The remote date of the researches here described needs a word of explanation and apology.

In the latter part of the year 1913 the Committee of the Cyprus Museum received a Government grant for the purpose of exploratory work on sites selected to illustrate principal periods and aspects of antiquity, and to provide the basis for estimates of the value and the cost of operations on a larger scale. I accepted the invitation of the Committee to supervise this project, and to give to my former pupil at Oxford, Mr. Menelaos Markides, then Keeper of the Cyprus Museum, the personal introduction to field work which might enable him to continue such excavations, on a modest scale, on his own responsibility. As there was some prospect of finding human remains, I obtained from the British Association for the Advancement of Science a small grant to meet the expenses of another friend and pupil, the late Leonard H. D. Buxton of Exeter College, Oxford, who held the Oxford Diploma in Anthropology, and had been engaged in anthropometric work in the excavations of Sir Henry Wellcome at Jebel Moya in the Sudan.

The human remains discovered by Mr. Hogarth in the caves of the Zakro Gorge, and sent to me for identification, consist of three skulls of adults and a fragment of an upper maxillary of a child. The skulls present the following characters. All are well developed, with highly complicated sutures, and wormean bones in the parieto-occipital suture, with thin cranial walls, and without the strong muscular impressions and ridges, usually met with in prehistoric skulls, and present in all living uncivilised peoples.

Though the name of Demetrios of Skepsis is hardly known to us except through Strabo, he was in his way a remarkable man. The only independent account of him is a mention by Diogenes Laertius as one in a list of well-known namesakes; ἑνδέκατος Σκήψιος, πλούσιος καὶ εὐγενὴςἄνθρωπος καὶ φιλόλογος ἄκρως οὖτος καὶ Μητρόδωρον προεβιβασε τὸνπολίτην (V. v. 11). The date of his birth is fairly closely fixed by his own statement in Strabo (XIII. i. 27) that he visited Ilium as a boy (μειράκιον) when the Romans landed in Asia to attack Antiochus, i.e. in 190 B.C. The word μειράκιον may be taken to mean anything from about 14 to 20 years of age. Demetrios therefore cannot have been born much before or after 205 B.C. Some surprise may be felt at the statement that he gave Metrodoros his start in life; Metrodoros, the friend of Mithridates, died, as we know from Strabo (XIII. i. 55) and Plutarch Lucullus 22) in or immediately after 70 B.C. The lives of the two men therefore cover some 135 years; if both lived to be 75, Metrodoros can only have been 15 at Demetrios' death. The description of Demetrios as ‘a man of wealth and birth, and a scholar to his finger-tips’ is quite borne out by what we know of his works. He plainly inherited the tradition of the little nest of Platonists and Aristotelians who were established at Skepsis and the neighbouring Assos; he was an enthusiast for Homer and geography, and devoted his life to a geographical commentary on Homer, and more particularly to the Trojan Catalogue, which so nearly concerned his native Troad: He found place, however, for excursuses of very wide range; for instance the long one on the Kuretes in Strabo X. iii. 19–22. Another on the changes in the face of the earth produced by volcanic action is quoted in l. iii. 17.

It may safely be said that of no prehistoric city on Hellenic soil are such extensive remains extant above ground as of the Cretan Goulàs. The walls, indeed, are not so massive as those of Tiryns, there is no single monument to fix the attention like the Lions' Gate at Mycenæ, nor has excavation as yet done anything to add to what meets the eye on the surface of the earth. But for the mass of primeval ruins, the still-standing remains of individual dwelling-houses, the number of distinct quarters within the walls and the area they occupy, Goulàs is without a rival. Its site, moreover, with its twin citadel peaks—the northern one looking down over a thousand feet sheer to the valley below—is more commanding than that of any sister city.

The pottery which forms the main subject of this article was found during the 1964 and 1968 Citadel House excavations beneath the floor of two rooms that were designated Rooms 21 and 22. All the pottery from Room 22 has been kept, including the unpainted sherds, so that the group can be analysed numerically and compared with other groups of LH IIIB pottery from the Argolid. It contains a small quantity of painted wares and a large group of undecorated pottery of which a few whole profiles can be restored. The importance of the deposit is that the painted wares provide a date for the building of the South House and thus for the sequence of building in the whole area. Moreover, they give a further selection of patterns current in LH IIIB 1; these show that the group is perhaps a little later than that from Room 3.

The excavations at Torone, Mende, and some other sites have produced evidence of continuous contact between Chalcidice and southern Greece from early in the Iron Age. We can now understand more clearly the relationship between the earliest Greek settlers and those of the colonizing period, and we can tackle some problems of topography in the Chalcidian peninsula from a new angle.

Finds of the Mediterranean Cone Shell (Conus mediterraneus Hwass in Bruguière 1792 = ventricosus Gmelin) from Neolithic and Bronze Age Greece are listed, and their use discussed.

The following pages give an account of the first half of the excavations conducted on behalf of the British School in June 1937. The party consisted of Mr. J. D. S. Pendlebury, Miss M. Money-Coutts, and Miss M. Pascoe. Emmanoueles Akoumianos was again kindly lent by the School to act as foreman. Thanks to the courtesy of the authorities we had the pleasure of the assistance of Mr. Kh. N. Petrou, Assistant-Director of Candia Museum. His arrival did not take place until after the excavations here described had been finished. He was, however, present during the trial excavations on Karphi and the Papoura, at Donadhes, Kolonna, and Kerasa, the results of which will be the subject of a later report. We also wish to acknowledge the help and interest shown by the local authorities of Tzermiadho, particularly by Mr. Sphakianakes, the Schoolmaster. Figs. 2–6 have been redrawn from our surveys by Mr. C. Hart of Cambridge.

Under the central courtyard of the Villa Dionysos laid out in the second century AD as a Roman garden (Viridarium), a sounding in summer 2000 revealed two layers of PG domestic occupation, with no architectural remains from the intervening periods. This article publishes the two stratified PG deposits and the later fill above them. A forthcoming article will discuss the bioarchaeological evidence and also the LM deposit below, down to the bedrock.

The discovery of a PG house, so far to the north of the previously known PG settlement, invites some discussion. A Supplement will set forth other evidence for Early Greek presence in the area of the Roman villa.

The Sikyonian site of Titane lies on the eastern slopes of Vesiza, c. 11 km south-west of Sikyon, and some 8.5 km to the north of the Arkadian city of Phlious. The purpose of this study is to examine Titane in relation to Sikyon based on ancient testimonia and the results of my archaeological survey carried out between 1996 and 2002. It is argued that Titane was not a town but a sanctuary, perhaps the most important sanctuary of the Sikyonia in antiquity. The fortifications previously interpreted as an acropolis wall belong to a fort built later within the sanctuary because of its strategic location close to the southern borders of the city-state. Furthermore, the discovery of early Iron Age material on the site and the early cult practices mentioned by Pausanias show that the sanctuary was established in the Geometric period, i.e. during the period of formation of the polis. Finally, it is suggested that a main reason for the foundation of the sanctuary on the slopes of Vesiza was the sacred demarcation of the southern reaches of the Sikyonian city-state.

It is argued that the painting in the Stoa Poikile described by Pausanias as an engagement between Athenians and Spartans at Argive Oenoe in fact refers to Oenoe in Attica, and depicted the arrival of the Plataean contingent prior to the battle of Marathon. The dependence of Herodotus on the paintings in the Stoa Poikile for his account of Marathon is discussed.

An emended text of this inscription is presented. The evidence it affords for the development of Athenian metic-status is discussed, in the light of its reattribution to the time of the Kleisthenic reforms. The role of Kleisthenes in establishing the metic-status is confirmed.

A second season of new excavations was undertaken at Palaikastro in 1987 in the area of Building 1, partially revealed last year, and in the adjacent fields to the south. Two new structures were denned, Buildings 3 and 4, and most of the plan of Building 1 traced. Features suggesting that Building 1 was public and played a role in the religious life of the town in LM I are the high quality of its construction, a possible grandstand with stone horns of consecration, a large well-built drain at the entrance, its unique orientation, and the discovery of the torso and arms of a male chryselephantine statuette fallen from an upper storey into an open area near the building. The other buildings are not yet well-defined. Building 3 was constructed in LM I and re-occupied in LM III, but no inner partition walls have been found. An area with pier-and-door partitions and mudbrick walls was built against the southwest wall of the building and destroyed in LM IB. Building 4 seems to belong to the LM III period, although we have not yet investigated below the floors of the re-occupation period. Destruction deposits of the LM IIIA2/B period suggest an earthquake.

Amongst the somewhat meagre array of inscriptions illustrating Athenian relations with Persia in the middle of the fourth century there is one substantial document which merits particular attention. This is the decree which records details of Athenian relations with a certain Orontes who is generally identified with the well-known Persian satrap of that name. This decree, published as IG ii2. 207, consists of four fragments. Three of these are extant and are housed in the Epigraphical Museum at Athens (fragments (b)+(c)+(d) = EM 7035, 7035 (α), 7036), the other piece has long been lost (fragment (a)).

These travels occupied us during four weeks of July and August 1962. Our initial intention was not to look for new sites, but to visit those already known, in order to revise the lists in Pendlebury's The Archaeology of Crete (1939).

Crete has perhaps been more thoroughly explored than any other part of Greece. Pashley (Travels in Crete (1837)) and Spratt (Travels and Researches in Crete (1865)) identified many ancient Greek and Roman cities. At the end of the nineteenth century came Evans, and the Italians Halbherr, Mariani, Savignoni, and Taramelli, who began the search for Bronze Age sites continued by Pendlebury, Kirsten, and others between the wars. Much has also been contributed by a series of distinguished Antiquities Officers, I. Hatzidakes, St. Xanthoudides, and Sp. Marinatos; and since the war by N. Platon, whose very full annual reports in Kritika Khronika have provided a valuable record of current excavations and discoveries. In recent years P. Faure has located many new sites in the course of exploring the caves of Crete.

The ancient approach to the Lion Gate (Fig. 1) probably began at the north-west angle of the circuit wall, and thence gradually ascended to the gate itself. Thus all possible assailants would have to pass through the fire from the west side of the north-west angle, even before they reached the court-like area directly before the gate. Here they would be faced with a triple fire, from the gate, from the great rectangular bastion (1) which flanks the gate on the west, and from the wall immediately to the east of the gate. Exactly the same defensive plan is provided for the so-called Postern Gate in the northern circuit wall not far from the original north-eastern angle. Some have suggested that the terrace wall (2), which is called a kyklopische Stützmauer by Steffen, and juts below the north-west corner of the rectangular bastion, is part of the ancient roadway, which mounted here in zigzags, and then turned abruptly to the right to enter the gate.

The photographs of Athens in the collection of Sir Lawrence Alma-Tadema, now in the Library of the University of Birmingham, are catalogued. They are shown to comprise, in the main, two series, one purchased, of which the majority are original prints of William Stillman's photographs of 1869, the second consisting of photographs apparently taken for Sir Lawrence when he visited Athens in the later 1870s. Since the later series often deliberately duplicated views in the earlier series, comparisons can be made. These demonstrate that part of the façade to the west wing of the Propylaia was preserved intact from Antiquity inside the Frankish tower.

A miscalculation in the analysis of population statistics for the island of Melos made by Wagstaff, Augustson, and Gamble in their work An Island Polity is discussed. A new calculation is made of the areas under agriculture required to support the given population of Melos at a sequence of dates ranging from A.D. 1470 to A.D. 1848. It is argued that the ancient population of Melos could have been supported by a smaller area of arable land than that previously suggested, and that in arriving at this figure the relative fertility of the island should also be taken into account.

This study is a description and discussion of all known examples of mortar-and-rubble towers in Attica, extending P. Lock's survey of central Greece in BSA 81 (1986). Attic towers of this type are generally free-standing and located in places of agricultural rather than strategic importance. In this, as well as in the lack of pretension in their architectural form, they conform to the mortared towers of Boiotia studied by Lock, and reinforce his conclusion that they functioned primarily as fortified residences of Frankish lords. Ceramic evidence from various sites, and the evidence of the ‘tower house’ of medieval western Europe, strengthen the arguments for date and function. Included in the discussion are possible Turkish towers and other pre-modern structures such as windmills and monastery towers.

The following paper was for the most part written early in 1939 and embodies the results of studies in Greece during the preceding year. Professor A. J. B. Wace, who suggested the subject to me, and to whom I am continuously indebted for encouragement and criticism, has elsewhere pointed out (notably, in collaboration with Professor Carl Biegen, in an article in Klio, 1939, 131 ff.) the need for a systematic and regional study of L.H. III pottery. The term covers wares produced over a period of at least three centuries (as long as from the reign of Charles I to the present day), and distributed over the Eastern Mediterranean from Sicily to Palestine. Within this wide range the existence of considerable variety has long been recognised, but not to any extent the nature of the variations, produced in part by the passage of time, in part by locally differing materials and traditions. This paper is an examination of what L.H. III pottery has come to light in one geographically well-defined region, Attica, and an attempt to discern the influences at work in its production, and its relation to similar pottery elsewhere.