In the debate on the relevance of the ethnic term ‘Libyan’ in Egypt of the Third Intermediate Period (1069–664) and of the Late Period (664–332), there seems to be two different, opposing trends. On the one hand, some scholars argue that the term is largely irrelevant, on account of the close interaction between Libyans and Egyptians at this point in history.Footnote 1 On the other hand, there are scholars who suggest that the term still is relevant and that identified Libyan cultural traits (in addition to language) served as ethnic cues also in this period of close contact between Egyptians and Libyans.Footnote 2 In its dealing with personal names of Libyan etymology, this article leans towards the latter approach and additionally picks up on the presumption that personal names are meaningful and express identity on the part of the name giver.Footnote 3
The research conducted on Libya and Libyans of ancient times tends to stay within the narrow confines of Egyptology and in the sphere of ancient Egypt. Much less often, Libya(ns) is/are studied in connection with the contemporary and equally significant and river-based civilization in Mesopotamia. As a matter of fact, a number of people with Libyan names are mentioned in texts from the Neo-Assyrian empire (934–612), Chaldean Babylonia (626–539) and Achaemenid Babylonia (539–331).Footnote 4 This article will focus on these people, with the intention of trying to answer who they were (in terms of sex and age), what they did (in terms of profession), when and where they lived, and how they ended up in Mesopotamia.
People with Libyan names in texts from Assyria and Babylonia
Seventeen persons bearing one of five different Libyan (male) names (Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u, Lamintu (Nimlot), Susinqu (Sheshonq), Tak(i)lāta/i (Takelot) and Usilkānu (Osorkon) are attested in texts from the Neo-Assyrian empire, Chaldean Babylonia and Achaemenid Babylonia.Footnote 5
Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u
Nine people with the name Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u appear in Assyrian and Babylonian texts. Although the PNA-entry by R. Mattila (2/I, p. 443) cautiously concludes that this name is ‘possibly Libyan’, there are other studies that have demonstrated convincingly that Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u is likely Libyan and derived from the name Ḥrbs (Leahy Reference Leahy1980; Reference Leahy and Postgate1993, 57; Draper Reference Draper2015, 3–4; Mahlich Reference Mahlich2022, 145), attested in the Egyptian onomasticon (ÄPN 1, 253:27; DN, p. 843).Footnote 6
A man with the name Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u (here written ⸢m⸣Ḫal-bi-šú) features in a text (SAA 16, no. 63) from Nineveh and (possibly) the reign of the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669). This letter-text is directed at the king, and it brings up an accusation against six men and one woman, servants of the governor, about their having committed crimes in Guzana against the Assyrian king. In this context, the anonymous (due to lacunae) writer reports that Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u and Bar-uri, eunuch and cultic official of the god Baal-Rakkab of the city of Sam'al, have informed him of misdeeds committed by Tarṣî, the city scribe of Guzana. Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u is presented as ‘from Samaria’ (Samirināiu) and as ‘[a servant of] the king’ ([arad] šarri). The circumstances leading to this individual being in western Asia are difficult to pin down, but it is likely that he or older relatives of his came to western Asia forcibly through deportation.Footnote 7
A second man with the name Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u (here written mḪa-la-bé-e-še, mḪa-la-bé-e-si, mḪal-la-bé-še, mḪal-bi-[e-šú]) is mentioned in several texts from the archive of Inurta-šarru-uṣur, Nineveh, and the reign of the Assyrian king Ashurbanipal (668–631) and later, namely when he acts as a witness when Puṭi-Athiš buys the boy Aḫu-iddina from the cook and the boy's grandfather Abdi-Kurri in a case of adoption (SAA 14, no. 442), and when Inurta-šarru-uṣur lends barley to Ēdu-šal[lim] (SAA 14, no. 436). He also appears as the seller of the slave woman Puṭu-šisi[…] to Inurta-šarru-uṣur for 50 shekels of silver (SAA 14, no. 435). The same text describes Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u as a copper smith (nappāḫ erê) and as a son of Illāia. He is also presented as under the command of the prefect Abdi-Samsi, another witness in the document. The texts in question do not indicate how this Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u came to Assyria.Footnote 8
A third man with the name Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u (here written mḪa-la-bé-šú, Ḫal-la-⸢bé-⸣šú) is referred to in a document (StAT 2, no. 177) from the N31-archive, Assur, and 617 BCE as a witness when Pūnašti borrows silver from Kiṣir-Aššur and Urdu-Aššur, and in a document (StAT 2, no. 192) from the same archive and city (but from 629 BCE) as the father of Urdu-Bēlti, who borrows silver from Urdu-Aššur. The texts in question do not suggest the circumstances behind this Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u coming to Assyria.Footnote 9
A fourth man with the name Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u (here written mḪa-na-bé-eš ?) is brought up in a text (StAT 2, no. 53) from Assur and 700 BCE as the owner of a property in Guzana. This property (and the one of a certain Ribiṣiṣi) is situated next to a building which is bought by Qišerāia from Sama’, ‘the Damascene’. The text in question does not indicate how this Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u came to western Asia.Footnote 10
A fifth man with the name Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u (here written mḪa-la-bé-su, mḪa-la-bé-e-su) appears in a document (CM 31, pp. 446–48) from Sippar and the reign of Nebuchadnezzar II as an ‘oblate’ (širku) of the Ebabbar temple who receives textiles. At the same time, he is presented as a ‘headman’ (rab ešerti). Supposedly the same individual is referred to in the ration lists JCS 46, pp. 59–62, CT 56, no. 87, CT 56, no. 724 and Iraq 28, pl. 44 (BM 57337), likewise from Neo-Babylonian Sippar. The texts in question do not suggest the circumstances behind this Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u coming to Babylonia.Footnote 11
A sixth man with the name Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u (here written mḪa-la-bi-zu) features in a text (BAH 30, p. 928 (text B)) from Babylon and the reign of Nebuchadnezzar II as linked to the palace in Babylon and as receiving a ration of sesame oil. He appears in the context of Philistine princes and sailors, and it seems that Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u is tied to the profession of sailor. The text in question does not indicate how this Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u came to Babylonia.Footnote 12
A seventh man with the name Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u (here written mḪa-la-bi-e-su, mḪa-la-ba-e-su) is mentioned in a text (IMT, no. 3) from Nippur and 431 BCE as renting out farmland to Enlil-šum-iddin of the Murašû firm for 30 years in return for yearly payments of 50 kurru of dates. Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u is presented as a son of Paṭ-Ēsi, and he rents out the farmland together with a namesake of his. It is noteworthy that the name of the father of Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u is Egyptian. The text in question does not suggest the circumstances behind this Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u coming to Babylonia.Footnote 13
An eighth man with the name Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u (here written mḪa-la-bi-e-su, mḪa-la-ba-e-su) is referred to in a document (IMT, no. 3) from Nippur and 431 BCE as renting out farmland to Enlil-šum-iddin for 30 years in return for yearly payments of 50 kurru of dates. Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u is presented as a son of a man named Mukēšu, and he rents out the farmland together with his namesake. It is noteworthy that the name of the father of Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u does not seem to be Egyptian. The nature of the relationship between the two Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u is unclear. The text in question does not indicate how this Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u came to Babylonia.Footnote 14
A ninth man with the name Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u (here written ⸢m⸣Ḫa-la-bi-e-si) is brought up in a text (NABU 1999, no. 6b) from Babylon and 404 BCE as holding land property, together with Nuḫḫu-libbi-[ilāni ?] and Bēl-[…], in the context of someone whose name is lost (but with the patronym Ardīya) paying the rent (in barley) owed by Tattannu to someone whose name is lost (but with the patronym Bēl-uṣuršu) for a field of arable land in the town Ḫuṣṣu-[…]. The text in question does not suggest the circumstances behind this Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u coming to Babylonia.Footnote 15
Lamintu
One person with the name Lamintu appears in the Assyrian text corpus. As concluded in the PNA-entry by E. Frahm (2/II, p. 652), this name is clearly Libyan, corresponding to the name Nmrt (Nimlot), which is attested in the Egyptian onomasticon (ÄPN 1, 204:11).Footnote 16
A man with the name Lamintu (written mLa-mì-in-tú) corresponds to a historic individual. Lamintu / Nimlot II features in a text (RINAP 5/1, no. 11) from Nineveh and 644–642 BCE as the ruler of the Egyptian city of Hermopolis, a ruler who was appointed as vassal by Esarhaddon and re-appointed by Ashurbanipal. The question of how he became a part of the Neo-Assyrian empire is difficult to answer, but it was voluntary in the sense that he chose not to resist but was forced in the sense that he surrendered in light of the threat of Assyrian arms.Footnote 17
Susinqu
Two people with the name Susinqu are mentioned in the Assyrian text corpus. As concluded in the PNA-entry by H. Baker and R. Mattila (3/I, p. 1161), this name is evidently Libyan, corresponding to the name Ššnḳ (Sheshonq), which is attested in the Egyptian onomasticon (ÄPN 1, 330:6; DN, p. 970).Footnote 18
A man with the name Susinqu (here written mŠu-sa-an-qu) is referred to in a text (SAA 6, no. 142) from Nineveh and 692 BCE as a witness when the Egyptian scribe Ṣil-Aššur buys a house in Nineveh from Šarru-lū-dāri, Atar-suru and the woman Amat-Su'la. Susinqu is qualified as ‘the king's (probably the Assyrian king's) brother/son-in-law’ (ḫatan šarri). The text in question does not indicate how this Susinqu came to Assyria.Footnote 19
A second man with the name Susinqu (here written mSu-si-in-qu) corresponds to a historic individual. Susinqu is brought up in a text (RINAP 5/1, no. 11) from Nineveh and 644–642 BCE as the ruler of the Egyptian city of Busiris, a ruler who was installed as a vassal by Esarhaddon and then was re-installed by Ashurbanipal. The question of how he became a part of the Neo-Assyrian empire is difficult to answer, but it was voluntary in the sense that he chose not to resist but was forced in the sense that he surrendered in light of the threat of Assyrian arms.Footnote 20
Tak(i)lāta/i
At least two people with the name Tak(i)lāta/i appear in texts from Assyria and Babylonia. As concluded in the PNA-entry by M. Capraro and R. Zadok (3/II, p. 1303), this name is evidently Libyan, corresponding to the name Ṯklṯ (Takelot), which is attested in the Egyptian onomasticon (ÄPN 1, 394: 25).Footnote 21
A man with the name Tak(i)lāta/i (here written mTa-ki-la-a-ti, mTa-ki-la-ti) features in a text (SAA 14, no. 26) from Nineveh and 645 BCE as a witness when Luqu lends silver to Sukki-Aya and Rēmut-ilāni, and in a text (SAA 14, no. 154) from Nineveh and 627 BCE as a witness when Abdūnu buys the slave girl Aḫāt-abīša from Nabȗ-bēlu-uṣur. The texts in question do not suggest the circumstances behind this Tak(i)lāta/i coming to Assyria.Footnote 22
A second man with the name Tak(i)lāta/i (here written mTak-la-a-ta, mTak-la-ta) is mentioned (twice) in a text (CM 31, pp. 446–48) from Sippar and the reign of Nebuchadnezzar II as an ‘oblate’ (širku) of the Ebabbar temple who receives textiles. Supposedly the same individual is referred to (as receiving barley rations) in texts JCS 46, pp. 59–62, CT 56, no. 87, and CT 56, no. 664, likewise from Neo-Babylonian Sippar. The texts in question do not indicate how this Tak(i)lāta/i came to Babylonia.Footnote 23
Usilkanu
Three people with the name Usilkanu are referred to in texts from the Neo-Assyrian empire. As concluded in the PNA-entry by D. Schwemer (3/II, pp. 1421–22), this name is evidently Libyan, corresponding to the name Wsrkn (Osorkon), which is attested in the Egyptian onomasticon (ÄPN 1, 87: 2; DN, p. 129).Footnote 24
A man with the name Usilkanu (here written mŠi-il-kan-ni) corresponds to a historic individual. Usilkanu is brought up in two texts (RINAP 2, nos 63; 82) from Assyria and the reign of Sargon II as ‘the king of Egypt’ (šar māt Muṣri) who delivers an ‘audience gift’ (tāmartu) of 12 large horses to Sargon II when Assyrian forces approached Egyptian territory in 716 BCE. Usilkanu is probably to be identified with Osorkon IV of Tanis. Usilkanu was integrated into the Neo-Assyrian empire in the sense that he was in direct contact with Assyria, delivering exclusive gifts to the Assyrian king.Footnote 25
A second man with the name Usilkanu (here written mŠi-il-ka-a-nu) appears in a fragmentarily preserved text (StAT 2, no. 268) from Assur and 644 or 629 BCE as the sealer of a document whose details are unclear, although it seems to bring up an obligation for Usilkanu to pay one mina of silver. Usilkanu is defined as a ‘servant of the paternal household’ (ardu ša bīt abīšu) of someone named Šumma-Nabȗ. The text in question does not suggest the circumstances behind this Usilkanu coming to Assyria.Footnote 26
A third man with the name Usilkanu (here written mÚ-si-il-⸢ka-nu⸣) features in a poorly preserved document (StAT 3, no. 97) from the N31-archive, Assur, and the later part of the seventh century BCE as a witness in a debt note concerning silver. A certain Ḫur-waṣi and (at least) two other individuals (with names partly lost) borrow silver from an individual whose name has not been preserved. The text in question does not indicate how this Usilkanu came to Assyria.Footnote 27
Conclusion
Proceeding from the ideas that the ethnic term ‘Libyan’ was relevant also in Egypt's Third Intermediate Period and Late Period (1), that personal names were meaningful and expressed identity in ancient Egypt (2) and that relations between ancient Libya and Mesopotamia are not often examined in scholarly research (3), this article focuses on people with Libyan names in Mesopotamian texts, thus highlighting relations between Libya and Mesopotamia during the greater part of the first millennium BCE (934–331). At least 17 individuals having one of five different Libyan (male) names (Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u, Lamintu (Nimlot), Susinqu (Sheshonq), Tak(i)lāta/i (Takelot) and Usilkānu (Osorkon)) are attested in documents and royal inscriptions from the Neo-Assyrian empire, Chaldean Babylonia and Achaemenid Babylonia.
There are some patterns discernible from the data presented in the above table. These patterns can be seen as clearly or potentially meaningful, probably or evidently coincidental and more or less informative. Of course, the limited amount of data (prosopography of 17 individuals) makes it difficult to arrive at general and wide-reaching conclusions.
Having said that, all of the 17 individuals with Libyan names in Mesopotamian texts are male and adults. This pattern is clearly meaningful but not very informative, with ancient Near Eastern societies centred on patriarchal structures and adult male individuals.Footnote 28
Turning to the data on professions and functions, it is striking that the group of 17 ‘Libyans’ generally appear in the relevant text corpus as in possession of social agency (at the very least), even if excluding the subgroup of three (vassal) rulers who resided in Egypt and interacted with the Neo-Assyrian state. Only the ‘oblate/temple slave’ (being under the command of various headmen) Taklāta is clearly without substantial social agency. This pattern may be coincidental, considering the limited amount of data, but it may also be meaningful, tied to the apparent integration of African individuals and groups in Mesopotamian society.Footnote 29 In some ways, Libya and Libyans left their mark not only on Egypt but also on Mesopotamia.
Moving on to the temporal aspect, it is interesting to note that a majority (11/17) of the attestations of people with Libyan names in Mesopotamian texts derives from the Neo-Assyrian text corpus. This pattern is probably meaningful and (if so) quite informative, indicating that the Libyan imprint on Egypt may have been stronger in the Third Intermediate Period than in the Late Period, when Greeks settled in Egypt in large numbers and altered the population structure of the delta (in particular) that had developed in the Third Intermediate Period.Footnote 30
Finally, the data are meaningful but less informative with regard to the spatial aspect, with 12 people with Libyan names in Mesopotamian texts appearing in the main cities of Assyria (three in Assur, three in Nineveh) and Babylonia (two in Babylon, two in Sippar, two in Nippur). The circumstance that one or two people with Libyan names in Mesopotamian texts seem to be linked to the provincial and north-Mesopotamian city of Guzana stands out, although this may be the result of a mere coincidence.
Regarding how the people with Libyan names in Mesopotamian texts (excluding the subgroup of three, Egypt-residing (vassal) rulers) ended up in Mesopotamia, the above-mentioned sources are silent. On the other hand, there were mass deportations following the numerous battles between Egyptian/Kushite and Assyrian/Babylonian/Persian armies, notably those in 701, 671, 664, 605, 601 and 525 BCE.Footnote 31 The periods of Assyrian (671–ca. 656) and Persian (525–404, 343–332) domination over Egypt may also explain the migration, with mass deportations not directly tied to battles taking place. It is also possible to conceive that some of the people with Libyan names in Mesopotamian texts were later-generation immigrants. The circumstance that the name of the father (Mukēšu) of one of the Ḫal(l)abēs/še/u in text IMT, no. 3, which appears to be non-African, hints at the complex integration processes involved.Footnote 32
