation to the interface between attachment-related trauma and the use of expressive art and play therapy in the context of relevant clinical experience. Specific experiences of clinical practice with children and associated therapeutic outcomes are used to illustrate the potential of this combination. In addition, we argue for further investigation of therapeutic benefits inherent in manipulative art and play in replication of the regulating role of touch with children who have experienced early relational trauma.

Removing a child from parental care is an important and difficult decision to make. There are far reaching consequences for the child and family. Whilst there is a plethora of literature in relation to child protection practice generally, research on decision making is minimal. In this practice paper, I present 12 decision-making criteria to assist practitioners make decisions about child removal. It is important for child protection practitioners to apply the same set of principles and consider the same factors when making these decisions. These criteria are as follows: the severity of the abusive incident; the presence of cumulative harm; whether the perpetrator has access to the child; the functioning of the parent; whether the perpetrator has been responsible for child abuse or intimate partner violence in the past; the cooperation of the parent; the intent of the perpetrator; the age of the child; the functioning of the child; the voice and expressed wishes of the child; protective relationships available to the child and the statutory requirement to cause no further harm. Referring to these criteria will assist practitioners be clear and explicit about how they reach a decision, and result in greater consistency of outcome for children and families.

Family Preservation Services, and in particular the intensive variety, have recently been attracting a lot of attention in Australia, with initiatives in at least four states. Along with the enthusiasm there has been some hostility and opposition. This paper examines the context in which the services originally developed and attempts to rationally assess their relevance for Australia.

This paper considers the challenges to social work students and their educators and to graduate social workers and their supervisors, of acquiring beginning-level confidence and competence in working with ‘other people’s families’. There is a review of important educational contributions to our understanding of the necessary and sufficient preparation for ‘pure and applied’ social work theory and practice with families. In this review, the writer describes the educational rationale for a ‘Family of Origin’ workshop which has been offered to social work students at the Universities of Sussex and Western Australia and to experienced practitioners in a Perth child and family welfare agency. Finally, the writer reflects on the intellectual and the emotional dimensions of knowing and doing in family-based practice – with particular reference to Family Group Conferencing.

This paper describes a critical interpretive synthesis (critical review of the literature) exploring the ways children are described and represented in the homelessness and family violence literature regarding programmes. Authors' descriptions of children and their perceived needs are considered from individual, interpersonal and systemic positions, with an inherent focus on the influence of academic language and power in representing children. The articles reviewed here contained an abundance of negative descriptions of children's poor health, educational and developmental outcomes, but very little acknowledgement of children's personal resources and capacities in times of adversity. The programme goals and strengths-based therapeutic intentions described by the authors of these articles were not always congruent with the ways children were being represented in the early stages of the articles. We argue for a better balance in representing children's strengths alongside their challenges when describing their presentation and participation in programmes and research.

Integral to the protection of children against ongoing abuse and neglect and trauma experiences are teachers and school-based staff. This paper aims to discuss and reflect on the practice frameworks, models, approaches and programs that exist in mainstream school contexts to address the developmental and learning needs of children in primary schools who have experienced trauma in their early childhood years. This paper explores the importance of enablers, finding exceptions to the practices that often limit the support of ongoing protection of children in schools and the importance of the willingness, confidence and capacity of school-based staff. This paper proposes areas of future research to address the identified gaps existing for children with developmental trauma trying to learn and exist in a schooling system that is struggling to meet their needs.