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This chapter provides a practitioner’s point of view on diplomatic images. The author is positioned to give a unique perspective as a freelance photographer who is currently based in Singapore, which has recently become a significant city-state for major global diplomatic events. Through his first-hand experiences of covering high-profile international diplomatic events, such as the 2018 Trump-Kim Summit held in Singapore, the author takes us backstage and demonstrates how famous diplomatic images are produced to represent the affective register of the moment. In so doing, the chapter illuminates the situational context of the photographer in taking diplomatic images, offering insight into the editorial process in which diplomatic images are produced by the media.
Since the end of the Cold War, democracies have sought to create a range of normative and international legal standards intended to reduce the frequency, and legitimacy, of coups. The rise of the anti-coup norm has led to the isolation and punishment of numerous coup-created governments, and evidence suggests it has helped reduce the frequency of coup attempts. However, the norm is contested, and coup leaders often find that the international condemnation they face is countered by quiet acquiescence or active support by international allies. This paper examines the politics of norm contestation around the anti-coup norm by considering the international response to the 2021 coup in Myanmar. It introduces the concept of ‘norm waverers’ and illustrates how committed norm promoters and norm resisters often try to persuade norm waverers – in this case exemplified by ASEAN (the Association of Southeast Asian Nations) – to join their respective camps. International pressure after the Myanmar coup induced ASEAN to take steps to enforce the anti-coup norm. But these ultimately reflected a concern with its own reputation and credibility, rather than any underlying institutional commitment to the norm itself. The result was a shallow institutionalisation of the anti-coup norm.
In recent years, there has been an upsurge in the number of civilian resistance movements (CRMs) within states to counter government repression and coups d’états through which civilians are on the frontlines of state brutality and mass atrocities. This article considers the implications of CRMs for atrocity prevention and the associated responsibility to protect norm by asking, Should the international community support CRMs as part of its wider commitment to ending mass atrocities? In this article, we evaluate both military and nonmilitary support to CRMs. We argue that in the context of coups and government repression, providing lethal military support to CRMs will often make things worse in terms of atrocity prevention. We however explain that the provision by the international community of nonlethal and nonmilitary support through political recognition, technical assistance, and accountability can yield positive results. We illustrate this argument with the case of Myanmar.
The ILO was created in a period of globalization in the early nineteenth century to help governments agree on health and safety protections for workers. These labor standards were renewed after World War II and today the ILO is the primary global agency at the interface where governments and labor meet on a global scale. This chapter looks at the authority of the ILO in both theory and practice. The theory is provided by the legal texts of the ILO’s conventions and agreements, and a case study on Myanmar’s long-running violations of the rules provides insight into some of the lived experience of the rules.
Ticks are composed of 3 extant families (Argasidae, Ixodidae and Nuttalliellidae) and 2 extinct families (Deinocrotonidae and Khimairidae). The Nuttalliellidae possess one extant species (Nuttalliella namaqua) limited to the Afrotropic region. A basal relationship to the hard and soft tick families and its limited distribution suggested an origin for ticks in the Afrotropics. The Deinocrotonidae has been found in Burmese amber from Myanmar and Iberian amber from Spain, suggesting a wider distribution of the lineage composed of Deinocrotonidae and Nuttalliellidae. The current study describes 8 fossils from mid-Cretaceous (ca. 100 Ma) Burmese amber: 2 Deinocroton species (Deinocroton bicornis sp. nov.; Deinocroton lacrimus sp. nov.), 5 Nuttalliella species (Nuttalliella gratae sp. nov., Nuttalliella tuberculata sp. nov., Nuttalliella placaventrala sp. nov., Nuttalliella odyssea sp. nov., Nuttalliella tropicasylvae sp. nov.) and a new genus and species (Legionaris nov. gen., Legionaris robustus sp. nov.). The argument is advanced that Deinocroton do not warrant its own family, but forms part of the Nuttalliellidae comprising 3 genera, Deinocroton, Legionaris nov. gen. and Nuttalliella). Affinities of Burmese tick fossils to the Australasian region, specifically related to rifting of the Burma terrane from northern Australia ~150 million years ago, suggest that Nuttalliella had a much wider distribution than its current limited distribution. The distribution of Nuttalliella likely stretched from Africa over Antarctica and much of Australia, suggesting that extant members of this family may still be found in Australia. Considerations for the geographic origins of ticks conclude that an Afrotropic origin can as yet not be discarded.
This chapter focuses on a contemporary Movement agreement summarized as Sevilla 2.0. This 2022 agreement tries to specify a division of labor along with increased cooperation within the Movement, both longstanding concerns. Sevilla 2.0 reflects a semantic emphasis on local humanitarian actors, with much rhetoric about the importance of National RC Societies. The agreement shows a certain fatigue with establishment and Western-based (and Western-funded) organizations such as the ICRC. However, in Sevilla 2.0 the ICRC was able to protect its traditional roles and functions, while agreeing to be more of a team player. How the ICRC and its partners functioned in the Syrian armed conflict of 2011–2022 is then examined. This case shows a very complicated relationship between the ICRC and the Syrian Arab Red Crescent Society, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, between these two actors and various fighting parties, chief among which was the Assad government. The ICRC was compelled to abandon a fully Dunantist posture in the Syrian complex conflict. Comparisons are made with other organizations and conflicts.
Myanmar: A Political Lexicon is a critical inquiry into how words animate politics. Across sixteen entries the lexicon stages dialogues about political speech and action in this country at the nexus of South, East and Southeast Asia. This Element offers readers venues in which to consider the history and contingency of ideas like power, race, patriarchy and revolution. Contention over these and other ideas, it shows, does not reflect the political world in which Myanmar's people live—it realizes it.
Buddhist nationalism has emerged again as a topic of scholarly and media attention, driven primarily by campaigns of violence and expulsion against Muslims in Myanmar, but also by similar dynamics in Sri Lanka and Thailand. Recent research on the intersections between Buddhism and nationalism not only follows the scholarly critique of methodological nationalism – resisting the urge to naturalize the nation and read it back anachronistically into history – it also questions assumptions of Buddhism as a unitary or even stable object of inquiry. “Buddhist nationalism,” where it exists, does not necessarily follow a set pattern; moreover, it is the conscious and largely intentional creation of actors with the relevant authority and stature to frame the two components as intrinsically connected. In doing so, they construct it through narratives and symbols of legitimation that are recognizably Buddhist and linked to particular cultural, ethnic, or political configurations.
Platform governance matters. The failure of platform companies to govern their users has led to disasters ranging from the unwitting culpability of Facebook in the 2017 genocide of the Rohingya people, to the spread of fraud and disinformation exacerbating the COVID-19 crisis, and to the subversion of free and fair elections across the world. The Introduction to The Networked Leviathan frames the problem of platform governance and its similarity to some of the problems confronted for centuries by political states and recommends that policymakers and scholars of the internet turn to older forms of political organization for inspiration.
Returning to the Myanmar government's ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya people, this chapter argues: how could Facebook not have known that its platform was being abused to promote genocide? The answer draws on longstanding scholarship across political science, urban studies, economics, and other fields relating to the problems that centralized governors have in drawing together knowledge from the peripheries of their territories. It is argued that the appropriate solution to problems of knowledge in the platform context is to design democratic and polycentric governance institutions permitting ordinary people to have influence over company decisions.
Many low- and middle-income countries and international organisations have invested resources to strengthen primary health care (PHC). This study aimed to identify the challenges and unmet needs in the current PHC by assessing the experiences and perceptions of healthcare workers in three townships (Htan Ta Pin, Hmawbi, and Taikkyi) in Yangon, Myanmar.
Methods:
The study was conducted among healthcare professionals and community leaders in three townships. Adopting a mixed-method approach, a cross-sectional health needs assessment survey was conducted for quantitative data (n = 66), and focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted online for qualitative data.
Findings:
Enhancing the management and leadership capacity had the lowest average score on the current achievement (2.81 out of 5 ratings) while strengthening infectious disease control service and accessibility was perceived as the highest mean on the priority of intervention (4.28) and the impact of the intervention (4.7). The FGDs revealed that while specific infrastructures and equipment were reported insufficient and necessary, the need for financial support has been the recurrent theme throughout the discussions.
Interpretation:
Utilising the World Health Organisation’s six building block frameworks, our findings suggest that a long-term targeted financial investment in the PHC system is critical in Myanmar through increasing healthcare expenditure per capita.
The NGO Fauna & Flora started working in the Myeik Archipelago, southern Myanmar in 2013, and in 2017 three locally managed marine areas were established to aid sustainable fisheries management and support biodiversity conservation. These sites are the first protected areas specifically established for co-management of marine fisheries in Myanmar, in which long-term management rights have been formally granted to local fishing communities. The establishment of a further four locally managed marine areas is now in progress, with ambitions for a network to be established throughout the archipelago. To track changes in these habitats over time, assess effectiveness and inform adaptive fisheries management, annual coral reef monitoring will be conducted at these community-managed sites. We provide an overview of the locally managed marine areas recently established in Myanmar and of proposed new sites, and detail the establishment of the first permanent coral reef monitoring transects. In sharing the initial evidence gathered on the impact of new, local management measures, we aim to highlight the importance and benefit of developing marine resource management systems to strengthen fisheries management while simultaneously establishing a monitoring framework to fill a national and global coral reef data gap.
The Tanintharyi Region in southern Myanmar is rich in biodiversity yet is facing threats from varying degrees of anthropogenic pressure. In this research we examine how anthropogenic pressures are influencing large carnivores (tiger Panthera tigris, leopard Panthera pardus and dhole Cuon alpinus) and their major prey species (wild pig Sus scrofa, muntjac Muntiacus spp., sambar Rusa unicolor, gaur Bos gaurus and banteng Bos javanicus) in the Lenya Reserved Forest and adjacent areas of Sundaic forest. We used data from camera-trap surveys during May 2016–March 2018 and logistic regression to analyse the relationships between the presence of large carnivores and explanatory variables such as human disturbance, landscape variability and changes in prey distribution. Tiger presence was positively associated with the occurrence of gaur and distance to villages. The occurrence of prey did not explain the detection of leopards in the study area. We suspect this was because leopards have a broad diet, including arboreal primates, and their prey was not fully recorded in our camera-trap survey. Dholes were positively associated with wild pigs and the total number of prey but not associated with forest type and landscape variables. To restore the carnivore population and conserve the biodiversity of this area, effective protection of predators and habitat management for large ungulates are crucial.
This chapter analyzes different fields of Buddhist constitutionalism in contemporary Myanmar, arguing for expanding the study of Buddhist constitutionalism to include “secular” civil law and the Penal Code, which prima facie promote equality between religious and ethnic groups. Thus, the key regulatory issue at stake is not only sangha affairs, but also the privileging of Buddhism vis-à-vis other religions in a wide array of policies and state law. This broad approach opens up for identifying multiple aspects of Buddhist constitutionalism, such as unwritten or “living” forms of Buddhist constitutionalism, in addition to its political forms and manifestations. This practice of Buddhist statecraft is, however, challenged by ethnic and religious minority communities in Myanmar. After the 2021 military coup, the democratic opposition in its new “Federal Democracy Charter” declared an end to Buddhist constitutional privileges, while the military junta positions itself as the protector of Buddhist constitutionalism as enshrined in the 2008 Constitution.
Urbanization of natural landscapes and increasing human populations have brought people and our companion animals into closer contact with wildlife, even within protected areas. To provide guidance for human–wildlife coexistence, it is therefore critical to understand the effects of anthropogenic disturbances and how well native wildlife species survive in human-dominated landscapes. We investigated the spatio-temporal responses of 10 vertebrate taxa, with an emphasis on the Endangered Eld's deer Rucervus eldii thamin, to anthropogenic disturbances in Shwesettaw Wildlife Sanctuary, Myanmar. We quantified anthropogenic disturbances as distance from human settlements, distance from a highway, and the presence of people and free-ranging dogs Canis familiaris. Anthropogenic disturbances had stronger negative impacts on the detection of native wildlife species than on occupancy. Eld's deer avoided areas close to human settlements and showed low diel activity overlap with both people and dogs, although we found a positive association with human presence at the camera-trap sites. Five species exhibited lower diel activity overlap with people in the rainy season when human activity is the highest in our study area. All studied wildlife species shifted to nocturnal activity or did not show any clear activity pattern during the cool-dry season when the presence of dogs increased. The ecological and conservation impacts of dogs are underestimated in South-east Asia, particularly in Myanmar, and this case study highlights the impacts of dogs on the temporal use of habitat by wildlife and the need for better practices in the management of dogs within protected areas.
Three examples of metastriate hard ticks (Ixodida: Ixodidae) with apparent affinities to modern Australasian genera are described from the mid-Cretaceous (ca. 100 Ma) Burmese amber of Myanmar. Two nymphs of Bothriocroton muelleri sp. nov. represent the oldest (and only) fossil record of this genus, living members of which are restricted to Australia and predominantly feed on monitor lizards, snakes and echidnas. A female of Archaeocroton kaufmani sp. nov. shares its basis capitulum shape with the tuatara tick Archaeocroton sphenodonti (Dumbleton, 1943), the only extant member of this genus and an endemic species for New Zealand. The presence of 2 Australasian genera in Burmese amber is consistent with a previous record of an Ixodes Latreille, 1795 tick from this deposit which resembles Australian members of this genus. They further support an emerging hypothesis that fauna of the amber forest, which may have been on an island at the time of deposition, was at least partly Gondwanan in origin. A revised evolutionary tree for Ixodida is presented compiling data from several new Burmese amber ticks described in the last few years.
This paper examines the impact of investment treaties on the rule of law through a detailed case study of Myanmar. The paper draws on a series of semi-structured interviews with government officials, investment lawyers and foreign advisors to the Myanmar government, as well as an analysis of primary and secondary documents. The findings cast doubt on claims that investment treaties promote good governance and the rule of law. The overall finding is that investment treaties’ effects on domestic governance are primarily mediated through processes within the executive branch of government and that these effects are limited and often ad hoc. Investment treaties have no discernible impact on the judicial system in Myanmar, and little impact on legislation or regulatory rule-making processes.
This chapter examines the relationships between representations and operations of sovereignty in natural resource governance. We advance a ‘political ecology of sovereignty’, examining the participation of non-state actors in resource governance processes. We particularly argue that processes of integrating subaltern populations through mapping local ecological knowledge can modify effective governance practices while nonetheless reproducing the legibility of state sovereign authority and its territorial boundaries. Exploring the Enbridge Northern Gateway pipeline in Canada, we suggest that state jurisdictional authority is secured through incorporating Indigenous interests as a delimited geography of tradition. Examining the Hatgyi hydroelectric development along the Thai–Myanmar border, we argue that the territorial boundaries of those nation-states are rearticulated through the governance of this transboundary development. Through these cases, we demonstrate how the insertion of local knowledge works not only to reconfigure effective governance processes but also to reinforce the effect of state sovereignty in new ways.
Sovereignty always relies on a double movement of violence and care. It requires the power to exercise violence as well as the capacity to care, to protect, and to nourish. In the footsteps of Foucault and Agamben, numerous scholars have rediscovered the same paradox in philosophical and legal texts. Anthropologists writing about informal and practical sovereignty pay attention to violence, but sometimes ignore the importance of care for the exercise of sovereignty. Against such tendencies to focus on texts and on violence, this article deals with sovereignty as care. The concrete examples are the relationships of care between commanders, soldiers, and villagers in the Wa State of Myanmar, a de-facto state governed by an insurgent army. In the absence of an effective government bureaucracy, popular sovereignty in this military state relies on a particular logic of personal relations, in which care is central. Subordinates have to care about leaders, whereas leaders are supposed to care for subordinates. Care provides the balance and foil for the exercise of violence, and both are necessary for the exercise of sovereignty. The combination of violence and care in personal relations is scaled up to create “the people” as the subject and object of sovereignty. The article describes the logic of personal relations that allows for the exercise of popular sovereignty in the Wa State and elsewhere.
Regime change often exacerbates ethnic conflict. This article examines the curious case of Myanmar, where a 2021 military coup was met, on the surface, with broad-based resistance across a divided society. An important question that therefore arises is whether, below the surface, this unity also took a more positive form of national solidarity. Were deep ethnic cleavages intensified or alleviated by the 2021 coup? This question bears theoretical relevance for the study of ethnic conflict and has social relevance for a nation marked by a long history of civil war and a recent experience of genocide against Rohingya Muslims. The article engages in a systematic examination of 180 social media posts uploaded in Burmese by key opinion leaders both before and after the coup. A qualitative analysis of major positive and negative themes indicates a shift in attitudes. The quantitative analysis shows that ethnic relations, measured by a change in themes, ratings and virality, improved significantly in the immediate aftermath of Myanmar's 2021 coup.