The long stoa at the Amphiaraion, Oropos, was excavated by the Greek Archaeological Society in 1884, 1886, and 1887, and received a preliminary description in PAE 1884, 93–4, pl. E. by Doerpfeld and in PAE 1887, 59–62 by Leonardos. A much fuller publication of the stoa by F. Versace appeared in AM xxxiii (1908) 247–72, since when no detailed study of the building has been published. In view of the interest presented by certain features of the plan and orders of the building a close reconsideration of its original appearance and its stylistic affiliations seems worthwhile. For Versace's publication, though in many ways excellent, is insufficiently illustrated and does not treat satisfactorily some of the problems presented by the stoa. The present study, which attempts to shed further light on these problems and to supplement the description of Versace, is based, except where mentioned, on new drawings, plans, and measurements.

The recent publication of a fragmentary Oxyrhynchus papyrus containing a deed of sale of a slave effected through a Rhodian bank, in the years between A.D. 238 and 244, sheds new light on the Rhodian banking system, of which hitherto little has been known, and it is worth while considering the information provided on this topic. The papyrus, carefully published by J. F. Oates, consists of two major fragments which do not join; fragment (a) contains all that survives of col. i, to which four hands contributed, and also the lower part of col. ii, while the right end of the upper part of col. ii is on the second fragment, (b), being in the same hand as the upper part of col. i; the lower part of col. ii is in the same three hands as is the lower part of col. i. The different hands represent the depositions of different persons. There is no lacuna between the end of fragment (a) and the beginning of fragment (b). These details are clearly visible on the photograph reproduced here by the kindness of the Managing Committee of the Egypt Exploration Society, to which I am much indebted. The papyrus is difficult to read in places, where the ink has faded, and the portions relevant to Rhodian matters are not all wholly clear.

In 1999, fieldwork was resumed by the British team at Adzhiyska Vodenitsa, Vetren, the site of an inland emporion which has been identified with ancient Pistiros (SEG 43. 486, 46. 872*). Excavations were conducted on the terrace with architectural remains in two sectors, north and south of the main east-west road. In the northern sector, 22 pits were investigated. The faunal material from these pits reveals specific butchering methods and the re-articulation of complete body parts following butchery. Among the finds are graffiti on pottery, including a votive inscription to Zeus. In the southern sector, there are traces of residential use. The report includes an account of geophysical prospection to determine the nature of land use beyond the terrace, with evidence suggesting that the settlement was directly adjacent to the River Maritsa (ancient Hebros).

The positions and the extent of these kingdoms have been disputed in the past, especially by Droysen, Zippel, Meyer, and Beloch, and they are the subject now of an interesting and well-documented paper by F. Papazoglou, entitled ‘Les origines et la destinée de l'état Illyrien: Illyrii proprie dicti’. His conclusions are that there was a specific political ‘Organization’ called ʾΙλλυριοί that almost all the known kings of Illyria—he gives fifteen of them between 400 and 167 B.C.—were rulers of this organization; and that this organization was not the one and only tribal organization known by this specific name, the ‘Illyrii proprie dicti’ of Pliny, HN iii. 144 and P. Mela ii. 55. In the course of the paper he does not mention any use of the term ʾΙλλυριοί before 423 B.C.; he shows no knowledge of the topography of the areas and little concern with topography; and he makes some statements which are erroneous, at least in part, e.g. that when Glaucias took the title ‘king of the Illyrians’ the Taulantii disappeared for ever from history—yet he quotes from Livy the terms given to the Taulantii by Rome in 168 B.C. Moreover, his conclusions do not seem to me to be probable.

All those concerned with the early history of Athens must give some consideration to the three ‘parties’ (the term used in this discussion rather than ‘faction’) which, it was believed in classical antiquity, divided Attica in the first half of the sixth century B.C. and formed the background to the career of Peisistratos. A considerable bibliography might be assembled on this subject and there would be little excuse for adding to it, did the present writer not feel that previous treatment of the problems involved has been too brief and disjointed. It is intended here first to examine at some length the questions at issue, even if this entails some repetition of generally accepted ideas, and then to hazard some general observations on Athenian affairs of the period.

There are, in fact, four heads under which the problems must be treated: (i) the reality of the existence of regional divisions of Attica such as the parties presuppose, and their localization; (ii) the question of the degree to which parties are, in the ancient sources, connected with these regions; (iii) the question how far persons of whose position and activities we know something can be connected with the regions and the parties; (iv) the validity of the generally accepted views of the aims and policy of the parties and their supposed leaders, followed by an effort to discover an issue which divided Athens and gave rise to the tradition of party strife.

In JHS LXIX (1949), 25 ff., I commented on various Greek inscriptions, mainly archaic. This is a second series on the same lines. The inscriptions are listed geographically, if possible under the relevant headings of Inscriptiones Graecae; when the inscription discussed is not in IG, the heading is bracketed.

[IG I2.] Attica. Graffiti on Attic ‘SOS’ amphorae (Fig. 1).

In Malerei und Zeichnung der Griechen I (1923), 127, Pfuhl described a type of amphora of which stray examples have been found in many parts of the Mediterranean world, in contexts of the seventh and sixth centuries B.C. The clay and paint resembled that of Attic pottery, some of the examples had actually been found in Attica, and, though describing it as ‘eine noch ungelöste Frage’, he was inclined to agree with those archaeologists who called the ware Attic. This was later proved beyond doubt by the American excavators of the Athenian Agora, when they found there numerous examples of the whole series, from its start in Geometric times to its decline during the sixth century. They are described thus by R. S. Young: ‘Their decoration is conventional and very simple; the body is glazed, with reserved bands around the shoulder, and the neck is reserved and decorated with wheels, concentric circles, or diminishing triangles between wavy lines.’ A typical and often-quoted example, showing the wavy-line-and-circle (‘SOS’) decoration of the neck, is that carried by Dionysus on the François Vase, painted by Kleitias c. 570.

They are big enough to carry wine or oil; after Solon's legislation they can have carried only oil to the far parts where they have been found. Their size made them useful, when empty, for urn-burials; most of our examples come from cemeteries.

This article is intended to serve as an introduction to the study of painted votive plaques; not that such a study is by any means novel, but since Otto Benndorf's published work on them the amount of material known has increased, and further consideration of them both as painted objects and as dedications seems desirable. As well as a general survey of their nature, name, and decoration, a more detailed account of eighth- and seventh-century examples is included, and I hope at another time to be able to extend the study to the rich later series, as well as to the Corinthian and funerary plaques which are not discussed here in detail.

An inscribed fragment from Aegina is published below for the first time. Its finding did not suggest the study of plaques, in which I was already engaged, and I attribute and acknowledge its timely appearance to the Ἀγαθὴ Τύχη, who occasionally smiles on the archaeologist.

Lallemantia, an exotic oil plant, recently identified at Bronze Age sites in the Macedonia region of northern Greece, has a natural distribution lying outside Europe, in regions ranging from Iran to Anatolia, Jordan, Palestine, and Israel. The possible routes through which Lallemantia arrived in northern Greece are considered in relation to evidence for Bronze Age trade in metals, in particular tin. The overlap of Bronze Age tin sources proposed in the archaeological literature with the natural distribution of Lallemantia, in regions such as Iran and Afghanistan, suggest that the importation of this plant to northern Greece may have been facilitated by the tin trade, and that both, at least initially, may have represented luxuries rather than mere commodities.

Η Lallemantia, ένα εξωτικής προέλευσης ελαιοδοτικό φυτό, το οποίο πρόσφατα προσδιορίστηκε σε θέσεις της Εποχής του Χαλκού στην περιοχή της Μακεδονίας στη βόρεια Ελλάδα, έχει μια φυσική κατανομή εκτός της Ευρώπης, σε περιοχές που εκτείνονται μεταξύ του Ιράν, της Ανατολίας, της Ιορδανίας, της Παλαιστίνης και του Ισραήλ. Σε αυτό το άρθρο εξετάςονται οι πιθανοί δρόμοι μέσα από τους οποίους έφτασε το φυτό αυτό στη βόρεια Ελλάδα σε συνδυασμό με ενδείξεις για τη διακίνηση των μετάλλων και ιδιαίτερα του κασσίτερου. Η παρουσία πηγών κασσίτερου της Εποχής του Χαλκού, όπως αναφέρονται στην βιβλιογραφία, σε περιοχές όπου η Lallemantia είναι αυτοφυής, όπως το Ιράν και το Αφγανιστάν, υποδηλώνουν ότι η εισαγωγή αυτού του φυτού στη βόρεια Ελλάδα μπορεί να διευκολύνθηκε από τη διακίνηση του κασσίτερου. Τόσο ο κασσίτερος όσο και η Lallemantia, τουλάχιστο στην αρχή, ενδέχεται να αποτελούσαν είδη πολυτελείας.

Research on the cities of the Classical Greek world has traditionally focused on mapping the organisation of urban space and studying major civic or religious buildings. More recently, newer techniques such as field survey and geophysical survey have facilitated exploration of the extent and character of larger areas within urban settlements, raising questions about economic processes. At the same time, detailed analysis of residential buildings has also supported a change of emphasis towards understanding some of the functional and social aspects of the built environment as well as purely formal ones. This article argues for the advantages of analysing Greek cities using a multidisciplinary, multi-scalar framework which encompasses all of these various approaches and adds to them other analytical techniques (particularly micro-archaeology). We suggest that this strategy can lead towards a more holistic view of a city, not only as a physical place, but also as a dynamic community, revealing its origins, development and patterns of social and economic activity. Our argument is made with reference to the research design, methodology and results of the first three seasons of fieldwork at the city of Olynthos, carried out by the Olynthos Project.

The site lies on the sloping ground east of the Acropolis, about 300 m. west of the central court of the Minoan palace and 200 m. south of the Unexplored Mansion. In Classical antiquity it must have been on the southern edge of the built-up city; more recently a small olive grove stood there, but this has been increasingly encroached upon by the southward extension of Knossos village. In 1974 house-building operations on the plot of Mr. C. Vlachakis revealed traces of ancient habitation and a cache of Roman sculpture. In the summer of 1976 the sinking of a bothros behind the new Vlachakis house brought to light a stretch of ancient walling and Hellenistic sherds in some quantity. A new excavation was undertaken by the B.S.A. at the request of Dr. St. Alexiou, Ephor of Antiquities in Iraklion and work continued for approximately six weeks. The trenches were then filled in and, later, covered over by a concrete terrace. The present paper contains a detailed study of all the stratigraphy and architectural phases together with a description and interpretation of the Classical and Hellenistic assemblage and occupation. Future papers will deal with the terracottas of this phase and with the earlier and later material.

Suidas, under the heading Χαλκίοικος explains as follows: ‘The Athena in Sparta; either because she has a brazen house; or on account of her (its?) stability; or because it was founded by Chalcidian exiles from Euboea.’ Hesychius adds as synonyms Χαλκηδάνη, Χαλκίναος In Euripides we find Χαλκόπυλος as an epithet of the goddess. These variants are in themselves sufficient to contradict Suidas' two alternatives. The noteworthy feature about the sanctuary was its bronze decoration, and thus the name is descriptive of the sanctuary rather than of the goddess. It is not a cult-name, and represents no religious aspect of the goddess; in fact there is good reason to suppose that it is not even the original name of the sanctuary that crowned the Acropolis of Sparta, but one acquired at a subsequent restoration.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the way in which Greek architects designed Doric capitals. There have been earlier attempts to do this kind of thing, but the difficulty has remained of carrying conviction, of showing that the characteristics and relationships noted do not just happen accidentally but embody the intentions of the designers. This is the excuse for devoting so much of what follows to questions of procedure, to methodological objections and their rebuttal. Readers who are prepared to take such matters on trust will find the results of the investigation set out on pp. 84–93, 97–103.

This article reviews the evidence for built tombs in Macedonia prior to the construction of the royal tombs at Vergina. It considers earlier cist tombs with slab roofs, and evidence for architectural embellishment: it proceeds to discuss the evolution of the vaulted form, with architectural facades. In a second part, the identity of the occupants of Tombs I–III at Vergina is discussed, followed by a consideration of the arguments against the identifications proposed.

῾῾ φάναι, λιμὴν βαθύς , καὶ νεως ᾿ Απόλλωνος καὶ ἄλσος φοινίκων.᾿᾿ Though the anchorage at Kato Phana is not as good as Strabo implies, there is no doubt that here was the site of his temple, a site which has preserved, with only a slight distortion, its ancient name. From other sources we learn that the Chiots were defeated by the Athenians in a battle there during the summer of 512 b.c. and that the wine grown on the spot was much appreciated. Numerous arrow-heads may or may not be relics of the battle, and a struggling vineyard among sandhills forms a slender link with the nobler vineyards of the past.

In memoriam Eos Zervoudaki2

The terracotta model presented in this article depicts the roof of a small temple or naiskos. It was discovered during the excavation of a Late Geometric apsidal temple, probably dedicated to Poseidon Heliconius, at Nikoleika near Aegion. An account of the excavation can be found in the article by Erophile Kolia in this volume. The present article focuses on interpretation and analysis of the model in the context of the religious, social and political life of Achaea during the second half of the eighth century bc.

Evidence for Greek settlements in the Troad is discussed, and their status, whether as full cities, or smaller communities.

The ancient remains in the Heraion Valley at Perachora are arranged in three groups. Firstly, by the little harbour the group including the West Court, the sixth-century temple of Hera Akraia (and, before that, the earliest temple), the altar, and the angled stoa. Secondly, above the first, rather steep section of the valley, and partly concealed behind a spur of the hill to the south, the double apsidal cistern and the hestiatorion. Thirdly, some distance behind this, and preceded by the ‘sacred pool’, the series of terraces, on the uppermost of which is the building identified as the Temple of Hera Limenia. This identification has led to the idea that there were, in effect, two sanctuaries; in publishing the double apsidal cistern and the hestiatorion I include them in ‘remains outside the two sanctuaries’

The discovery of the circular platforms at Knossos is reported. The buildings are described, and their chronology adduced. It is argued that the function of the large circular platform was as a dancing-place, and that a sign engraved on the outer visible faces of the wall blocks symbolizes the lines and zigzag crossing movements for groups in the dance, while the smaller circles were places for priestesses or musicians. Finally, the ritual significance of the dance in ancient Crete is discussed.

The principal discoveries in 1986 at this prehistoric settlement in Macedonia were two Iron Age apsidal buildings and a late Bronze Age storeroom with masses of cereals and other crops preserved by charring.

Dörpfeld's excavations in the Nidhri plain of Levkas have recently been attracting renewed interest which is long overdue. The cemetery of round graves at Steno is not only one of the richest Early Bronze Age sites known in Greece, but also one of the most intriguing, and potentially one of the most informative. It is proposed to examine here three aspects of these graves—their date, the cultural contacts for which they provide evidence, and their social significance.