There is a growing concern about the evolution of violent extremism in the digital era. This chapter presents historical progression and current state of how extremists have used digital advancements to increase their reach and influence for their own nefarious purposes. This chapter also discusses the challenges due to encryption and the need for a strategic collaboration and comprehensive whole-of-society approach to combat the threats effectively.

While much attention has been paid to the creativity surrounding translingual practice, there has been little focus on the underlying politics behind such practice in periphery or precarious contexts. This chapter explores the political underbelly of translingual practice in the under-researched Muslim world through two case studies in English-medium instruction (EMI) universities in the United Arab Emirates and Bangladesh. Online and offline data are analysed through the lens of critical social inquiry. Ethnographic observations and metapragmatic reflections revealed that translingual practice is a key element of students’ identities with varying ideologies attached. The chapter explores the micro and macro relations influencing ideologies, such as linguistic and symbolic distances between languages, monolingualism, linguistic imperialism, neoliberalism, secularization and sacralization. The chapter specifically investigates how translingual practice problematizes dominant monolingual biases in higher education and monolithic approaches to social, political, and religious realities. The chapter also analyses internalized mainstream monolingual ideologies in some students, leading to feelings of unworthiness and shame over translingual practices. Thus, the chapter sheds light on sociolinguistic complexities of translingual practices in two under-investigated Islamic countries. Suggestions are made as to ways in which the current gap between complex sociolinguistic realities and monolithic policies can be bridged.

Remarkably, the classification of science is only now being studied historically. The introduction specifies this book’s question: What made applied science seem such a potent economic, cultural, and political elixir in the United Kingdom for many decades and then saw it superseded? The book explores the meaning of the term that gave it such potency using five tools: institutions, narratives, sociotechnical imaginaries, concepts, and ideologies. The term has epistemic connotations; it has been promoted and blamed for its science policy implications, and cultural reality once weighed heavily. The book explores the relationship between ‘applied science’ and ‘technology’ with their different emphases to describe the space between pure science and the market. The argument has three parts: the nineteenth-century concern with pedagogy, the early twentieth century as attention shifted to research, and the period after World War Two in which the visibility of applied science first rose and then collapsed.

This chapter argues that anti-corruption is a tool of politics. This is true as soon as we recognize that it is also a tool of government, because assuring the viability of government is an essential political problem. I examine this issue from a wider perspective, viewing corruption as a “valence issue.” Parties, politicians, and civil society organizations may take advantage of the widespread popular opposition to corruption and campaign on an anti-corruption platform, especially if it is difficult for them to differentiate themselves in other ways. The decreased relevance of ideological differences in recent decades, particularly following the collapse of the Soviet Union, has contributed to the increased interest in corruption that has accompanied the establishment of the current consensus view. Also because of this motive, adopting an anti-corruption political platform has occasionally been an inevitable choice for reform-minded political actors.

When the German national parliament, the Bundestag, held a ceremony to commemorate the seventieth anniversary of the end of the Second World War on 8 May 2015, the historian Heinrich August Winkler was asked to deliver the main address. In his speech, Winkler confirmed the central role of National Socialism and the Holocaust for German national identity. Germany’s responsibility for genocide and war meant, seventy years after the events, a special responsibility toward Israel, and for the states of east-central and eastern Europe, which had suffered most terribly under German occupation, and for the European Union project as a project of peace and reconciliation in a continent where German hypernationalism had brought destruction on a hitherto unprecedented scale.

Building upon issues identified in the preceding chapter, Chapter 2 delves into tensions stemming from divergent political ideologies, economic objectives and legal methods that come into play in the interpretation and implementation of international investment agreements. Tensions between different actors and their perspectives on these issues are also considered. The aim is to provide reflection on different issues that occupy the current debate on international investment regulation and challenges encountered when addressing them.

This chapter examines models of multilingual education currently implemented in formal education systems around the world. Within the presentation of these models the chapter addresses the ideologies underlying the conceptualisations of the various programmes, the issue of the choice of language to be learned in relation to local contexts, types of learners enrolled in these programmes and the diverse outcomes of these models. This overview will (1) provide a backdrop to a discussion on the dominance of English and dominant European languages within these curricula, and (2) address the minoritisation of migrant and indigenous minority speakers’ bi-multilingualism and home languages. We conclude with a discussion of new approaches to the conceptualisation of multilingual education as a more flexible and dynamic process and the impact of such findings for language policymakers and educators at all levels.

Shelley K. Taylor recounts her impression, growing up in a multilingual city in Canada with multilingual parents, that everyone had their own ‘secret’ languages. While she has been a lifelong learner of languages, her journey reflects a blurring of boundaries between naturalistic and instructed Second Language Acquisition. Through her research on multilingual education navigating across different language families and global contexts, she challenges educators’ monolingual mindsets to promote students’ academic achievement and multilingual development.

Chapter 7 offers a newly comprehensive interpretation of the political and ideological war that escalated at the heart of the First World War. It argues that at the core the war turned into a transatlantic struggle not only between war-aim agendas but indeed between competing liberal-progressive, imperialist and Bolshevik visions of peace and future order. It elucidates the unprecedented scope of this struggle by examining not only the aims and conceptions of the different wartime governments and leaders like Wilson, Lloyd George, Ludendorff and Lenin but also the contributions that intellectuals, opinion-makers and other non-governmental actors and associations on both sides of the trenches made to what became the greatest war for “national minds” and “world opinion” in history (up until then). And it brings out the far-reaching consequences this struggle had, both for peacemaking after the war and in the longer term. The analysis emphasises that it catalysed or brought to the fore formative ideas and ideologies of international and domestic-political order for the remainder of the “long” 20th century, including notions of self-determination and universal but hierarchical democratisation, ideas for a modern league of nations and competing blueprints for an internationalist system of communist states.

Chapter 5 focuses on the elusive boundary between the lazy and the industrious in the post-1908 Young Turk era. In this tumultuous period, the Ottoman culture producers employed the concepts of work and laziness to further develop the exclusionary language characteristic of the culture of productivity against their rivals. Surveying political pamphlets, journals, memoirs, and the daily press, this chapter shows how various ideological camps entered into a cultural struggle over who should be regarded as lazy and useless based on a putative association with “super Westernization” or with “anti-progressivism.” In the relatively open political atmosphere immediately following the 1908 revolution, the polemics between various political agents, usually dubbed “Westernists” and “Islamists,” signalled a vital debate on the ideal citizen required by the nation. Their views of these issues diverged greatly, as did the question of who should be labeled lazy and unproductive. Such labels marshaled the exclusionary language that has been in development, revealing a variety of models of reform in the public sphere and how each one regarded the other as the cause of laziness.

Transnational legal orders are an important feature of the contemporary global order, but they are challenging to study since they take many different forms, change over time, and consist of both formal and informal legal mechanisms. They lack the centralized political and legal systems of nation states, which are more capable of exerting formal control. Focusing on the processes, practices, and ideologies of transnational legal orders, as the chapters in this volume do, provides a valuable way to understand the way such orders develop and function. The chapters analyze the dynamics of creation, transformation, and demise of these forms of social organization through the in-depth analysis of individual TLOs engaged in controlling criminal behavior. Taken together, these chapters provide a rich understanding of this important and complex phenomenon.

This chapter presents a brief history of the “first wave” oflanguage socialization research (1980s) and related research occurring during the same time in communities and classrooms. It discusses how research on language socialization has increasingly focused over the years on educational settings both inside and outside of classrooms, including schools, universities, and virtual spaces, where students from various backgrounds frequently have to negotiate changing and multiple languages, norms, roles, ideologies, identities, curricula, and/or ethnolinguistic communities.The chapter summarizes the major findings of the ten empirical cases studies presented in this volume, ties together some common themes among them, and argues that more attention needs to be paid towards examining outcomes of language socialization processes. It also offers suggestions of avenues for further exploration of the process of language socialization inside (and outside) classrooms.

This chapter covers the nascent state of the theorization affect in landscape studies, the need to distinguish between emotions and affect, and explains why the latter is of greater analytical value as part of our attempts to better understand the ideological structuring of semiotic landscapes,

Objective phenomena of globalization have been studied in extraordinary detail. Scholarly publications abound describing the flows of global financial interchange, the movement of goods and people, and even the empirical spread of global culture. By comparison, the subjective dimensions of globalization have barely received any attention. Seeking to rectify this neglect, this chapter explores how various ideological articulations of globalization have shaped its material designs and instantiations. We suggest that the thickening of global consciousness can be conceptualized along four interrelated dimensions or layers: ideas, ideologies, imaginaries, and ontologies. Each of these layers is, as we show, constituted in practice at an ever-greater generality, durability, and depth. In this period of the Great Unsettling, normative contestations have intensified, but they tend to have a common global point of reference. Putting an analytical spotlight on such subjective dimensions not only yields a better understanding of the changing ideological landscape of our time, but also helps us make sense of the profound and multidimensional processes that go by the name of globalization.

Contrary to influential theses of the ‘end of ideologies’, the early twenty-first century has witnessed the revival of political ideologies deeply opposed to democratic liberalism. The most recent of these ideational clusters is what we call ‘anti-globalist populism’—a particular strain of right-wing national populism that focuses on the alleged negative impacts of globalization. The remarkable success of anti-globalist populism is most spectacularly reflected in the electoral victory of Donald Trump in the United States and the triumph of the Brexit alliance in the United Kingdom. This chapter maps and critically evaluates the core ideological concepts and claims of anti-globalist populism. We employ a morphological discourse analysis—a qualitative method for a contextually sensitive mapping and assessing of the structural arrangements of political ideologies—that attributes connected meanings to a range of mutually defining political concepts. Ultimately, the chapter seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the shifting ideological landscape in the twenty-first century and the crucial role that globalization is still playing in this transformative process.