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Mapping ‘the whirligig of amusements’ in colonial Southeast Asia

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 June 2018

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Abstract

This article assesses the interconnected nature of Southeast Asia around 1900, the transnational entertainment scene in Southeast Asia, and the role of Singapore as a hub for commerce, shipping, and entertainment. The global and regional development of transportation and communications technology and networks facilitated the movement of people, goods, ideas, and amusement forms. The article is based primarily on archival research from colonial newspapers in the region. It surveys and maps more than one hundred itinerant entertainment companies that travelled throughout Southeast Asia around the turn of the century, thereby creating and visualising a circuit of entertainment.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The National University of Singapore 2018 

On Wednesday 8 June 1904, Wayang Kassim, the most prominent bangsawan (Malay theatre or opera) troupe in the region, performed the Javanese play Panji Semirang, translated into Malay, at the Novelty Theatre on North Bridge Road in Singapore to a packed house of Chinese, Malays, Indians, and Europeans, including the Governor of the Straits Settlements, John Anderson. The evening also featured music from a Javanese band and the Town and Volunteer band.Footnote 1 Wayang Kassim consisted of between fifty and eighty artists with Malay, Asian, Eurasian, and European backgrounds.Footnote 2 The Singapore-based itinerant company was founded in 1883 by S. Kassim in Penang, and advertised itself as ‘the only Malay Theatre that is patronised by all members of the community’,Footnote 3 including many notable guests, such as King Chulalongkorn, in its tours throughout British Malaya, Java, Sumatra, and Siam (see fig. 1).Footnote 4 The troupe performed different types of plays to attract an ethnically diverse audience, with a repertoire ranging from Aladdin, East Lynne, and Hamlet, to the Malay play Chelorong Cheloring, the Chinese play Sam Pek, Eng Tye, and the Hindi play Zulm-i-Vahashee.Footnote 5

Figure 1. Advertisement for Wayang Kassim in Kuala Lumpur (Malay Mail, 27 Nov. 1906, p. 3)

Singapore often hosted several different troupes simultaneously, illustrating that merchants and wage earners then had money and time to spend on leisure activities. That same evening, 8 June 1904, performances by Henry Dallas Musical Company, Harmston's Circus, and two cinematic exhibitions took place at other venues in the city. Wayang Kassim encapsulates many features of the Southeast Asian entertainment world: they were multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, and travelled throughout the region (albeit not venturing as far as other itinerant companies).Footnote 6 S. Kassim bought a cinematograph in January 1905, which became part of Wayang Kassim's tour of British Malaya and the Dutch East Indies for more than a year as the Paris Cinematograph.Footnote 7

Southeast Asia was an interconnected region with considerable cross-border movement of people, goods, technologies, and ideas.Footnote 8 The cross-boundary Malay, Indian, and Chinese communities and businesses illustrate this interconnectedness. The Malays lived and moved across national borders in the region, being in Singapore, British Malaya, Dutch East Indies, southern Siam, Mindanao, and parts of Indochina.Footnote 9 The Chinese provided a workforce, created trade links in the region, and were an essential aspect of the commercial growth and development of Singapore in particular.Footnote 10 Singapore, labelled ‘the second doorway of the wide world's trade’ in Rudyard Kipling's ‘The Song of the Cities’, was the most important colonial port for commercial development in the region and an integral part of the British imperial structure with its trade and shipping network and strategic geographical position.Footnote 11 It was a diverse and cosmopolitan city; in the 1901 census, 52 different nationalities were recorded.Footnote 12 In her travel writings from 1897, Eliza Ruhamah Scidmore describes Singapore as ‘an ethnological center’ that ‘holds a whole congress of nations, an exhibit of all the races and peoples and types of men in the world’.Footnote 13

In this article I assess the transnational and interconnected nature of Southeast Asia, and the role of Singapore as a hub for commerce, shipping, and entertainment, by surveying and mapping the regional circulation of amusement companies around the turn of the century. In total, I have found more than one hundred different itinerant entertainment companies which toured Southeast Asia during that period.Footnote 14 The article is primarily based on archival material from contemporary colonial newspapers in the region. It consists of three parts: a mapping of the movement of itinerant entertainment companies in Southeast Asia; a survey of the local entertainment world, including theatre, opera, circus, cinema, and music; and an evaluation of the profitability of these companies.

Mapping the transnational entertainment circuit

Industrialisation and urbanisation in the 1800s led to more developed transportation and communication networks, to increased leisure time, and higher demand for, and supply of, public entertainment. In the second half of the century, the shipping industry developed, new railway lines were built, and trade within and outside Southeast Asia multiplied. Gary Magee and Andrew Thompson call the development of transnational networks an informal process without a grand design that helped create a world market with regional hubs.Footnote 15 The development of transportation networks made travelling cheaper and faster, facilitating the expansion of entertainment circuits. Building and sustaining communication networks, such as shipping routes and railway lines, were also part of the imperial ambitions of colonial powers, and an explicit strategy to increase their influence and trade. Andrew Clarke, Governor of the Straits Settlements (1873–75), believed that British traders all over the world should be assisted and protected, since they were building a British empire.Footnote 16 Frank Swettenham, Resident-General of the Federated Malay States (1896–1901) and Governor of the Straits Settlements (1901–04), wanted to open up British Malaya by constructing ‘high-class roads, railways, telegraphs, waterworks’.Footnote 17

Shipping lines were initially dependent on mail contracts and government subsidies to serve regular long-distance routes between Europe and its colonies. Most lines operating between Europe and Asia or within Asia during the second half of the century, whether British, French, Dutch, or Japanese, started with or were sustained by mail contracts.Footnote 18 The mail was prestigious, and delays led to indignation, as illustrated by an editorial in the Straits Times: ‘This is the greatest, the most important seaport in all the Colonies of the Empire. Is it right that we should be the slowest with our mails?’Footnote 19 As ships became faster, together with the building of the Suez Canal, voyages from Europe to Southeast Asia went from taking three months in 1850 to less than a month in 1900.Footnote 20 Consequently, several new shipping lines opened, both within Asia and to other parts of the world.Footnote 21 Railway lines, symbolising economic progress and modernity, also developed in Southeast Asia in the late 1800s. It was a capital-intensive way to promote and develop colonial areas, access natural resources, increase trade, and yield commercial advantages to the colonial powers. Ronald E. Robinson described the railways as a symbol for, and an actual physical extension of, empire-building.Footnote 22

Entertainment companies toured a circuit of cities based on the infrastructure of transportation. The companies strengthened the transnational connections in the region while following paths of commerce and shipping. Early itinerant companies performed exclusively in the main shipping ports because of easy accessibility. As new shipping and railway lines were created, new places were included in the touring schedule of the companies. It was a process of experimentation; if visits to cities and towns were successful, other entertainment companies followed, thereby gradually creating established routes.Footnote 23 Based on researching primary material such as advertisements and reviews in contemporary colonial newspapers, I have documented and mapped the movement of about a hundred entertainment troupes in Southeast Asia around the turn-of-the-century, and visualised their paths of circulation. Five distinctive features can be discerned through the mapping of these routes (fig. 2).

Figure 2. Map of entertainment companies’ circuits in Asia c. 1890–1910. The original map is taken from: Karte der grossen Postdampfschifflinien im Weltpostverkehr (Berlin: Verlag des Berliner Lithogr. Instituts, 1899).

First, the most common way to enter Southeast Asia was via British India.Footnote 24 In addition to European entertainment companies, Parsi theatre companies, such as Victoria Parsee Theatre and New Elphinstone Parsee Theatre, frequently toured Southeast Asia in the late 1800s.Footnote 25 The Victoria Parsee Theatre went from Bombay to Calcutta, Rangoon, Singapore, Java, Surabaya, Bangkok, Singapore, and back to Bombay via Colombo.Footnote 26 Another, less usual, way was the Pacific and Australasian circuit, where entertainers came from the West Coast of the United States, Hawaii, or Australia. As colonial ports such as Singapore and Hong Kong developed, the circuit and itineraries of these troupes changed.Footnote 27 When the Philippines became a US colony in 1898, it also became a stepping-stone to Southeast Asia for American companies. Entertainment troupes often travelled back and forth between India, Southeast Asia, and East Asia (Hong Kong, China, and Japan). The Ada Delroy Company from Australia, for instance, went from Madras to Calcutta, Rangoon, Penang, Singapore, Hong Kong, and Manila in early 1900.Footnote 28 The Barnes’ Entertainers went in the other direction in 1902: from China to the Philippines, Singapore, and Penang.Footnote 29

Second, the Straits of Malacca was the most common entry point to the Malay Archipelago and Southeast Asia. Most entertainment companies and ships from Bombay, Calcutta, Colombo, and Rangoon passed through the Straits of Malacca. The other route to the Malay Archipelago was through the Straits of Sunda.Footnote 30 With the completion of the Suez Canal in 1869, however, the Straits of Malacca overtook the Straits of Sunda as the shortest and fastest way between Europe and Asia, enhancing the importance of Singapore and Penang at the expense of Batavia and Surabaya.

Third, and related to the previous point, Singapore was the regional hub for itinerant entertainment companies around the turn of the century. Most companies returned to Singapore two or three times during a Southeast Asian tour. Singapore's role as a centre for regional trade and transhipments expanded, and direct routes between other Southeast Asian ports decreased.Footnote 31 As a transhipment port, most cities carried direct shipping lines to Singapore; an entertainment company could thereby have the following itinerary: Singapore, Kuala Lumpur, Singapore, Java, Singapore, Saigon, etc. Examining the trade and shipping traffic of Singapore gives indications of the distribution paths and patterns of entertainment companies. Trade in all the Southeast Asian countries multiplied between 1890 and 1910, especially intra-regional commerce.Footnote 32 In 1897–99, around half of Singapore's trade was with other Southeast Asian countries, primarily the Dutch East Indies and the Federated Malay States.Footnote 33 Fifteen large ships (with a capacity of over fifty tons) entered Singapore per day in 1904 and 1905; around 70 per cent came from within Southeast Asia, with similar statistics for ships leaving Singapore. About 35 per cent of the maritime traffic was with the Dutch East Indies, and 25 per cent with the rest of British Malaya.Footnote 34

Fourth, shipping was used to a much larger extent than railways, naturally, considering the archipelagic nature of Southeast Asia. Port cities, such as Rangoon, Singapore, Penang, Batavia, Surabaya, Bangkok, and Manila, were better connected than routes between the port cities and the inland towns, and hence travel was easier between ports. The geographical reach of entertainment companies and variety artists into smaller inland cities and towns was, however, dependent on the railway. British Malaya, Dutch East Indies, Indochina, and Siam all multiplied the length of their railways between 1890 and 1900, and again between 1900 and 1910 (see Table 1). In British Malaya new railway lines connected inland towns to port cities to provide for the tin mining industry.Footnote 35 The Dutch East Indies, likewise, expanded their railways, and in 1888 eight railway lines connected the fifteen largest cities and towns on Java. The volume of passengers (and freight traffic) multiplied accordingly: 20 million in 1895, 38 million in 1900, and 50 million in 1905.Footnote 36 In 1897, Harmston's Circus travelled with the railway throughout Java, performing in Blitar, Kediri, Mojokerto, Madiun, and Surakarta.Footnote 37 They included a cinematograph on their tour, and were the earliest film exhibitors in many parts of Java.

Table 1: Length of railways in Asia, 1890–1910 (km)

Notes: a1892; b1898; c1901 Source: B.R. Mitchell, International historical statistics: Africa, Asia & Oceania, 1750–2005, 5th ed. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), pp. 723–5, 728.

Finally, and connected to the previous points, British Malaya and the Dutch East Indies were the most toured areas for several reasons. The infrastructure was well developed; distances were short, which saved companies time and money; the railway network was developed; and the area was at the intersection of, and thus connected to, India, Australia, China, and Japan. Daily steamships, which took two days, went between Singapore and Batavia.Footnote 38 The movement of Willard Opera Company illustrates the centrality of those countries. In 1895 and 1896, the British company went from Bombay to Colombo to Penang, Singapore, Batavia, Yokohama, Hong Kong, Singapore, Penang, Medan, Penang, Rangoon, India, Penang, Singapore, India, London, India, Singapore, Penang, Deli, Singapore, Batavia, Surabaya, Singapore, and back to India.Footnote 39 Moreover, a common lingua franca, Malay, facilitated the touring of Malay-language theatre groups.

This last point is a reminder of the interconnectedness of Southeast Asia and its colonially constructed national borders. Pre-colonial borders in Southeast Asia were fundamentally different, as the region did not really consist of nation-states, but rather political centres of influence, autonomous provinces, and stateless societies. The largely artificial colonial borders were kept, strengthened through school education, and in essence form the national boundaries we have today.Footnote 40 As a further illustration of the artificiality of these national borders, Sumatra under the Dutch was part of a currency area with British Malaya rather than with Java, thus using the Mexican silver dollar or Straits dollar instead of the guilder or florin.Footnote 41

Entertaining Southeast Asia

Audiences in Southeast Asia experienced different forms of Western and local entertainment through travelling theatre, opera, vaudeville, circus, and cinema. A city like Manila had regular performances in several languages, and Italian, French, Cuban, Spanish, English, American, Russian, Chinese, and Filipino artists performed in different theatres and shows.Footnote 42 Singapore had theatres, street operas, film exhibitions, billiards, skating rinks, bars, dances, and bands appealing to all social and ethnic groups. Entertainments provided sites for new impressions and reflection. In North America, these amusements had a significant impact on the creation of an imagined community, across class and ethnic barriers.Footnote 43 These observations were to some extent also valid for the colonial societies of Southeast Asia. Entertainment companies gathered people from all strata of society to their programmes, and helped create temporary liminal spaces where audiences with varied ethnic and social backgrounds mixed, especially at the more affordable film exhibitions and circuses.Footnote 44 The travelling amusements worked on several levels simultaneously, as sites for cultural exchange and symbols of cultural imperialism. International companies added local artists to their shows to add local flavour, trim salaries, and refresh their programmes, while some local amusements appropriated Western commercial forms; this led to a continuous exchange of ideas, forms, and performers.

Around the turn of the century at least sixty different itinerant opera, theatre, and variety companies were touring Southeast Asia.Footnote 45 It is problematic, and slightly misleading, to assign a particular national identity to these itinerant troupes, as they typically consisted of mixed ensembles with changing performers. Based on the proprietor of the company, more than half of them originated from Europe (Britain, France, Spain, and Italy) or the United States. Of the remaining twenty-three, eleven were of Malayan origin, four from India, three from Japan, three from Australia, and one each from New Zealand and China. The touring Malay companies were bangsawan groups combining theatre, opera, and dance. Tan Sooi Beng describes it as ‘the non-Europeans’ version of Western theatre modified and adapted to suit local tastes’.Footnote 46 In addition to these travelling entertainment companies, many more local forms of amusement — such as theatre (zarzuela and moro-moro in the Philippines, bangsawan in the Dutch East Indies and British Malaya, likay and lakhon in Siam), Chinese street opera (jiexi), and shadow puppet theatre (wayang kulit in the Dutch East Indies and British Malaya) — that did not tour the region attracted large audiences on a nightly basis. Most such performances were not advertised in the local press, however, and it is hard to gauge their volume and frequency. Chinese street opera, or theatre, was very popular in Singapore, as discussed by Tong Soon Lee, and one of the most affordable entertainment forms.Footnote 47

Visitors to Southeast Asia testified to the significance of these entertainment forms. In 1905, Augusta de Wit claimed: ‘To all other pleasures, the Javanese prefers that of witnessing a performance of the wayang, the native theatre.’Footnote 48 Henry Norman portrayed the love of the Siamese for likay and lakhon plays in his travel journal from 1895: ‘To an ordinary Siamese it is the height of happiness to sit jammed in a dense crowd on the floor, from seven p.m. to two a.m., watching the same play.’Footnote 49 Ernest Young called the theatre ‘the most popular of all amusements’ for people of all ages in Siam, and ‘a purely native institution, unaffected by those Western influences that are so rapidly destroying in the East the many Oriental manners and customs that were once the delight of the traveller’.Footnote 50 The Bangkok Amateur Dramatic Society was formed with Siamese actors in the early 1900s with the support of the Siamese Crown Prince who acted and wrote for the company. Its style was reportedly more ‘Western’, and it performed Western adaptations and original Siamese plays.Footnote 51

Matthew Cohen writes about the Eurasian Malay-language bangsawan troupe, Komedie Stamboel, founded by A. Mahieu in 1891, and assesses its impact in the Dutch East Indies, particularly in Surabaya. The Komedie Stamboel combined the Malay language, Eurasian actors, Mahieu-composed melodies, and Chinese management to create a mixed amusement form, neither European nor native, with a multi-ethnic troupe of Dutch, Chinese, Arab, Javanese, and Indian actors, combining elements from the circus, the opera, and the theatre. It thus shared many traits of Wayang Kassim described in the introduction. Komedie Stamboul was very popular, and attracted a wide array of audiences; as such it challenged social and racial barriers. The company existed for around a decade, then gradually lost its appeal, experiencing financial losses along with a decline in popularity.Footnote 52 A. Mahieu and part of his company joined Wayang Kassim for a period in 1902 after Komedie Stamboel closed down.Footnote 53

Another illustration of the cosmopolitan, multi-ethnic, and multi-lingual nature of the entertainment world is the Victoria Parsee Theatre led by Khurshedji M. Balivala from Bombay. In Bangkok in 1899, they performed Ali Baba and the forty thieves, Aladdin, as well as Indian operas and comedies at Mom Chow Alangkarn's Theatre, which also was the location of the earliest cinematic exhibitions in Bangkok two years earlier. A Siamese company performing and singing in Thai accompanied the group, and during the intervals English songs were sung. Japanese lanterns lit the hall, and the performances were under the patronage of the French chargé d'affaires and a Russian minister. The successful programme was concluded with cinematographic pictures, including films from the Diamond Jubilee of Queen Victoria, warmly applauded by the large audience.Footnote 54 Two years later the Victoria Parsee Theatre performed Hamlet in Hindi for a large audience in their temporary theatre on Beach Road in Singapore, and the press described it as ‘excellently staged and produced’ and ‘a pleasure to witness’.Footnote 55 Christopher Balme's work on Maurice Bandmann and his different opera and theatre troupes, based in Calcutta but travelling throughout the world, is yet another good case study to illustrate the transnational entertainment circuit of the time. Bandmann also later became a cinematograph owner.Footnote 56

Circuses were significant in creating and developing an Asian entertainment circuit since no city in Southeast Asia was large enough to support a permanent circus troupe. I have identified twenty-eight circus companies that toured Southeast Asia during a period of ten years around the turn of the century. Most circuses consisted of some forty to ninety artists and performers, with acts, people, and animals from around the world. With its ethnic diversity, the circus could offer a tour of the world, something cinema also later claimed to do.Footnote 57 Again, it is hard to assign a national label, but around two-thirds of the circuses originated from Europe (Britain, France, Germany, Spain, Russia, and Italy) or the United States. Of the remaining ten, six originated from India, two from Australia, one from South Africa, and one from the Philippines.Footnote 58 Large circuses often integrated other exhibitions in their programmes, performers frequently moved between different companies, and local performers, such as Filipina tightrope walkers and Malay-speaking clowns, were employed.Footnote 59 Many performers initially employed by itinerant entertainment companies in Europe and the United States decided to stay on in Southeast Asia, and joined other companies. Troupes were also usually refreshed between seasons in order to include new performers, and the latest spectacles and acts, making for novelty each time they came to a city.

The circus was particularly popular as it appealed to audiences across social, ethnic, and linguistic barriers. Circuses helped create a shared leisure culture, as it was a community occasion for all ages and social classes due to lower prices compared to other itinerant entertainment forms. Even the unloading of the animals and setting up of the tent was part of the spectacle, as was the large audience.Footnote 60 The circus was the benchmark for other entertainment forms in Southeast Asia, and people reportedly asked for advance wages and pawned their valuables to visit the circus. Newspapers in the Dutch East Indies frequently compared Komedie Stamboel and Wayang Kassim to circuses, in terms of tents, seating arrangements, audience size, and quality.Footnote 61 Janet Davis sees the circus as metonymic for the infrastructural and national expansion of the United States, since it too spread along with the railways and exhibited the latest technology; she also depicts the size and scope of the circus as a sign of European imperialism.Footnote 62 Gillian Arrighi argues that technologically up-to-date circuses with electricity and gas installations were symbols of modernity, and that the itinerant circuses were instrumental in spreading that view.Footnote 63 In their heyday, circuses continually grew bigger, enlarging their tents and adding more rings and acts. They also lowered general admission prices, making circus-going even more accessible, and charged extra for the sideshows.

Notwithstanding all these troupes, foreign-language newspaper editorials and reports throughout Southeast Asia criticised the dearth of good amusements, by which they meant Western entertainment companies.Footnote 64 Bangkok Times wrote: ‘Singapore and Hongkong have a plethora of entertainments to brighten their lives and drive dull care away, but Bangkok pursues its solemn leaden course content to be neglected by the whirligig of amusements.’Footnote 65 A certain rivalry also existed between the different cities; after one month of performances in Bangkok, Harmston's Circus was reported to leave for ‘Hongkong and other undeserving spots’.Footnote 66 The lack of amusements often resulted in entertainment companies prolonging their stay, which was both a publicity and marketing ploy. D'Arc's Marionettes from Britain, for instance, stayed two weeks instead of three days in Penang ‘owing to the unprecedented and enormous success’.Footnote 67 Straits Times yet complained about the lack of theatre plays: ‘Singaporeans can boast many pastimes, but play-going cannot be said to rank as foremost — it is a luxury which is given us only occasionally, and by only one company [Dallas Company].’Footnote 68 Singapore, of course, had dozens of different Chinese and Malay theatre groups, but the only theatre the colonial papers counted was the European. Arnold Wright and H.A. Cartwright summed up the entertainment scene (slightly inaccurately) suitable for Europeans in British Malaya in 1908:

In Singapore occasional concerts are given by the Philharmonic Society, composed of local amateurs, and theatrical plays are sometimes presented by the Amateur Dramatic Club. Touring theatrical companies and circuses visit the town at intervals, but seldom stay more than a few nights. The only permanent places of amusement are cinematograph shows and a Malay theatre, where English plays are rendered in the vernacular. In Pinang they have a Choral Society and an Amateur Dramatic Club, and there are dramatic societies also in the chief towns of the Federated Malay States. Europeans have therefore, to a large extent, to make their own amusements; hence almost every house has its tennis court. Dinner and card parties are frequent, and informal dances are often given. The usual round of private social functions is supplemented by the amusements provided by numerous organisations. Cricket, football, tennis, hockey, golf, rowing, swimming, and other clubs and places of resort, where billiard handicaps and chess, bridge, and other tournaments afford varied forms of recreation.Footnote 69

Technological development, such as the phonograph, kinetoscope, and cinematograph slowly changed the nature of the entertainment and leisure world.Footnote 70 The cinematograph, and its film exhibitions, was an entertainment form that could easily travel and tour across national borders.Footnote 71 When cinema arrived in Southeast Asia, it provided added opportunities for local musicians. Live musical accompaniment played a central role in the cinematic experience, and was a way to market a cinematographic exhibition and distinguish it from others. Phonographs or gramophones often accompanied cinematographic exhibitions, playing English, Chinese, and Malay music and songs in Singapore.Footnote 72 Phonographs gradually lost their appeal, and audiences wanted live musical accompaniment. Piano was the most common live accompaniment to films, especially if exhibitions took place in a town hall or theatre rather than in a tent. The American Biograph was accompanied by Miss E. Wood on the piano at the Town Hall in Singapore.Footnote 73 The Royal Bioscope was accompanied by a piano at the Town Hall in Singapore, and by a phonograph when they moved to a tent on Beach Road.Footnote 74 The American Bioscope in Penang had a harmonium with ‘sweet music at intervals’. One night, a grand piano replaced the harmonium to the subdued excitement of the reviewer: ‘the music was not unenjoyable’.Footnote 75 The Gaiety Stars performed ‘illustrated songs’ where a singer accompanied the films with suitable songs, described by the local press as a ‘novel experience’.Footnote 76

Many orchestras and bands were created in British Malaya around the turn of the century. The Selangor State Band was formed in 1894, and the Penang Band in 1904, with most musicians being Malay.Footnote 77 These bands played at balls, parties, dinners, dances, and funerals. The Penang Band reportedly charged $60 for a five-hour performance (dances and funerals), and $30 for two or three-hour dinners and garden parties, excluding transportation costs.Footnote 78 The arrival of cinema gave the bands more venues to perform. The Volunteer Band accompanied the film programme of the London Chronograph in Singapore in 1906.Footnote 79 The Japanese Cinematograph in Singapore had ‘appropriate music’ accompanying their films.Footnote 80 Later it advertised new live musical accompaniments, ‘imported at great expense’. During a five-week period, a Manila band, the Batavian Troupe Orchestra, and the Santa Cecilia orchestra accompanied their films.Footnote 81 When the new Alhambra Cinematograph opened in Singapore in 1907, it had its own orchestra, the Alhambra Band, consisting of twelve musicians.Footnote 82 A year later, it brought an orchestra from Calcutta (see fig. 3), ‘to provide really good music, which visitors to local cinematograph shows ought to consider a long-felt want’.Footnote 83 The Japanese Cinematograph at Harima Hall immediately replied with an advertisement that read: ‘Our Orchestra The BEST in Singapore.’Footnote 84

Figure 3. New Orchestra at Alhambra Cinematograph in Singapore (advertisement, Straits Times, 16 Nov. 1908, p. 6 © Singapore Press Holdings Ltd. Reprinted with permission)

Most orchestras in the region accompanied cinematic exhibitions at some point. In Kuala Lumpur, the Selangor Band supplied musical accompaniment to the Grand Parisian Cinematograph and London Chronograph, and a string band accompanied the French Cinematograph on Saturdays.Footnote 85 In Manila, the Pasig band played during the intermission at Gran Cinematografo del Oriente, and an orchestra played with Cinematografo Parisien.Footnote 86 In Medan, the Andalusian String Orchestra accompanied the General Bioscope.Footnote 87 In Batavia, the London Cinematograph claimed to have its own string orchestra.Footnote 88 The orchestras became so entwined with cinematic exhibitions that by 1910 one was reported to hear music familiar from cinematic venues at Chinese funerals and Tamil weddings in British Malaya.Footnote 89

The profitability of entertainment

Many itinerant entertainment troupes were successful as they focused on markets with a shortage of amusements. When Warren's Circus performed in Taiping in 1901, a review stated that ‘any entertainment, however poor, would be accepted as a welcome relief’.Footnote 90 Not all itinerant entertainment companies were successful, however. The London Lyric Company, for instance, only filled 25 per cent of the seats at the Penang Town Hall in 1894.Footnote 91 An editorial in Perak Pioneer in 1906 made the unverified claim that the majority of entertainment companies touring Asia the past 25 years ‘invariably wind up by hopelessly coming to grief financially, in plain words being properly “stranded,” with the usual result of many of the members having to be assisted by the community’.Footnote 92 Large troupes had considerable costs for transportation, accommodation, salaries, equipment, permits, and marketing. Profits were not guaranteed, and transporting personnel, animals, and equipment across oceans was difficult.

Costs for salaries and travelling were significant considering that troupes often had more than forty performers. The monthly salaries of local artists varied depending on their role, and were reported to be between $8 and $40.Footnote 93 Western artists made substantially more. As a comparison, the daily wage of a manual labourer in Singapore was around 50 cents, depending on their work.Footnote 94 Transportation costs in Southeast Asia were quite high, a third-class ticket by ship between Batavia and Singapore costing 15 guilders ($10).Footnote 95 Tickets between destinations further apart were more expensive, but troupes often received group discounts. Itinerant companies also incurred additional costs for renting venues and for advertising. The cost of renting the Town Hall in Singapore was $55 a night for international troupes and $30 for local groups.Footnote 96 Singapore charging more for international troupes is an additional illustration of its significance in the entertainment circuit. In the Dutch East Indies, the policy was the opposite to attract international troupes; local entertainments had to pay a permit fee, whereas it was free for European companies. The fees varied depending on entertainment form and gender: 80 guilders ($54) for female troupes, f60 ($41) for male troupes, f50 ($34) for puppet companies, and f20 ($14) for Chinese shadow puppetry shows.Footnote 97 Putting up a tent, rather than renting a hall, also entailed costs. In Singapore, the Land Office was responsible for granting the land area; rents, as well as the necessary police charges, were higher than elsewhere in Asia.Footnote 98

Climate also affected touring routes and provided difficulties for the entertainment companies, as it could be excessively hot or raining torrentially. Paper and electric fans were provided in most venues to cope with the heat, and the sides of the tents were often raised to provide additional respite.Footnote 99 The large companies had high daily maintenance costs, and lost earnings when bad weather resulted in cancelled performances. The rainy season varied from country to country too, which impacted the companies’ chosen routes. Most entertainment troupes avoided Southeast Asia during the rainy season; itinerant companies performing in tents were, therefore, initially seasonal. Around 1905 many entertainment companies advertised rainproof tents, indicating performances would take place regardless of weather.Footnote 100 Challenging the weather still entailed risks, something the London Chronograph in Taiping experienced: ‘The wild weather of the last few days completely wrecked the large tent which was brought, and compelled it to seek shelter in a more substantial erection [the Chinese Theatre].’Footnote 101

The entertainment companies’ income varied depending on the location of the venue and size of the audience. Three principal ways existed for an itinerant company to arrange performances: being hired for a fixed sum for a certain number of performances by a local agent or theatre owner; making all the arrangements itself; or a combination of the two, where profits or losses were shared with the venue-provider. In the first instance, the local agent or theatre owner took the financial risk and profit. The Filipino Circus was hired to perform for a week in Ipoh for $1,000, and after one performance the local agent had recouped half the money.Footnote 102 Wayang Kassim received $1,000 for a one-week contract in Taiping, a sum cleared in two days. For Saturday night the box-office was $600, despite competition from Chinese and Tamil plays performed elsewhere.Footnote 103 Four years later, a Chinese merchant offered Wayang Kassim $3,000 for a month in Taiping, whereas they demanded $4,000.Footnote 104 The Zig-Zag Variety Company received 5,000 ticals ($3,000) for ten performances in Bangkok, and 3,900 ticals ($2,400) for another series of performances, of which 1,000 ticals ($600) was an advance payment.Footnote 105 Many itinerant companies used different practices in different places: Komedie Stamboel received a fixed fee for some performances, and an income-based one for others.Footnote 106 Contracts that depended fully on the proceeds collected for income could be risky, given the possibility of dishonesty and deceit among organisers. When the entertainment company made all the arrangements themselves, their potential profits were larger, but so were the risks. Harmston's Circus made its own arrangements, and reportedly brought in more than $2,000 per night in Kuala Lumpur, Malacca, and Ipoh.Footnote 107 The financial stakes were high. When the circus arrived in Surabaya by ship, the Royal Dutch Packet Company (Koninklijke Paketvaart Maatschappij) dropped part of the loop used for their famous bicycle trick into the sea, and Harmston's Circus demanded 2,000 guilders ($1,360) for every night they could not perform the trick.Footnote 108

Cinema, circus, theatre, street opera, music, and other entertainment forms prospered side by side during the first decade of cinema. Matsuo's Cinematograph Show and Spampani's Circus both drew good houses every night in 1907 in two spacious tents opposite each other in Ipoh.Footnote 109 Many new theatres were built and renovated in British Malaya in the early 1900s. In Singapore, the Town Hall was renovated and a new theatre, the Victoria Theatre, was built next to it. In Penang, the King Street Theatre renovated its hall to provide electric lights, fans, and new seats.Footnote 110 Many renovations were likely due to increased competition from travelling entertainments providing up-to-date and sophisticated tents. Several theatre buildings, however, were gradually taken over by cinematographic exhibitions in the early 1900s. Wayang Kassim and another bangsawan group could not perform in Taiping in 1910 as all theatres were leased by cinematograph shows, which prompted the Perak Pioneer to suggest that they should lease the cinematograph and combine the theatre with cinema.Footnote 111

Conclusion

In this article I have demonstrated the transnational nature of the Southeast Asian entertainment circuit and mapped the movement of more than a hundred different troupes travelling across oceans and transcending national borders. The communication infrastructure and interconnectedness of Southeast Asia developed during the late 1800s with new shipping, railway, and telegraph lines, compressing time and space. Southeast Asia was a site for multicultural exchange with regional and global influences. Entertainment companies from around the world viewed the whole region as their stage, and travelled by ship and rail back and forth between cities and countries. Most troupes consisted of people with different ethnic and linguistic backgrounds, and performers continually moved between companies, thereby blurring the latters’ national labels. Borders did not impede itinerant entertainment troupes and cinematic exhibitors in Southeast Asia; their very practice is an illustration of their transnational nature, and of the colonially constructed nature of national borders.

The advent of cinematographic exhibitions and its development in its first two decades changed the way people spent their evenings, however, particularly in places too small for the larger international entertainment companies, resulting in a decreasing number of the latter. Moreover, the cinematograph was not dependent on a large troupe of entertainers, but rather on a steady supply of film reels and a single camera operator. With the arrival of the cinematograph, the nature of the transnational entertainment circuit gradually transformed from troupes travelling from one place to the next, to the importing and distribution of film reels.

Footnotes

This work was supported by a grant from the Magnus Bergvall Foundation.

References

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2 Advertisement, Straits Times, 16 Apr. 1902, p. 4; Notice, Malay Mail, 13 May 1907, p. 2; Advertisement, Malay Mail, 29 June 1907, p. 2. The troupe also went under the names the Indra Zanibar Royal Theatrical Company of Singapore and the Dutch and Malay Variety and Comedy Company.

3 Advertisement, Straits Times, 18 June 1908, p. 8; ‘The Wayang Kassim’, Straits Times, 18 May 1909, p. 8.

4 Notice, Straits Echo, 6 Mar. 1905, p. 4; ‘The Wayang Kassim’, Eastern Daily Mail, 12 Mar. 1906, p. 3; Advertisement, De Sumatra Post, 5 Sept. 1906, p. 7; Notice, Malay Mail, 29 Nov. 1906, p. 2; Cohen, Matthew Isaac, Komedie Stamboel: Popular theater in colonial Indonesia, 1891–1903 (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2006), pp. 319–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Beng, Tan Sooi, Bangsawan: A social and stylistic history of popular Malay opera (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 18Google Scholar, 37.

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27 Wittman, ‘Empire of culture’, pp. 291–3.

28 ‘The Delroy Company’, Straits Times, 5 Apr. 1900, p. 2; ‘The Ada Delroy Company’, Singapore Free Press, 6 Apr. 1900, p. 3; ‘Ada Delroy Co’, Straits Times, 9 Apr. 1900, p. 3; ‘The Ada Delroy Company’, Singapore Free Press, 10 Apr. 1900, p. 3; ‘The Ada Delroy Co’, Straits Times, 11 Apr. 1900, p. 2; ‘En teatro Zorrilla’, El Progreso, 17 May 1900, p. 3.

29 ‘The Barnes’ Entertainers’, Straits Times, 30 May 1902, p. 4; ‘The Barnes Company’, Straits Times, 5 June 1902, p. 5.

30 The Dutch controlled both straits until the British East India Company leased Penang from the Sultan of Kedah in 1786. Penang was a strategic port of call heading to China, and hindered the Dutch trade. Hussin, Nordin, Trade and society in the Straits of Melaka: Dutch Melaka and English Penang, 1780–1830 (Copenhagen: NIAS Press, 2007)Google Scholar.

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34 Huff, The economic growth of Singapore, pp. 123–6. The share in terms of tonnage was different though, as ships arriving from Europe, Japan, or the United States were much larger. The national label of merchant vessels clearing Singapore shows that slightly more than half the ships were from Britain, followed by ships from the Netherlands and Germany.

35 Belfield, Handbook of the Federated Malay States, pp. 60–62, 80, 91; Hon-Chan, Chai, The development of British Malaya, 1896–1909 (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1964)Google Scholar, chap. 5; Huff, The economic growth of Singapore, p. 67.

36 Mitchell, International historical statistics, pp. 761–4. British Malaya had four million passengers in 1903 and five million in 1905, Siam had two million in 1905, French Indochina had eight million in 1907, and the Philippines had two million in 1910. The population of the Dutch East Indies was, however, considerably larger.

37 Advertisement, Soerabaiasch Handelsblad, 14 July 1897, p. 3; Advertisement, De Nieuwe Vorstenlanden, 6 Aug. 1897, p. 3.

38 Scidmore, Java, pp. 3, 7; del Mar, Walter, Around the world through Japan (London: A&C Black, 1903), p. 39Google Scholar; Bemmelen, J.F. van and Hooyer, G.B., Guide through Netherlands India, compiled by order of The Koninklijke Paketvaart Maatschappij (Royal Packet Company), trans. Berrington, B.J. (London: Thomas Cook & Son, 1903), p. 8Google Scholar.

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40 The independence process in Southeast Asia resulted in culturally heterogeneous nation-states, what Anthony Reid calls the ‘imperial alchemy’: transforming different ethnic groups such as Acehnese, Bataks, and Balinese into Indonesians; and Chinese, Malays, Kadazans, and Tamils into Malaysians. Reid, Anthony, Imperial alchemy: Nationalism and political identity in Southeast Asia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010)Google Scholar.

41 In the 1890s, the Mexican silver dollar was the standard currency in British Malaya, and the US trade dollar, Japanese yen, and Hong Kong dollar were made unlimited legal tender. In 1904, a Straits dollar, connected to the gold standard, replaced the Mexican dollar at the same value.

42 ‘Teatralerias’, El Mercantil, 19 June 1903, p. 1; ‘De Teatros-Cinematografos. En El Parisien’, El Mercantil, 16 May 1905, p. 2; Advertisement, El Mercantil, 27 June 1905, p. 4.

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44 In my dissertation, I assess how film exhibitions affected colonial society, primarily in Singapore. Nadi Tofighian, ‘Blurring the colonial binary: Turn-of-the-century transnational entertainment in Southeast Asia’ (PhD diss., Stockholm University, 2013).

45 The companies I have found include Abell and Olman's Variety Co., Ada Delroy Co., Australian Burlesque Variety Co., Australian Vaudeville Co., Bandmann Comedy Co., Bandmann Comic Opera Co., Bandmann Dramatic Co., Bandmann Opera, Banvard's Variety Co., Barnes Co., Beresford Variety Co., Bijou Entertainers, Burmese Theatre, Cordelier-Hicks Variety Co., Dallas Opera, D'Arc's Marionettes, Elsie Adair's Entertainment, Empress Victoria Jawi Pranakan Theatrical Co., Excelsior Vaudeville, Flying Jordans, Frawley Comedy, Freear's Frivolity, French Opera, French Variety Co., Gaiety Stars, Grand Opera, Gulzar-e-Nekey (Bombay Theatrical Co.), Hicks Orioles Co., Hicks Variety Co., Indra Bangsawan Theatrical, Italian Opera, Japanese Imperial Acrobatic Co., Japanese Magic and Comedy, Japanese Tamakichi Troupe, José Zappala's Opera, Jovial Opera, Klimanoff Co., London Lyric Co., Malay Opera, Malay Theatrical Co., Malaya Opera, Merry Little Maids Opera Co., New Elphinstone Parsee Theatrical Co., O'Connor Opera, Opera Indra Permata Theatrical Co. of Selangor, Opera Indra Zabba, Opera Macao, Parsi Curzon Theatrical Co., Parsi Theatre Co., Pollard's Lilliputian Opera, Stanley Opera, Star Opera, Straits Opera, Transatlantic Variety Co., Wayang Ayesha (or Aishah), Wayang Indra Jaya, Wayang Kassim, Wayang Stamboul, Wayang Yap Chow Thong, Weatherley's, Wellington Barracks Theatre, Willard Opera, and Williamson & Maher's Chicago Tourist Minstrel and Variety.

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52 Cohen, Komedie Stamboel.

53 Cohen, ‘Border crossings’: 112.

54 ‘The Parsi Theatre’, Bangkok Times, 5 June 1899, p. 2; Notice, Bangkok Times, 8 June 1899, p. 2; ‘Parsi Theatre’, Bangkok Times, 9 June 1899, p. 2; ‘The Parsi Theatre’, Bangkok Times, 10 June 1899, p. 2; ‘Parsi Theatre’, Bangkok Times, 13 June 1899, p. 2; Advertisement, Bangkok Times, 15 June 1899, p. 2; Advertisement, Bangkok Times, 16 June 1899, p. 3.

55 ‘The Parsee Theatre’, Straits Times, 1 Sept. 1901, p. 2.

56 Balme, Christopher, ‘The Bandmann circuit: Theatrical networks in the first age of globalization’, Theatre Research International 40, 1 (2015): 1936CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Balme, Christopher, ‘Maurice E. Bandmann and the beginnings of a global theatre trade’, Journal of Global Theatre History 1, 1 (2016): 3445Google Scholar.

57 Griffiths, Alison, ‘“To the world the world we show”: Early travelogues as filmed ethnography’, Film History 11, 3 (1999): 282307Google ScholarPubMed; Jennifer Lynn Peterson, ‘World pictures: Travelogue films and the lure of the exotic, 1890–1920’ (PhD diss., University of Chicago, 1999).

58 The touring circuses I have found include Abell's (and Klaer's) Circus, Apollo Circus, Bartelle's Circus, Bose Circus, Bostock's Circus, Chatre's New Indian Circus, Circus Ibanez, Cooke's Circus, Filipino circus, Fitzgerald's Circus, Frank E. Fillis’ Circus, Great World Circus, Harmston's Circus, Hippodrome Circus, Indian Sandow's (Professor Ramamurti) Circus, Krishna Rao's Bombay Circus, Ott's Circus, Pacific Circus, Parasram Rao's Circus, Paul's Great Indian Circus, Prof. Deval's Indian Circus, Royal Italian Circus, Russian Circus, Spampani's European Circus, Wallett's Circus, Warren's Circus, Willison's Circus, and Wirth Brothers’ Circus.

59 See, variously, ‘El circo Ruso’, El Progreso, 10 Jan. 1902, p. 2; Advertisement, Straits Times, 24 Feb. 1905, p. 4; ‘Warren's Circus’, Bangkok Times, 14 Nov. 1905, p. 3; ‘Harmston's Circus’, Straits Times, 10 July 1906, p. 5; ‘The Opera Indra Zabba’, Straits Echo, 17 Aug. 1905, p. 4; ‘Harmston's Coming’, Straits Times, 9 Oct. 1905, p. 5; Straits Echo, 4 Dec. 1906; ‘El circo Spampani’, El Tiempo, 5 Feb. 1908, p. 3; ‘The Wayang Kassim’, Perak Pioneer, 16 Feb. 1909, p. 4; Cohen, Komedie Stamboel, p. 18.

60 Davis, Janet M., Circus age: Culture and society under the American big top (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002), pp. 6Google Scholar, 14, 38; Kammen, Michael, American culture, American tastes: Social change and the 20th century (New York: Knopf, 1999), pp. 77–8Google Scholar; Leavitt, M.B., Fifty years in theatrical management (New York: Broadway, 1912)Google Scholar.

61 Cohen, Komedie Stamboel, pp. 12, 107, 111, 126.

62 Davis, Circus age, pp. 194–5.

63 Arrighi, Gillian, ‘The circus and modernity: A commitment to “the newer” and “the newest”’, Early Popular Visual Culture 10, 2 (2012): 169CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 171.

64 ‘Miss Elsie Adair's Entertainment’, Bangkok Times, 7 Dec. 1896, p. 2; ‘D'Arc's Marionettes’, Bangkok Times, 4 May 1901, p. 3; Editorial, Bangkok Times, 11 Oct. 1902, p. 2; ‘The Chronograph Show’, Perak Pioneer, 31 Dec. 1906, p. 5; Straits Echo, 24 June 1907.

65 ‘The Bioscope in Bangkok’, Bangkok Times, 3 Feb. 1903, p. 2.

66 ‘The Circus’, Bangkok Times, 21 Dec. 1900, p. 2.

67 Advertisement, Pinang Gazette, 7 Mar. 1895, p. 2.

68 ‘The Dallas Company. First night performance: “A country girl”’, Straits Times, 8 Feb. 1905, p. 5.

69 Wright, Arnold and Cartwright, H.A., Twentieth century impressions of British Malaya: Its history, people, commerce, industries, and resources (London: Lloyd's Greater Britain, 1908), p. 198Google Scholar.

70 For the history of the phonograph in the region, see Suryadi, Surya, ‘The “talking machine” comes to the Dutch East Indies: The arrival of Western media technology in Southeast Asia’, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (BKI) 162, 2/3 (2006): 269305CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Tofighian, Nadi, ‘Watching the astonishment of the native: Early audio-visual technology and colonial discourse’, Early Popular Visual Culture 15, 1 (2017): 2643CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

71 Ruppin, Dafna and Tofighian, Nadi, ‘Moving pictures across colonial boundaries: The multiple nationalities of the American Biograph in Southeast Asia’, Early Popular Visual Culture 14, 2 (2016): 188207CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a more detailed history of early cinema in Southeast Asia, particularly Dutch East Indies and British Malaya, see Ruppin, Dafna, The Komedi Bioscoop: Early cinema in colonial Indonesia (New Barnet: John Libbey, 2016)Google Scholar and Tofighian, ‘Blurring the colonial binary’.

72 Notice, Straits Times, 22 Oct. 1902, p. 4; Advertisement, Straits Echo, 4 Aug. 1905, p. 5; ‘The Moving Pictures Exhibition Company’, Straits Echo, 17 Aug. 1905, p. 4; ‘Au Chronomegaphone Gaumont’, Le Courrier d'Haiphong, 22 May 1908, p. 2.

73 ‘Beresford–Pettitt Surprise Party’, Singapore Free Press, 22 Aug. 1899, p. 3.

74 ‘The Royal Bioscope’, Straits Times, 1 Oct. 1902, p. 4; ‘The Bioscope’, Straits Times, 15 Oct. 1902, p. 5.

75 ‘American Bioscope Co’, Straits Echo, 7 July 1905, p. 4; ‘American Bioscope Co’, Straits Echo, 8 July 1905, p. 4.

76 ‘The Gaiety Stars’, Straits Echo, 2 Nov. 1905, p. 4.

77 Gullick, J.M., Kuala Lumpur 1880–1895: A city in the making (Petaling Jaya: Pelanduk, 1988 [1955]), p. 39Google Scholar; Tan, Bangsawan, pp. 74–5.

78 Straits Echo, 30 Aug. 1906. The Surabaya-based Italian Quintet charged 85 guilders per night (equivalent to $58). In 1891, Komedie Stamboel engaged them for 50 guilders ($34) per night (Cohen, Komedie Stamboel, p. 53).

79 ‘The chronograph’, Eastern Daily Mail, 23 May 1906, p. 3.

80 ‘Japanese cinematograph: The sign of the cross’, Eastern Daily Mail, 6 June 1906, p. 5.

81 Advertisement, Eastern Daily Mail, 18 Jan. 1907, p. 3; ‘Japanese Cinematograph’, Eastern Daily Mail, 21 Jan. 1907, p. 3; Advertisement, Eastern Daily Mail, 22 Feb. 1907, p. 3.

82 Advertisement, Eastern Daily Mail, 30 Nov. 1907, p. 2.

83 Notice, Straits Times, 16 Nov. 1908, p. 6; Advertisement, Straits Times, 16 Nov. 1908, p. 6; Advertisement, Straits Times, 17 Nov. 1908, p. 6.

84 Advertisement, Straits Times, 21 Nov. 1908, p. 1.

85 Advertisement, Malay Mail, 7 Aug. 1906, p. 3; Advertisement, Malay Mail, 1 Sept. 1906, p. 3; Advertisement, Malay Mail, 7 June 1907, p. 3.

86 Advertisement, El Progreso, 30 Aug. 1903, p. 4; Notice, El Mercantil, 13 Oct. 1903, p. 4.

87 Advertisement, De Sumatra Post, 11 Oct. 1906, p. 7.

88 Advertisement, Perniagaan, 16 Nov. 1907, p. 3.

89 Notice, Perak Pioneer, 10 June 1910, p. 4; Notice, Perak Pioneer, 27 Sept. 1910, p. 4.

90 ‘Warren's Circus’, Perak Pioneer, 28 Nov. 1901, p. 2.

91 ‘The London Lyric Company’, Pinang Gazette, 3 July 1894, p. 2.

92 Editorial, Perak Pioneer, 25 Oct. 1906, p. 2.

93 The dollar ($) refers to the Mexican dollar or the equally valued Straits dollar (depending on year). The exchange rate between the Mexican or Straits dollar and the guilder fluctuated during this period, and I use $0.68 per guilder as the exchange rate for the period. See Wright and Cartwright, Twentieth century impressions of British Malaya, p. 939; Scidmore, Java, p. 7.

94 Warren, James Francis, Rickshaw coolie: A people's history of Singapore, 1880–1940 (Singapore: NUS Press, 2003 [1986])Google Scholar, chaps. 3 and 4; Belfield, Handbook of the Federated Malay States, p. 21.

95 Van Bemmelen and Hooyer, Guide through Netherlands India, pp. 204–5. Third-class tickets between Singapore and Surabaya cost 20 guilders, and Batavia–Surabaya 10 guilders. First-class tickets were five times as expensive, and there were also fourth-class tickets.

96 Prices exclude the cost of gas (Notice, Straits Times, 23 Mar. 1903, p. 4).

97 Cohen, Komedie Stamboel, pp. 172–4.

98 Notice, Straits Times, 6 Apr. 1893, p. 2.

99 ‘The London Chronograph Show’, Malay Mail, 28 Aug. 1906, p. 3.

100 ‘Le biographe parisien’, La France d'Asie, 19 Apr. 1906, p. 2; ‘The Grand Cinematograph’, Perak Pioneer, 20 July 1906, p. 2; Advertisement, Eastern Daily Mail, 15 Dec. 1906, p. 3; Advertisement, Eastern Daily Mail, 21 Mar. 1907, p. 3.

101 ‘The Cinematograph’, Perak Pioneer, 27 Dec. 1906, p. 4.

102 Notice, Perak Pioneer, 25 Aug. 1906, p. 2. It is not clear whether the $1,000 included the travel expenditure.

103 ‘Wayang Kassim’, Perak Pioneer, 5 Oct. 1906, p. 3.

104 Notice, Perak Pioneer, 8 Jan. 1910, p. 4.

105 ‘The Zig-Zag Co.’s visit: Contract enforced’, Bangkok Times, 16 Mar. 1907, p. 2. The exchange rate of the tical or baht was fixed at $0.60 during the second half of the 1800s, although the rates became more volatile around the turn of the century; see Ingram, James C., Economic change in Thailand 1850–1970 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1971), pp. 149–54Google Scholar; Mackenzie, Compton, Realms of silver: One hundred years of banking in the East (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1954), p. 196Google Scholar.

106 Cohen, Komedie Stamboel, pp. 82, 93, 111, 131, 174, 204.

107 ‘Harmston's Circus’, Straits Times, 8 Aug. 1910, p. 6; ‘Harmston's Circus: A bumper house’, Malay Mail, 8 Aug. 1910, p. 7; ‘Harmston's Circus’, Malay Mail, 10 Aug. 1910, p. 7. In Kuala Lumpur, they reportedly had a gross income of $2,763.40 for one night.

108 Notice, Malay Mail, 8 July 1907, p. 3.

109 Notice, Times of Malaya, 16 Feb. 1907, p. 4.

110 Advertisement, Straits Echo, 30 Oct. 1905, p. 5.

111 Notice, Perak Pioneer, 7 Jan. 1910, p. 4.

Figure 0

Figure 1. Advertisement for Wayang Kassim in Kuala Lumpur (Malay Mail, 27 Nov. 1906, p. 3)

Figure 1

Figure 2. Map of entertainment companies’ circuits in Asia c. 1890–1910. The original map is taken from: Karte der grossen Postdampfschifflinien im Weltpostverkehr (Berlin: Verlag des Berliner Lithogr. Instituts, 1899).

Figure 2

Table 1: Length of railways in Asia, 1890–1910 (km)

Figure 3

Figure 3. New Orchestra at Alhambra Cinematograph in Singapore (advertisement, Straits Times, 16 Nov. 1908, p. 6 © Singapore Press Holdings Ltd. Reprinted with permission)