Hostname: page-component-745bb68f8f-mzp66 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2025-02-11T05:32:23.911Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Staging violence, suffering and orthodoxy in the chants of the Spanish March

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 February 2014

Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

During the reconquest of Islamic territories on the Spanish March, Iberian lands witnessed a religious transformation enacted by the Christian victors and characterised by the resurgence of devotion to both old and new saintly figures. The present article explores how the music of saints represents, and thus interprets, issues related to violence and suffering so prevalent on the frontier. The chants for prominent saints in the area, Paul of Narbonne, Eulalia of Barcelona and Saturninus of Toulouse, are explored here in relation to how words and music interacted to illustrate the saints' position in relation to violence and suffering. Musical analyses trace how the topoi of orthodoxy in faith and confronting bloodshed with devout resolution are cast in the chants of earlier styles to those of the late twelfth century. Differences in musical depictions of these subjects underscore how the saints, in their changing sonic personae, were made to engage with the realities confronting Christian frontier communities.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2014 

From the early eighth to the thirteenth century, much of the territory known as the Spanish March was subjected to near perennial violence: Muslims besieged territories south of the Pyrenees, and north of this mountain range Christians forcefully persecuted those they considered heretics.Footnote 1 As these brutal events unfolded, devotion to the regions' early evangelisers and martyrs was renewed.Footnote 2 Many newly erected ecclesiastical foundations came to be dedicated to local saints. The times also saw a marked increase in devotion to regional saints, whose cults flourished particularly among the Cistercians and military orders in the twelfth century, and among mendicants in the thirteenth.Footnote 3

The relevance of regional saints amidst pervasive violence is not fortuitous. Manifesting the saints' intercession via the recitation of the Divine Office was part of an ecclesiastical community's arsenal in the role of religious as milites Christi, as Barbara Rosenwein has shown in her study of Cluny.Footnote 4 The place of liturgy on the battleground is discussed in studies by Carl Erdmann, Michael McCormick, Christoph Maier and and John Bliese.Footnote 5 It is in this multifaceted socio-religious context that historiae were written, sung and contemplated. In light of current scholarship, I discuss here how descriptions of violence, suffering and orthodoxy are articulated in chants for saints especially prominent in the territories of the Spanish March.Footnote 6 Examples from the hitherto unedited historiae of Paul of Narbonne, Eulalia of Barcelona and Saturninus of Toulouse will be analysed.

While sermons, orations, psalms and votive masses (such as ‘in tempore belli’) include instances of liturgy addressing the subject of warfare, these genres do not offer great insights into chant's role in the broader discourse. What was the function of plainchant in this context? Was it a passive, content-neutral medium used to recite texts as a matter of centuries' old liturgical convention?Footnote 7 Or was chant used to help formulate and communicate topics of particular relevance in the texts? Was a word-sensitive articulation of often-formulaic melodic patterns part of the compositional methods employed by liturgists in crafting their message?Footnote 8 These questions touching on the vast corpus of medieval historiae, which often grapple directly with issues of war, violence and suffering, have received scant scholarly attention.Footnote 9

The present article will examine how historiae engage with the interrelated topics of violence and orthodoxy, with the aim of understanding the discursive role played by the chants of the Divine Office. This perspective will be developed in a two-step process beginning with an examination of how liturgists reformulated the texts of vitae for use in antiphons and responsories. From this vantage point, further examination of how text and narrative are articulated, or staged, in the matrix of liturgical chant's musical conventions affords valuable analytical insights.Footnote 10 Elucidating how passages and their narrative elements were reformulated and rearticulated as historiae permits us to appreciate them as important sources of devotional and intellectual history.Footnote 11

Paul of Narbonne

The prevalence of St Paul of Narbonne (11 December), confessor, in the liturgies of Arago-Catalan dioceses is attested in the indexes of Iberian liturgical manuscripts compiled by José Janini.Footnote 12 A thirteenth-century antiphonary following the use of the cathedral of Vic (Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, Ms. 619, hereafter E-Bbc 619) contains the proper chants for Lauds sung in the region (fol. 75r).Footnote 13 They reflect a style predating that of historiae prevalent after the eleventh century, in which rhymed texts were set to clearly modal melodies.Footnote 14

Examining how the antiphon texts adapt or reformulate the vita affords a useful starting point for exploring how liturgy participated in staging, and thus interpreting, the role of violence. Table 1 shows how the liturgy parses a passage from the vita into thematic groupings. As a whole, the Lauds antiphon texts are based on the introductory chapter of Paul's ‘vita A’, which describes the persecution he endured in Rome before heading off to evangelise southern Gaul.Footnote 15 Paul's invincibility is treated in the third antiphon, and the torments to which he was subjected in the fourth.Footnote 16

Table 1 Comparison of Paul of Narbonne vita to chant texts

Starting the analysis with the fourth antiphon will prove instructive (Ex. 1). The text comprises two distinct clauses drawn from a long sentence in the vita. Each clause presents an independent, yet subsequent, moment in time. The instigator and recipient of the torture are left implicit. Comparing the antiphon text with that of the vita reveals how the liturgist restructured the narrative. The antiphon transmits a message juxtaposing Paul's moral superiority with his persecutor's evilness. This is affected first by textual interpolations which characterise Paul as ‘gloriosum’ and the tyrant as impious. The first of the two clauses from the vita was also reformulated by rearranging and deleting words. The inversion of the vita's original order of the effect of torture (‘maceratum’) and its causes (‘fame squalore’) creates a rhyme between ‘Paulum’ and ‘maceratum’ in the antiphon. The deletion of the verb ‘mandavit’ from the first clause of the vita text makes both aspects of Paul's trials become grammatically dependent on the final verb ‘precepit’ in the antiphon. This has the effect of recasting the temporal order of events in the vita by presenting them as the result of a single command. Additionally, the change of the final verb to ‘precepit’ introduces an aspect of premeditated intent, absent from the use of ‘iussit’ in the vita. Cumulatively these changes concentrate the intensity of the violent persecution and stage a polarised contrast between the saint and the tyrant.

Ex. 1 St Paul of Narbonne (11 December), Lauds antiphon 4 (E-Bbc 619, fol. 75r).Footnote 17

The musical setting of the antiphon text supports the liturgist's reworking of the vita while offering an additional interpretative parameter on the text content. The antiphon is divisible into five phrases. The first two contrast the glory of Paul (phrase 1) with the severity of his suffering (phrase 2). There is an analogous contrast of register: the first phrase, which opens with a fourth-mode intonation formula, spans only a fourth and is situated in the lower segment of the ambitus, around and below the finalis E.Footnote 18 This contrasts with an exploration of the upper segment of the ambitus in phrase 2, where a full cadence reinforces the rhyme affected by the new position of ‘maceratum’.

The setting of the remaining antiphon text continues to underscore the contrasts. Phrase 3 introduces the largest leap in the antiphon melody, the fifth D–a on ‘impietas’, thereby singling out the tyrant responsible for Paul's suffering. This is further emphasised by the relative scarcity of this melodic gesture in the fourth mode.Footnote 19 In the phrases 3–5 the tyrant's orders are recounted. These three phrases avoid full internal cadences, underscoring the restructuring of temporal events in the antiphon resulting from the deletion of the verb ‘mandavit’. It is only at the end, on the word ‘precepit’, that a full cadence is reached again. Thus the single sentence created for the antiphon from two phrases of the vita is rearticulated musically in two portions: phrases 1–2 treat Paul; phrases 3–5 highlight the tyrant's maliciousness. The two portions of the antiphon are differentiated musically by the setting of text in contrasting registers, the placement of full and half-cadences, and the use of large leaps to signal shifts in narrative focus.

We have not yet considered the role of violence in the antiphon text. The slightly more melismatic setting of phrase 3 (in comparison to the neumatic setting of the previous two) might have suggested to listeners something of the contrast between the protagonists. The word receiving the most emphatic melismatic elaboration, however, is ‘affligi’ in the final phrase 5. This musical treatment offers a clue to understanding how violence is instrumentalised in the antiphon. Paul's suffering is positioned as the axis on which saintliness opposes the belligerent tyrant's wickedness.

The fifth antiphon of Lauds presents a slightly different approach in its extensive quotation of the vita (see again Table 1; Ex. 2). The text used for antiphon 5 follows directly after that used in the third and fourth antiphons, and narrates how Paul's faith increases with the successively cruel torments. Once again, the antiphon reformulates the vita by contrasting Paul's blessedness with the tyrant's cruelty. This commences not with ‘cuius’, a pronoun referring to the tyrant, but with the saintly protagonist's presentation. Additionally, shifting the verb ‘crescere’ towards the end has the effect of beginning and ending the clause with aspects pertaining to Paul's faith: the antiphon text opens by refocusing the narrative towards the fortitude of the saint and away from the tyrant. The omission of the last portions of the sentence in the vita, which describe the mutilation of Paul's hands, underscores the aim of the antiphon text's creator. In leaving unstated how the tyrant's torture manifested itself, he positioned the strength of Paul's faith in direct opposition to the tyrant's unquenchable aggression.

Ex. 2 St Paul of Narbonne (11 December), Lauds antiphon 5 (E-Bbc 619, fol. 75r).Footnote 20

The melodic formulae of the fifth-mode chant are articulated in this example again to project violence as the axis on which both tyrant and saint are defined.Footnote 21 The placement of cadences at the end of phrases 4 and 7 divides the antiphon in two. The first period (phrases 1–4) treats the growth of Paul's faith in reaction to violence; the second (phrases 5–7) sets the tyrant's malicious scheming. A noteworthy aspect of this division is how the music emphasises Paul's virtue over the tyrant's vileness, a reading not necessarily deduced from the vita. Through the contrasting interaction of cadence placement, melodic embellishment and register setting in the first and second periods, the chant stages the text in a relationship of musical inequality. The first period seems like a carefully constructed exercise in the creation of tension and dissipation through cadence. It moves towards the reciting tone, with the two subsequent phrases not moving below c. Tension and the musical expectation for closure are heightened by the setting of ‘ipsumque tormentorum’ in phrase 3. A shift towards a melismatic setting and the expanded range of a tenth draw attention to the role these two words play in the narrative, while simultaneously creating an expectation for modal repose. Having a modal and grammatical caesura coincide at ‘fieri fortiorem’ adds a degree of stability to the passage. The second period's musical setting has no comparable articulation through cadences, ambitus or melismatic emphasis, with the exception of ‘exquisivit’. The melody of the second period is overshadowed by the reappropriation of the tyrant's tortures for the sake of highlighting Paul's spiritual fortitude. Changing the pronoun from the vita's ‘illum’ to the antiphon's ‘ipsum’ underscores this narrative refocusing. Violence is prominently positioned in the chant, but its musical and narrative function is related to defining the saint's virtue.

The third antiphon of Lauds affords yet another, complementary perspective (see again Table 1; Ex. 3). The corresponding passage in the vita describes pagans turning to violence in an effort to defeat Paul, the invincible warrior of virtue. This portion of text, which precedes the previous examples, comprises three phrases (the last of which is truncated and also figures in the fourth antiphon). As with the previous examples, the text of the third antiphon contrasts the saint's attributes with those of the pagans through direct quotation and textual interventions. The ambivalent ‘fragilissima’ of the pagans is intensified to become ‘impiissima’, and their aggression is rhetorically heightened by their wanting to conquer definitively (‘devinceret’) rather than merely conquer (‘vinceret’). While the adjectives describing the strength and greatness of the spiritual warrior are reduced to a shorter ‘virum fortem’, the antiphon text identifies Paul as a ‘sanctissimum’ whose virtue cannot be overcome under any circumstance (‘minime poterat’), showing that aggressive qualities normally associated with the pagans may be displayed by saints, albeit in a very different guise.

Ex. 3 St Paul of Narbonne (11 December), Lauds antiphon 3 (E-Bbc 619, fol. 75r).Footnote 22

The musical setting of the third antiphon subtly shifts the original text's semantic structure to underscore Paul's superiority over the unbelievers. This is accomplished by means of a musical technique similar to that encountered in the fifth Lauds antiphon. The original (ternary) text is divided into two musical periods (phrases 1–3, 4–8), which are once again placed in an unequal musical relationship although here the second musical period overshadows the first. (In the fifth antiphon it is the reverse.) The first melodic period divides loosely into three modally and semantically dependent phrases (1–3). The opening words are set to a third-mode intonation figure, which briefly touches the reciting tone before arriving at a cadence on E in phrase 2.Footnote 23 The cadence on ‘sue’ interrupts the text's semantic construction – were the chant strictly following the text's grammar, a stronger cadence would be expected at ‘convertit’. As becomes evident, the third phrase (neither starting nor ending on the final) functions as a coda leading to an expanded reiteration of the melody of the first melodic period in phrases 4–8. This second iteration, more clearly organised by mode, expands the ambitus to reach the upper e, and it contains words set to more lengthy melismatic flourishes. Phrase 4, triggered by the conjunction ‘ut’, repeats the opening modal intonation figure and emphasises the arrival on c at ‘atletam’. Phrase 5 continues to inhabit the recitative space and sets ‘sanctissimum’ to the highest note of the chant; the words ‘Sanctissimum’ and ‘Paulum’ receive lengthy melismatic ornamentations. Repeating nearly the same music from phrase 2, phrase 6 cadences at the point of semantic closure with the verb ‘devinceret’. Offset grammatically by the pronoun ‘quem’, which signals the beginning of a new sentence in the vita, the remaining two phrases of the antiphon are set to what can be described as an expanded version of the coda-like phrase 3. Relegating this passage to a subordinate musical position, created by the restricted ambitus and movement around G, is not an inherent musical decision that the text completely supports. Yet the two-period organisation of the antiphon melody, with the second being the more prominent musically, has a discernible impact: the passage stressing the invincibleness of ‘sanctissimum Paulum’ receives the strongest emphasis.

Eulalia of Barcelona

St Eulalia was martyred at the age of thirteen on 12 February 303, in Barcelona.Footnote 24 Her presence as the region's patron saint has been a constant in the devotional life of Arago-Catalonian territories from the late ninth century on.Footnote 25 The historia of St Eulalia in E-Bbc 619, attributed to Renall of Pauliac, a Languedocian canon of Barcelona and later Girona, was probably written in the second decade of the twelfth century (Ex 4).Footnote 26 Its text shows no clear dependence on the vita of Eulalia, also penned by Renall, or for that matter any other extant work on Eulalia.Footnote 27 Composed in the fashion of a versified office, the antiphons are in rhymed hexameters; in their musical settings, they display the expected clarity of mode typical of historiae. (The melodic formulae of Franco-Roman Chant are absent).Footnote 28

Ex. 4 St Eulalia (12 February), Matins antiphon 6 (E-Bbc 619, fol. 88r. Transposed to c in the manuscript).Footnote 29

The sixth antiphon of Matins describes Eulalia's torture in ways comparable to the chants previously examined. The first hexameter describes the anger (‘turbatus’) of the governor, Dacian, here called ‘iudex’, in opposition to the martyr, Eulalia (‘Martyris … ad verbum … honestum’). Notable again is the conflict between the good martyr and violent pagan, which propels the narrative. The rage against Eulalia and the tortures she endured are described in the second hexameter. In the third hexameter, these torments culminate in Eulalia being affixed to the cross on which she would be burned.

While the Leonine hexameters impose on the sixth-mode melody a particular pattern of text articulation, there nonetheless continues to be a discernible staging of words in relation to one other. The choice of the downward intonation formula on ‘martyris’ in the first line contrasts with ‘iudex’, occupying the opposite register at the opening of phrase 1b.Footnote 30 The repetition of a similar melodic line in phrase 2b positions the two phrases in the lower register around the setting of ‘furens’ in phrase 2a. Instead of repeating the opening (descending) melisma as in phrase 1a, the participle ‘furens’ is set to the longest melisma in the antiphon and positioned in the top register, thereby disrupting musical expectations and emphasising the persecutor's aggression. The opening of phrase 3a stresses words describing the manner of torture (‘ignibus urendam’) by extending the chant's lower ambitus and traversing the octave interval in the space of nine notes. This articulation of text using contrasts of register and melismatic density affects a more direct differentiation of the words than seen in previous examples.

The eighth antiphon of Matins further illustrates how flexibly a melody can stage words in contrasting relation to each other, while still adhering to the confines of the versified genre (see Ex. 5). The form of the antiphon text parallels that of the previous example: three narrative clauses are again organised in Leonine hexameters. The eighth antiphon, however, contrasts Eulalia's severe torments with the condition of her pious crucifixion. Line one announces God's intervention in Eulalia's fate, line two the laudable circumstances of her martyrdom, which in line three merits being attended by the Archangel Michael.Footnote 31

Ex. 5 St Eulalia (12 February), Matins antiphon 8 (E-Bbc 619, fol. 88v).Footnote 34

As in the preceding example, cadences do not support the text's semantic or grammatical structure, but rather underscore the rhyme and dynamism of the hexameter verse. Phrase 1a of this eighth-mode chant opens with melodic movement encompassing a minor third.Footnote 32 The range expands when Eulalia's torture is mentioned, where in phrase 1b a minor seventh is traversed between ‘finire’ and ‘severas’. The three syllables of ‘severas’ are set to eleven notes encompassed by a downward scale that leaps up a fifth to form a ‘z-shape’ figure characteristic of this repertoire.Footnote 33 Setting the first hexameter in this manner creates a point of contrast with the second. Phrase 2b positions the noun ‘virgo’, a facet corroborating Eulalia's steadfast faith, in the opposite register inhabited by ‘severas’ in phrase 1b. By means of an arching ten-note stepwise melisma, ‘virgo’ reaches the melody's high point.

The highlighting of words through melodic and register contrasts shows rather plainly the approach to staging the text. Eulalia's virtue embodied by her virginity is contrasted with the severity of her suffering. The musical setting could have emphasised the role of God and Michael in Eulalia's hagiography, but it does not, even though it holds equal narrative weight in the antiphon text. Instead, the opposition between suffering and orthodoxy are prominently highlighted through melismatic embellishment.

Saturninus of Toulouse

Discussing the liturgy of the bishop and militant martyr St Saturninus (29 November) offers a complementary perspective on how chants in historiae stage violence and suffering.Footnote 35 In many respects, the portrayal of St Saturninus in the Marseille manuscript (F-Pn lat. 1090, c.1190–1200) resembles that of St Paul of Narbonne:Footnote 36 both are represented as determined spiritual warriors in their missions to evangelise Gaul. Yet to Saturninus's prowess is added the ultimate sacrifice of martyrdom in which his mutilated body becomes an attribute of steadfast faith.Footnote 37

Besides F-Pn lat. 1090, the thirteenth-century antiphonary from Vic cathedral, E-Bbc 619, also contains a group of Matins and Lauds antiphons for St Saturninus not yet indexed in the CANTUS database.Footnote 38 The text of the fourth Lauds antiphon in E-Bbc 619 is very similar to that of the eighth Matins responsory in F-Pn lat. 1090, Marseille antiphoner.Footnote 39 Comparing them affords useful insights into how the same text was treated in different chant genres of a historia.

Both the E-Bbc 619 antiphon and the F-Pn lat. 1090 responsory stem from the same passage in the vita's fourth chapter, which describes Saturninus's martyrdom. According to the account, his body was tied to a bull whose descent down the steps of Toulouse's capitol hill caused his death. Also specified is the place where Saturninus was buried. Table 2 compares the texts of the vita, responsory and antiphon.

Table 2 Comparison of Saturninus vita to chant texts

Note: *indicates division of the respond.

The music of the fourth Lauds antiphon sets the saint's passion in a more varied manner than the previously discussed chants (see Ex. 6). The changes made in transforming the passage from vita into antiphon introduce a tension between the three moments in the succession of events and the binary form suggested by the emendations. Phrase 1 of the antiphon relates Saturninus's preparation for torture, phrase 2 the deadly violence to which he was subjected, culminating in his ascent to heaven in phrase 3. The first phrase is divided between the act of tying the saint to the bull (phrase 1a) and his being cast down the steps (phrase 1b), which was set as antecedent/consequent. The opening mode-one intonation formula ends in phrase 1a on the reciting tone, thereby introducing an expectation of closure.Footnote 40 Phrase 1b extends the ambitus to a perfect octave (C–c) and introduces the first caesura with an open cadence on F. The melismatic setting of ‘capitolio’ accentuates the place from whence Saturninus was hurled down. Avoiding full modal closure at this point joins this phrase to the following one, which discloses details of the martyrdom. Phrase 3 commences with a lengthy descending melisma on ‘corpore’. The melismatic accents on ‘capitolio’ and ‘corpore’, in the upper and then lower registers, contrast the height of the capitol hill and the saint's dead body. At the words describing graphically the laceration of Saturninus's body in phrase 2, the melody shifts to extended syllabic setting and, at the end of the phrase, at ‘lacerato’, a full cadence is evaded. The absence of cadences in phrases 1 and 2 imbues the melody with a need for repose, achieved only with narrative closure at the antiphon's ending.

Ex. 6 St Saturninus (29 November), Lauds antiphon 4 (E-Bbc 619, fols. 125r–125v).Footnote 41

This articulation of the melody's trajectory underscores the bipartite structure of the antiphon text: events surrounding Saturninus's death receive a processual, uncompleted musical setting. The narrative ends not with the saint's death, but with his elevation. Accordingly, his acceptance into heaven triggers the chant's only cadence. On a different musical level, the setting of the saint's victory over violence is differentiated through a gradual tapering of musical parameters involved in reciting the text. The antiphon progresses from the first phrase moving across a perfect octave, with text set neumatically and melismatically, to the second phrase traversing only a major sixth. This finds the melody, in the final phrase, moving only across a perfect fifth in near complete syllabic declamation, honing the antiphon's progression towards its narrative goal while instilling solemnity to the last phrase.

Discussing the eighth responsory from the Marseille manuscript after the Lauds antiphon introduces a more multifaceted text setting, although the process of adapting the vita to the responsory appears to reflect interpretative concerns similar to those of the antiphon (see again Table 2; Ex. 7).Footnote 42 The responsory does show a comparable reworking of the first half of the vita text, though with a more literal quotation in the latter portion. The narrative focus shifts from the persecutors and towards the saint: Saturninus is explicitly named most blessed martyr (‘Sanctissimo martyre’), with corresponding changes of verb conjugation and tense (‘illigant’ vs. ‘ligato’, ‘precipitant’ vs. ‘precipitato’). The description of the bull's movement from the top of the capitol hill to the bottom appears in the vita before mention of the steps and their role in the saint's death, but the responsory positions this detail as the intermediary between origin and destination, simplifying the text and leading to a direct description of the saint's death immediately before the repetendum. This small adjustment refocuses the succession of temporal events, underscoring the close causal relationship between Saturninus's martyrdom and sanctity. To these changes is added a poetic adaptation of the vita whereby the verbs at the end of each phrase form end-rhyme or assonance (‘ligato,precipitato’, ‘excusso’). Similar to the antiphon, this divides the vita text in two parts where the repetendum, quoting the vita verbatim, departs from the rhyme pattern (‘dignam … precepit’) and differentiates it as the narrative goal of the responsory. The verse forms the expected last section of the narrative. Its content consists of the selective quotation from the vita. Shifting the verb ‘promeruit’ towards the end of the line creates an end-rhyme, and thereby an association, with the repetendum's last word, ‘excepit’.

Ex. 7 St Saturninus (29 November), Matins responsory 8 (F-Pn lat. 1090, fol. 238v).Footnote 43

Due to the musical conventions of the genre's longer length and florid melismatic setting, the staging of words in the responsory is more multifaceted than the previously discussed antiphons. Contributing to this is the normal four-part responsory form comprising an introductory phrase, a middle section often serving as a bridge to the repetendum, the repetendum itself, and then the verse, which gives way to an iteration of the repetendum. The interplay between this convention, the melody's articulation of mode and the placement of melodic formulae or embellishments all affect the reading of the text.

The placement of cadences reveals the first facet of the liturgist's parsing of the narrative. Phrase 1, in which the saint is introduced, employs standard melodic formulas moving through a ninth while confining the phrase to a musically closed period.Footnote 44 By means of the weak cadence at ‘ligato’, phrases 2 and 3 are placed in an antecedent/consequent relationship, with the chant's longest melisma moving to a full cadence on ‘capitolii’.Footnote 45 While this emphasis interrupts the end-rhyme, the shape of the melody unites the second, third and fourth phrases with the chant's highest note, e, occurring in phrase 3 on ‘cacumine’. The peak and long descent to the final on ‘capitolii’ continues a downward melodic path eliding into the beginning of phrase 4 at ‘per gradus’. This expands the ambitus to a tenth on words describing the dragging of Saturninus's body down the capitol hill. The contrast of setting ‘usque ad plana precipitato’ in phrase 4 with a melody revolving statically around the final suggests a musical analogy underscoring the events narrated.Footnote 46 In any case, the grouping of phrases 2–4 emphasises the separation between the virtuous saint (in the opening phrase) and his violent martyrdom. Phrase 5, which describes the fracturing of Saturninus's head, is set to a melodic passage that neither commences nor finishes on the final, the most musically unstable phrase of the chant. Positioned as the section leading to the repetendum, phrase 5 finishes on an open cadence.Footnote 47 The strongest instance of expectation for modal repose then leads to the expected melismatic elaborations in the repetendum. The melody of the verse-tone then sets the description of where Saturninus's body was interred.Footnote 48

The articulation of cadences in the responsory supports the textual interventions affected in the liturgical text. Compared to the vita, the responsory more clearly juxtaposes the perpetration of violence versus the reward of martyrdom. Melodic emphases on individual words, in turn, reveal the continued underscoring of violence: In comparison to ‘tauro’, ‘capite’, ‘cerebro’ or other words, ‘ligato’, ‘precipitato’, ‘colliso’, ‘excusso’ receive strong melodic emphasis in phrases 2–5. The contrast of this group of verbs with the repetendum's non-rhyming ‘excepit’ reintroduces the opposition between salvation and violence. A last notable aspect related to this is the prominence of the musical setting of ‘capitolii’. Given that this place represents the centre of the pagan government responsible for condemning Saturninus, its musical emphasis functions to further the polarisation of the responsory's narrative.

Conclusions

The last example from St Saturninus's historia provides a good basis for returning to observations made at the beginning of this article. The treatment of violence, suffering and the saints' spiritual orthodoxy in the sung liturgy starts with the texts. As the responsory and antiphons surveyed here demonstrate, the manner in which these topics are reformulated and musically staged commences with the interpretation of a saint's vita. In many instances, the tailoring of the plainchant text departs from the source passage with a new formulation. Reflecting theological viewpoints on violence and suffering, the texts analysed here position these aspects into a preordained narrative plan: the brutality martyrs suffered as a result of their steadfast faith is rewarded with the expectation of sainthood.

Different options were available to liturgists when crafting texts suitable for the sung liturgy along these lines. Starting with the selection of the source passage, usually chosen to fit into a historia's overarching exposition, a text was often quoted directly or paraphrased, and direct quotation and paraphrase were indeed combined to create new hybrids. Further characterising the new chant texts are interpolations creating or intensifying contrasts between saint and tyrant (or their violence), which may clarify aspects of the quoted vita text. The interpolations may be entirely new words or changes in the inflection of the original, leading to a reorientation of the narrative. Affecting a stronger focus on the narrative trajectory, words, phrases and sentences of the original were selectively omitted. As was the case with the first example from the Paul of Narbonne liturgy, this can affect a change in the original clause structure. Another technique employed was the writing of entirely new historiae texts. As demonstrated in the foregoing, the inclusion of Archangel Michael in the eighth antiphon of Eulalia's historia illustrates how the newly written liturgy may interpolate novel hagiographic elements into a saint's legend, thereby underscoring God's role in the salvation of martyrs. Additionally, the newly composed texts display a clear narrative structure that progresses, normally through a relationship of causality, towards communicating the saint's ultimate spiritual triumph at the end of the passage.

An aspect of increasing relevance in the High Middle Ages is the poetic adaptation of passion texts in the new historiae.Footnote 49 Saturninus's liturgy involves semi-regular rhyme, while Eulalia's historia is in Leonine hexameters. The cumulative effect of these changes is to hone, in the short space of an antiphon or responsory, the role violence and suffering play in a saint's liturgy.

After the preliminary step of creating the texts followed setting them to melody. As the foregoing demonstrates, music may complement passages describing violence and suffering. Needless to say, the examples discussed above in no way ‘represent’ any affect or word in particular; rather, they exemplify music's role in articulating the latent meanings of the liturgical texts. Two principal techniques stand out. The first affects musical morphology at the level of the setting of words. All the antiphons discussed above show how formulaic patterns were newly articulated to subtly differentiate the words set to them. Most often, differences between melismatic or syllabic settings accentuate contrasts in the text. The positioning of a word in the mode's ambitus affects another kind of differentiation. In Eulalia's eighth antiphon, as we have seen, the difference between her suffering and virtue are emphasised by the setting of words as contrasting melismatic figures occupying opposite modal registers. The movement of a phrase through an extended range of notes is another way of staging a text musically. The setting of the scene of Saturninus's martyrdom in the antiphon and responsory illustrates this type of musical articulation. In conjunction with the treatment of individual words and phrases is the second technique: the articulation of the text in the chant's modal trajectory. It is through all these levels of setting text that chant melodies provided readings of the messages communicated.

Worth noting is how the textual and musical procedures observed in antiphons are also present in responsories. In the expanded space of the responsorial genre, a melody is able to interact in a more complex manner in the articulation of text. The relationship with the message communicated, however, remains the same. The correlation between the grammar of the text and the chant's navigation of key tones at commas, colons or full stops indicates whether a chant melody supports the text's form or provides a counter-reading.Footnote 50 The positioning of half and full cadences may either rearrange narrative events into new groupings, or reinforce a text's sense of causality by placing the narrative in a musical relationship of antecedent/consequent phrases. The careful arrangement of full cadences in Paul of Narbonne's third Lauds antiphon illustrates how caesurae on ‘sue’, ‘devinceret’ and ‘poterat’ can underscore the semantic parsing of the original text, while advancing new interpretations. Often the relationship between arrival at the modal final correlates with a grammatical pause and/or the attainment of a narrative goal, such as the acceptance of the saint in heaven. Saturninus's eighth responsory reveals the complexity of these interactions. The setting of the graphic moment of his death in a position modally distant from the final creates a strong musical expectation for closure. The repeated melodic motion from the reciting tone to the final in the repetendum confirms the decisive arrival on the modal goal. Not coincidentally, the violent death of Saturninus is answered with conclusive reiteration at his acceptance into heaven.

While the foregoing is not an exhaustive overview, it does offer a glimpse into how violence, suffering and orthodoxy may be interpreted in the chants of historiae. In these subtle re-craftings, text and melody work together to more clearly articulate theological attitudes and interpretations of the saints' vitae.Footnote 51 The varied compositional methods examined here demonstrate that music was not a content-neutral medium. Rather, through the superimposition of musical relationships onto texts, music became a concurrent interpretative layer helping to stage, in a clear relationship, those facets which formed the understanding of a saint's ascent to heaven. Under this revised perspective, the historiae of Paul of Narbonne, Eulalia of Barcelona and Saturninus of Toulouse appear to have functioned as incisive and communally sung liturgical glosses on the role of violence and sainthood in the turbulent context of the Spanish March.

References

1 See O'Callaghan, Joseph, Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain (Philadelphia, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Meyerson, Mark D. and English, Edward D., eds., Christians, Muslims, and Jews in Medieval and Early Modern Spain: Interaction and Cultural Change (South Bend, IN, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sumption, Jonathan, The Albigensan Crusade (London, 1978)Google Scholar; Barber, Malcom, The Cathars: Christian Dualists in the Middle Ages (Harlow, 2000)Google Scholar.

2 See Linage Conde, A., Faci, J., Rivera, J.F. and Oliver, A., ‘Organización eclesiástica de la España Cristiana’, in Historia de la Iglesia en España, ed. García-Villoslada, Ricardo, pt 2:1 (Madrid, 1979), 149232Google Scholar; Conde, J.F. and Linage, A., ‘La renovación religiosa’, in Historia de la Iglesia en España, 348405Google Scholar; Burns, Robert Ignatus, The Crusader Kingdom of Valencia: Reconstruction on a Thirteenth-Century Frontier, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1967)Google Scholar.

3 Illustrative is a thirteenth-century Franciscan sacramentary following the use of Barcelona and used in the commandery church of the Knights Templars. See Bellavista, Joan, Sacramentari de Barcelona: edició i estudi del manuscrit de la Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. 3547 (Barcelona, 1994)Google Scholar.

4 Rosenwein, Barbara, ‘Feudal War and Monastic Peace: Cluniac Liturgy as Ritual Aggression’, Viator, 2 (1971), 129–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5 Erdmann, Carl, Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens (Stuttgart, 1936)Google Scholar; McCormick, Michael, ‘The Liturgy of War from Antiquity to the Crusades’, in The Sword of the Lord: Military Chaplains from the First to the Twenty-First Century, ed. Bergen, Doris L. (South Bend, IN, 2004), 4568Google Scholar; Maier, Christoph, ‘Crisis, Liturgy and the Crusade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries’, The Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 48 (1997), 628–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bliese, John R.E., ‘Rhetoric and Morale: A Study of Battle Orations from the Central Middle Ages’, Journal of Medieval History, 15 (1989), 201–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 Recent work underscores the liturgical, spiritual and cultural ties between Aquitaine and Arago-Catalan lands. See Zapke, Susana, ‘Introduction’, ‘From Spanish Notations to Aquitanian Notation (9th–12th Centuries)’, in Hispania Vetus: Musical-Liturgical Manuscripts from Visigothic Origins to the Franco-Roman Transition, 9th–12th Centuries, ed. Zapke, Susana (Bilbao, 2007), 2340, 189245Google Scholar; Ludwig Vones, ‘The Substitution of the Hispanic Liturgy by the Roman Rite in the Kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula’, in Hispania Vetus, 43–60. On the role of saints in the Iberian region, see Henriet, Patrick, ‘Les saints et la frontière en Hispania au cours du moyen âge central’, in Grenzen und Grenzüberschreitungen im Vergleich. Der Osten und der Westen des mittelalterlichen Lateineuropa, ed. Herbers, Klaus and Jaspert, Nikolas (Münster, 2007), 361–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 Cf. Apel, Willi, Gregorian Chant (Bloomington, IN, 1958), 301–4Google Scholar; Stevens, John, Words and Music in the Middle Ages: Song, Narrative, Dance and Drama, 1050–1350 (Cambridge, 1986), 292, 303–4Google Scholar.

8 Cf. Rankin, Susan, ‘Carolingian Music’, in Carolingian Culture: Emulation and Innovation, ed. McKitterick, Rosamond (Cambridge, 1994), 274316Google Scholar; Treitler, Leo, ‘Once More, Music and Language in Medieval Song’, in Essays on Medieval Music in Honor of David G. Hughes, ed. Boone, Graeme M. (London, 1995), 7785Google Scholar; Björkvall, Gunilla and Haug, Andreas, ‘Performing Latin Verse: Text and Music in Early Medieval Versified Offices’, in The Divine Office in the Latin Middle Ages: Methodology and Source Studies, Regional Developments, Hagiography, ed. Fassler, Margot E. and Baltzer, Rebecca A. (Oxford, 2000), 278–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 For an excellent guide to methodology, see Hankeln, Roman, ed., Political Plainchant? Music, Text and Historical Context of Medieval Saints' Offices (Ottawa, 2009)Google Scholar.

10 ‘Staging’ is employed in the current discussion with reference to the differentiated musical setting of words in relation to others of the chant. See Mahrt, William Peter, ‘Word Painting and Formulaic Chant’, in idem, The Musical Shape of the Liturgy (Richmond, VA, 2012), 185216Google Scholar, originally in Cum Angelis Canere: Essays on Sacred Music and Pastoral Liturgy in Honour of Richard J. Schuler, ed. Skeris, Robert A. (St Paul, MN, 1990)Google Scholar.

11 Due to various issues, such as those of the transmission and distribution of historiae, their utility for historical enquiry must be approached with diligent due prudence.

12 According to Arago-Catalan sources, Paul of Narbonne's feast day is celebrated on 11 December, but in Septimania on 22 March. Janini, José, Manuscritos litúrgicos de las bibliotecas de España, vol. 2 (Burgos, 1977–80), 399Google Scholar; Martimort, A.-G., ‘Répertoires des livres liturgiques du Languedoc, antérieurs au concile de Trente’, Liturgie et musique (IXe–XIVe siècles), Cahiers de Fanjaux, 17 (1982), 5180Google Scholar; Mercier, Jean, ‘La Vie de saint Paul (-Serge), Guillaume Hulard et le manuscrit 4 de la bibliothèque municipale de Narbonne’, Hagiographie et culte des saints en France méridionale (XIIIe–XVe siècle), Cahiers de Fanjaux, 37 (2002), 285323Google Scholar. I would like to thank Fernand Peloux for bringing the last reference to my attention.

13 Altés i Aguiló, Francesc-Xavier, ‘Un antifonari de l'ofici segons el costum de la Catedral de Vic i altres identificacions de manuscrits litúrgicús’, Miscellània Liturgica Catalana, 19 (2011), 233–66Google Scholar; Lila Collamore, ‘Aquitanian Collections of Office Chants: a Comparative Survey’, Ph.D. diss., The Catholic University of America (2000).

14 Hiley, David, ‘Style and Structure in Early Offices of the Sanctorale’, in Western Plainchant in the First Millennium: Studies in the Medieval Liturgy and its Music, ed. Gallagher, Seanet al. (Aldershot, 2003), 157–80Google Scholar; Hankeln, Roman, ‘Die Antiphonen des Dionysius-Offiziums in Clm 14872 (St. Emmeram, Regensburg, XVI. Jh.)’, in Die Offizien des Mittelalters. Dichtung und Musik, ed. Berschin, Walter and Hiley, David (Tutzing, 1999), 109–28Google Scholar; idem, Zur musikstilistischen Einordnung mittelalterlicher Heiligenoffizien’, in Lingua mea calamus scribae: Mélanges offerts à madame Marie-Noël Colette, ed. Saulnier, Danielet al. (Solesmes, 2009), 147–57Google Scholar.

15 For vita A, see Sancti Pauli Narbonensis, Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina (hereafter BHL) no. 6589; Acta Sanctorum, vol. 9 (Paris and Rome, 1865), 371–6, cf. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:acta&rft_dat=xri:acta:ft:all:Z400055263 (accessed 30 September 2013); Krüger, Anke, Südfranzösische Lokalheilige zwischen Kirche, Dynastie und Stadt vom 5. bis zum 16. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart, 2002), 235–71Google Scholar.

16 It is worth noting that splitting the vita along these lines meant the antiphons' topics were contemplated with different psalms of the ferial cycle.

17 ‘The impiety of the tyrant enjoined / to keep the glorious man Paul / long weakened by hunger and squalor / and to be afflicted by various kinds of tortures.’ All translations are my own. I would like to thank Lars Morten Gram for his many valuable suggestions.

18 For comparable (though not exact) melodic introductions, see in Dobszay, László and Szendrei, Janka, Antiphonen im 2. bis 6. Modus, Monumenta Monodica Medii Aevi, vol. 5, pt 2, Teilband (Kassel, 1999), 577–8Google Scholar, nos. 4122, 4125 (hereafter MMMA 5/2).

19 This melodic gesture resembles incipit formulas in the first mode, but it is absent in the fourth mode repertoire covered by Dobszay and Janka Szendrei, MMMA 5/2, 523–683.

20 ‘While the enemy of God would see the faith of blessed Paul grow / and the fierce punishments of tortures made himself stronger, / the wickedness of the devil sought, found, carried out / unheard of types of punishments.’

21 Cf. MMMA 5/2, 736, no. 5115.

22 ‘The frightening vastness of the pagans, in accordance with the impiousness of its cruelty, turned itself to arms in order to overcome the courageous, the strong warrior, the most saintly Paul, with terror and savageness, whom it could not at all overcome because of his virtue.’

23 Cf. MMMA 5/2, 436, no. 3013.

24 Wasyliw, Patricia Healy, Martyrdom, Murder and Magic: Child Saints and Their Cults in Medieval Europe (New York, 2008), 49Google Scholar; Florez, Enrique, España Sagrada, Tomo XXIX. Contiene el estado antiguo de la santa iglesia de Barcelona, vol. 29 (Madrid, 1755), 371–90Google Scholar.

25 Cabestany i Fort, Joan, ‘El culte de Santa Eulàlia a la catedral de Barcelona (s. IX–X)’, Lambard: Estudis d'art medieval, 9 (1997), 159–65Google Scholar; Jaspert, Nikolas, Stift und Stadt. Das Heiliggrabpriorat von Santa Anna und das Regularkanonikerstift Santa Eulàlia del Camp im mittelalterlichen Barcelona (1145–1423) (Berlin, 1996)Google Scholar. For a discussion of her identity in relation to Eulalia of Mérida, see Fábrega Grau, Angel, Santa Eulalia de Barcelona: revisión de un problema histórico (Barcelona, 1958)Google Scholar.

26 Marqués, Josep M. and Gros, Miquel, ‘L'antifonari de Sant Feliu de Girona – Girona, Museu Diocesa, Ms. 45’, Miscellània Litúrgica Catalana, 6 (1995), 184Google Scholar; Mundó, A.M., ‘La cultura artistica escrita’, in Catalunya Romànica I, Introducció a l'estudi de l'art romànic català. Fons d'art romànic català del Museu Nacional d'Art de Catalunya (Barcelona, 1994), 133–62, at 146Google Scholar; Anglès, Higini, La musica a Catalunya fins al segle XIII (Barcelona, 1935), 138–9Google Scholar; Dreves, Guido Maria (ed.), Hymnodia Hiberica. Liturgische Reimofficien aus spanischen Brevieren. Im Anhange: Carmina Compostellana, die Lieder des s.g. Codex Calixtinus (Leipzig, 1894, Analecta hymnica medii aevi, 17), no. 28, 83–9Google Scholar.

27 Florez, España Sagrada (vol. 29, 287–322, 371–89) includes different vitae of Eulalia, cf. BHL no. 2693. The historia under consideration here is not related to the ninth-century sequence, Buona pulcella fut Eulalia, or the Latin Cantica uirginis Eulalie in the manuscript Valenciennes, Bibliothèque municipale, Ms. 150.

28 On matters of tonality, see Hughes, Andrew, ‘Late Medieval Rhymed Offices’, Journal of the Plainsong and Mediaeval Music Society, 8 (1985), 3149CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hiley, David, ‘The Music of Prose Offices in Honour of English Saints’, Plainsong and Medieval Music, 10 (2001), 2338, at 26CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

29 ‘Angered by the honest word of the martyr the judge / Exceedingly furious orders her to be tormented by burning / Fastened on the cross put forth to be burnt by fire.’

30 Cf. MMMA 5/2, 778, 831, nos. 6064, 6164.

31 Michael's visit is a facet not present in any of the extant vitae.

32 Cf. MMMA 5/2, 1230, 1242, nos. 8400, 8421.

33 Hankeln, Roman, ‘Old and New in Medieval Chant: Finding Methods of Investigating an Unknown Region’, in A Due: Musical Essays in Honour of John D. Bergsagel & Heinrich W. Schwab, ed. Kongsted, Oleet al. (Copenhagen, 2008), 161–80Google Scholar.

34 ‘And now God, willing to end the severe punishments, / which the crucified virgin bore as a holy trophy, / sent the illustrious Michael for the virgin.’

35 BHL nos. 7495–6; Cabau, Patrice, ‘Opusculum de passione ac translatione sancti Saturnini, episcopi Tolosanae civitatis et martyris. Édition et traduction provisoires’, Mémoires de la Société Archéologique du Midi de la France, 61 (2001), 5977Google Scholar; idem, ‘Les évêques de Toulouse (IIIe–XIVe siècles) et les lieux de leur sépulture’, Mémoires de la Société Archéologique du Midi de la France, 59 (1999), 123–62, at 129; Krüger, Südfranzösische Lokalheilige, 273–320.

36 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département des Manuscrits, lat. 1090. For a digital reproduction, see http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b60007359 (accessed 30 September 2013). See also Goudesenne, Jean-François, ‘Les offices des saints patrons provençaux: à l'histoire ecclésiastique d'Arles et Marseille (Xe–XIVe siècles)’, Hagiographie et culte des saints en France méridionale (XIIIe–XVe siècle), Cahiers de Fanjaux, 37 (2002), 113–46Google Scholar.

37 Buc, Philippe, ‘Martyrdom in the West: Vengeance, Purge, Salvation, and History’, in Resonances: Historical Essays on Continuity and Change, ed. Bücker, Andreaset al. (Turnhout, 2011), 2358CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

38 E-Bbc 619, fols. 125r–v. These chants are not found in the expected sources of E-Tc 44.1 and E-Tc 44.2 (Ms. 44.1: Tavèrnoles (Alt Urgell), c.1020; Ms. 44.2: Toledo, c.1095), cf. http://cantusdatabase.org/ (accessed 30 September 2013). I am currently investigating these and other strands in the historiae of the Iberian peninsula.

39 The Saturninus responsories of F-Pn lat. 1090 also appear in Girona, Museu Diocesà, Ms. 45 (c.1130), demonstrating the concurrent repertoires existing for the saint at different centres across the Pyrenees. See Marqués and Gros, ‘L'antifonari de Sant Feliu de Girona’, 177–326; and Garrigosa i Massana, Joaquim, Els manuscrits musicals a Catalunya fins al segle XIII (Lleida, 2003), 141, no. 181Google Scholar.

40 Cf. MMMA 1, 12, No. 1035.

41 ‘And he is bound to the bull / and sent out from the Capitoline, / all the limbs of the body lacerated; / Christ takes up the soul worthy to God.’

42 F-Pn lat. 1090, fol. 283v. This responsory is also found in the Toledo manuscripts 44.1 and 44.2. I have not yet had the opportunity to compare the chants, but it pushes the ante quem date of the F-Pn lat. 1090 Saturninus historia to the early eleventh century.

43 R. ‘The most blessed martyr Saturninus / is tied to the bull with ropes, / is cast down from the summit of the Capitoline through the stairs to the level [ground], / the head is crushed and the brain cast out; / Christ receives the soul worthy to God’. V. ‘The lifeless body was carried by the furious bull to the place where, / the rope broken, was deserving at that time of a grave for burial.’

44 See group VIIIc in Frere, Walter, Antiphonale Sarisburiense: A Reproduction in Facsimile of a Manuscript of the Thirteenth Century, vol. 1 (London, 1901–24), 55Google Scholar. See also Katherine Helsen, ‘The Great Responsories of the Divine Office: Aspects of Structure and Transmission’, 2 vols., Ph.D. diss., University of Regensburg (2008), 231–59.

45 Cf. Group G1, Frere, Antiphonale, 46; Helsen, ‘The Great Responsories’, 244.

46 Cf. Group G5, Frere, Antiphonale, 53; Helsen, ‘The Great Responsories’, 242.

47 The end of the verb ‘excusso’ is set to the formula D1. Helsen, ‘The Great Responsories’, 74.

48 According to Helsen (‘The Great Responsories’, 232), the verse employs a standard tone. A modified form of formula f1 is interpolated at ‘ubi funo disrupto’, creating a clearer bipartite division of the text, cf. Helsen, ‘The Great Responsories’, 237. I would like to thank the anonymous reviewer for signalling formulae not initially pointed out in this chant.

49 Jonsson, Ritva, Historia: Études sur la genèse des offices versifiés (Stockholm, 1968)Google Scholar. A study relevant to the versified vitae, currently being prepared for publication, is Anne-Marie Turcan-Verkerk, ‘Forme et réforme. Enjeux et perceptions de l'écriture latine en prose rimée (fin du Xe – début du XIIIe siècle)’, Ph.D. diss., Université Paris IV – Sorbonne (1995). I would like to thank Cristian Gaşpar for bringing this work to my attention.

50 Björkvall and Haug, ‘Performing Medieval Verse’, 278–99.

51 Buc, Philippe, ‘La Vengeance de Dieu: De l'Exégesè Patristique à la Réforme Ecclésiastique et à la Primière Croisade’, in La Vengeance 400–1200, ed. Barthélemy, Dominiqueet al. (Rome, 2006), 451–86Google Scholar; idem, ‘Some Thoughts on the Christian Theology of Violence, Medieval and Modern, from the Middle Ages to the French Revolution’, Rivista di storia del cristianesimo, 5 (2008), 9–28; idem, ‘Exégesè et violence dans la tradition occidentale’, Annali di Storia moderna e contemporanea, 16 (2010), 131–44; see also Buc, ‘Martyrdom in the West’, 23–58; and Throop, Susanna A., Crusading as an Act of Violence, 1095–1216 (Surrey, 2011)Google Scholar.

Figure 0

Table 1 Comparison of Paul of Narbonne vita to chant texts

Figure 1

Ex. 1 St Paul of Narbonne (11 December), Lauds antiphon 4 (E-Bbc 619, fol. 75r).17

Figure 2

Ex. 2 St Paul of Narbonne (11 December), Lauds antiphon 5 (E-Bbc 619, fol. 75r).20

Figure 3

Ex. 3 St Paul of Narbonne (11 December), Lauds antiphon 3 (E-Bbc 619, fol. 75r).22

Figure 4

Ex. 4 St Eulalia (12 February), Matins antiphon 6 (E-Bbc 619, fol. 88r. Transposed to c in the manuscript).29

Figure 5

Ex. 5 St Eulalia (12 February), Matins antiphon 8 (E-Bbc 619, fol. 88v).34

Figure 6

Table 2 Comparison of Saturninus vita to chant texts

Figure 7

Ex. 6 St Saturninus (29 November), Lauds antiphon 4 (E-Bbc 619, fols. 125r–125v).41

Figure 8

Ex. 7 St Saturninus (29 November), Matins responsory 8 (F-Pn lat. 1090, fol. 238v).43