This study examines Nigeria’s National Information Technology Development Agency Code of Practice for Interactive Computer Service Platforms as one of Africa’s first push towards digital and social media co-regulation. Already established as a regulatory practice in Europe, co-regulation emphasises the need to impose duties of care on platforms and hold them, instead of users, accountable for safe online experiences. It is markedly different from the prior (and existing) regulatory paradigm in Nigeria, which is based on direct user regulation. By analysing the Code of Practice, therefore, this study considers what Nigeria’s radical turn towards co-regulation means for digital policy and social media regulation in relation to standards, information-gathering, and enforcement. It further sheds light on what co-regulation entails for digital regulatory practice in the wider African context, particularly in terms of the balance of power realities between Global North platforms and Global South countries.

This article examines the ways in which Brazil's African foreign policy during the Ernesto Geisel administration (1974–9) utilised notions of ‘racial democracy’ and the nation's Africanity in framing itself as an intrinsic partner to the continent across the Atlantic. It does this through an analysis of Brazil's involvement at the Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture (FESTAC’77, 15 January–12 February 1977), hosted in Lagos, Nigeria. The international event celebrated past and present contributions of Black and African cultures to global civilisation. An assessment of the Brazilian government's delegation to FESTAC’77 shows how the Geisel administration attempted to depict Brazil as a harmoniously integrated society, where, through a historic process of mixing, the nation's racial identity was united into an equitable whole. In contrast, the propagation of these ideas at FESTAC’77 left the regime's racial ideology vulnerable to attack from international and domestic audiences.

One of the issues for determination in All Progressives Congress v Bashir Sheriff and Others was whether the first respondent won the primary election that was conducted according to the Electoral Act 2022. This issue, however, was not addressed because the Supreme Court set aside the suit because the first respondent failed to initiate it through the proper originating process. This decision contrasts with its previous judgment in Ekanem v The Registered Trustees of the Church of Christ the Good Shepherd, where it held that an inappropriate originating process does not undermine the competence of a suit. By departing from this previous decision, this note argues that there is a high possibility that the Supreme Court may have aided in the subversion of the Constitution. It recommends that the Electoral Act 2022 be amended to restrict the court's authority to dismiss election disputes if they were initiated through inappropriate originating processes.

The 1943 Tour of Eight West African editors to London formed a major event in World War II United Kingdom–West Africa relations. The tour is often understood in terms of the symbolic importance of Azikiwe's landmark Memorandum on the Atlantic Charter. This article argues that we should reappraise our understandings of the tour and pay closer attention to African actors and networks beyond the Colonial Office. We must understand Britain as a periphery to a West African social, cultural, and political centre. The tour reveals how Britain was mediated in West African terms. Existing historiography focused on Azikiwe's Memorandum or decision-making within Whitehall has ignored both the importance of the tour in West Africa and the diversity of Africans in Britain involved in the tour. The present article focuses on African responses to the tour and, drawing on the historiography of print culture and wartime African mobilities, prioritises African-authored sources. Cumulatively, it situates the tour within an evolving historiography of global mobilities in WWII Nigeria. Rather than simply seeking to unite the metropole and colony in a single field, the article suggests that we must consider more deeply the ways that Africans provincialized the metropole, while centring African colonies.

With the passage of the Climate Change Act, and to help meet its net zero obligations by 2060, Nigeria must transition from its dependence on fossil fuel energy sources to renewable energy. This will involve the procurement of large amounts of renewable energy by the government. In the past, procurement of power from the government-owned bulk trader has been chaotic, with no discernible strategy, and it is doubtful whether the government or Nigeria's citizens have derived value for money from the process. This article suggests a transition from the current, mostly unsolicited, proposal system to energy auctions, as the authors believe that this will help the country achieve low prices for renewable energy. The article also examines polices that have been implemented in other countries to drive energy auctions, with a view to applying relatable practices to the Nigerian exercise.

This article sets out to explain why Nigeria was unable to prevent the loss of heritage objects in the 1960s and 1970s. Obvious answers to this question would include the limited enforcement capacity of the African state and the complacency of European and North American art dealers. “How Our Heritage Is Looted” argues, however, that a colonial legal category, namely “antiquity,” played a key role in creating an ineffective enforcement regime for cultural property theft. The mismatch between the ordinary meaning of the term “antiquity,” denoting a remnant of an ancient civilization, and the kinds of modern crafts that the state wanted to protect ultimately resulted in the inability of Nigeria’s colonial preservation statute to convey clear rules to customs officers and museum curators about what exporters could take out of the country. Nigeria’s heritage law thus constituted a project of legal meaning-making whose failure facilitated illicit commerce.

Investing in the sexual and reproductive health of young adults can directly and indirectly contribute to accelerated economic growth. Looking beyond individual determinants of sexual behaviours and focusing on cultural factors such as ethnic affiliation are crucial for interventions and programme planning, particularly in a context like Nigeria. Using a concurrent triangulation mixed-methods design, this article explores the associations between ethnic affiliations and protective sexual behaviours of young adults in Nigeria. The quantitative data was derived from a representative sample of 1,393 male and female youth aged 16–24 years in three states purposively selected from three regions in Nigeria, while qualitative data was based on 18 focus groups and 36 in-depth interviews. The quantitative data was analysed using frequency distributions and regressions, while content analysis was employed to analyse qualitative data. Descriptive results showed that abstinence was higher for Hausa (80%) young adults compared with Yoruba (72%) and Igbo (68%) young adults. Condom use was lowest for Hausa (56%) young adults compared with Igbo (80%) and Yoruba (81%) young adults. The effect of education on abstinence differed by ethnicity and living with two parents was associated with a higher likelihood of abstinence among youth in all ethnic groups. Fear of early fatherhood and unplanned pregnancy was a prominent reason for protective sexual behaviour among Yoruba, Igbo, and Hausa young adults. The findings from this study show that young adults who engage in protective sexual behaviours may identify different rationales for this behaviour based on their ethnic background. Programme planners interested in promoting and encouraging protective sexual behaviours should recognize these multiple reasons across different ethnic affiliations to scale up and sustain existing interventions.

This study was conducted to provide empirical evidence of geographical variations of neonatal mortality and its associated social determinants with a view to improving neonatal survival at the subnational level in Nigeria. With a combination of spatial analysis and artificial intelligence techniques, this study analysed data from the 2016/2017 Nigeria Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey. The analysis focused on the neonatal period of a weighted national representative population of 30,924 live births delivered five years before the survey commencement. Global Moran’s I index and local indicator of spatial autocorrelation cluster maps were used to determine hot and cold spots. A multilayer perceptron neural network was used to identify the key determinants of neonatal mortality across the states and geopolitical zones in Nigeria. The overall neonatal mortality rate was 38 deaths per 1000 live births. There is evidence of geographic clustering of neonatal mortality across Nigeria (worse in the North-Central and North-West zones), majorly driven by poor maternal access to mass media (which plays a critical role in promoting positive health behaviours), short birth interval, a higher position in a family birth order, and young maternal age at child’s birth. This study highlights the need for a policy shift towards implementing state and region-specific strategies in Nigeria. Gender-responsive, culturally, and regionally appropriate reproductive, maternal, and child health-targeted interventions may address geographical inequity in neonatal survival.

In this systematic review, we scrutinise adolescent nutrition in Nigeria, focusing on dietary patterns, intake, and nutritional status. Through a systematic examination of observational studies across three major databases, we analysed data from 67,844 adolescents. Our exploration revealed 102 studies, predominantly cross-sectional, addressing various nutritional dimensions. However, only 13% of these studies demonstrated low risk of bias, with none offering national representation and most concentrated in specific, school-based regions. The findings underscore a complex nutritional landscape with widespread malnutrition and highlight the critical need for high-quality, comprehensive data. The dominance of cross-sectional designs and regional biases in existing research calls for cautious interpretation and suggests a pressing need for more robust, nationally representative studies to guide future nutritional interventions and policy-making in Nigeria.

During the Nigerian Civil War, France became the main supplier of military assistance to the secessionist Biafra. In a neo-imperial pursuit to weaken the potential regional hegemon Nigeria, it secretly provided arms and ammunition to the Biafrans in collusion with Côte d'Ivoire and Gabon. Yet the driving force behind this Franco-African arms triangle was not the Elysée, but the Ivorian president Félix Houphouët-Boigny. Newly unearthed documentary evidence from French archives enables this article to break new historiographical ground: firstly, to show the Elysée's sheer reluctance to militarily assist Biafra and lack of a coherent policy in doing so; secondly, to confirm Houphouët-Boigny as the “mastermind” behind the arming of Biafra, as well as to identify his Cold War motivations; thirdly, to uncover Gabonese president Omar Bongo's increasing agency and influence in the scheme; fourthly, to demonstrate that it was the Ivorian and Gabonese presidents who transformed the arms triangle into a square by bringing the Rhodesians and, especially, the South Africans in; and, finally, to retrace the emergence and functioning of the “African-French” military assistance to Biafra at the policy level not only from Paris's, but also Abidjan's and Libreville's perspectives.