The Jones Nicobar drawings at RAS

The Jones drawing (Fig. 1),Footnote ⁴ has, until now, borne the title ‘Village on the Nicobar Islands’. There is no contemporary support for this, though the drawing has been remounted and it is possible that it was transcribed from an earlier mount; having no dated watermark, it bears no other feature to indicate a provenance or date. Head speculated that it ‘probably came into Jones’ possession when it was decided to publish [R.H.] Colebrooke's articles [on the Nicobar and Andaman islands]’,Footnote ⁵ but, as will be seen later, Colebrooke's visit did not take place until 1790, doubtless Head's reason for dating the drawing ‘c. 1789’, the year Colebrooke's expedition started from Calcutta.

Figure 1. Jones's Drawing.

Sir William Jones's interest in Pandanus was as part of his investigation into Indian plants and their ancient names – in this case ‘the fragrant Cétaca . . . celebrated in Sanscrit, by poets for their colour or scent and by physicians for their medical uses’. In 1792 Jones published a paper by Dr Nicholas [sic] Fontana ‘On the Nicobar Islands and the Fruit of the Mellori’,Footnote ⁶ for which he commissioned two engravings of the Nicobar breadfruit (for which ‘mellori’ was a Portuguese name and larum or léram, the local name) from John Alefounder, then struggling to make a living as an artist in Calcutta.Footnote ⁷ The original drawings for these botanical prints follow that of the Nicobar village in the Jones collection: a grey monochrome drawing showing the habit of the tree,Footnote ⁸ and a watercolour showing the compound fruit, and two views of one of its segments (‘phalanges’).Footnote ⁹ Head attributed the former to an ‘Indian artist’,Footnote ¹⁰ the latter to Alefounder; but, from the annotations, it seems more likely that both drawings are by Fontana himself (the plates are both inscribed ‘Alefounder sculpt.’ rather than ‘delt. et sculpt.’). The tree drawing, with its scale in English feet, must have been made in the field, and it is unlikely that a competent Indian artist would have been to hand on an Austrian ship – it is much more likely to be by Fontana or a military draftsman on the Giuseppe e Teresa. No more does the style of the fruit drawing, with its use of transparent watercolour, suggest an Indian artist, and the original inscription (struck through by Jones) comparing the processed fruit with ‘Polenta’ is likely to be by Fontana himself. To Fontana's paper Jones appended a ‘Note by the President’ on the Indian names of the tree, its potential use as a famine food, its cultivation in the ‘Company's Botanical Garden’ (i.e. Kyd's garden at Sipbur, where it had yet to flower), and provided it with a binomial in Linnaean form: ‘PANDANUS Léram’, though Jones noted that he was unsure if it were ‘a new species, or only a variety . . . of the Pandanus of Bengal’. A further record of Jones's interest in Pandanus survives – a drawing,Footnote ¹¹ which forms part of the joint botanical studies undertaken with his wife Anna Maria in and around their Garden House at Arisnagar on the banks of the Hooghly near Calcutta. This drawing by Lady Jones shows the scented male inflorescence of the ‘Bengal species’ now known as Pandanus odoratissimus,Footnote ¹² annotated by her or her husband: ‘Cétaca, Sans[krit]. Pandanus Linn. The male flower 2 Aug 1791. Arisnagar’.

Rather than relating to the Fontana paper or to the related, but later, Colebrooke ones, the ‘Village on the Nicobar Islands’ drawing is to be associated with a paper Jones had published in 1790: ‘A short description of Carnicobar’ by Gavin Hamilton,Footnote ¹³ read to the Asiatic Society by the distinguished artist Johan Zoffany (1733–1810). The drawing should thus be entitled ‘Village on Carnicobar Island’. Nothing is known of the visit or visits that lie behind this account, but Hamilton evidently spent some time on the island – enough to witness surgical operations and funeral ceremonies. In the paper Hamilton described the islanders’ huts, provided ethnographical information and a brief vocabulary of their language; but, strangely, given the drawing he made for Hope, there is no mention of the Pandanus. He first went to Calcutta in 1778 and, for reasons given below, the visit must have been prior to May 1786. Hamilton's firm later owned at least two ships,Footnote ¹⁴ and it was doubtless on a trading voyage that he came to visit Carnicobar, which lies close to the shipping routes between Calcutta, and Burma, Penang and the Indonesian archipelago.

The Hope drawing of the ‘Carnicobar Tree’

In contrast to the Jones drawing, Hope's (Fig. 2) is accompanied by secure documentation – a covering note that reads:

Figure 2. Hope's Drawing.

Figures 3a and 3b. Drawings from both the Jones collection and the Hope collection showing a similarity in style.

Figures 4a and 4b. Drawings from both the Jones collection and the Hope collection showing a similarity in style.

The verso of the drawing is inscribed in Gavin Hamilton's own hand: “Drawn from Nature, in the Island of Carnicobar, in the Bay of Bengal. There are many such trees in the Island”.

As an undergraduate at Edinburgh University Gavin Hamilton must have had serious botanical interests as his name appears on Hope's botany class lists for two years – 1775 and 1777,Footnote ¹⁵ though he did not graduate MD, apparently intending a career in law. Hope, like Linnaeus, encouraged students who had attended his innovative botany lectures as part of their medical course to send botanical specimens and information to him in Edinburgh – written descriptions and notes (especially on useful plants), seeds to be raised in the Botanic Garden, dried specimens and drawings – from the far-flung points of the emerging empire to which many were posted as surgeons and physicians. Only two drawings from India survive in his collection – the present one, and a botanical study of the ‘moving plant of Bengal’ (now Codariocalyx motorius), by an Indian artist, sent slightly earlier from Bengal by James Kerr (1737–1782);Footnote ¹⁶ at the same time William Roxburgh was sending Hope notes on plants, though no drawings, from the Coromandel Coast. No documentary evidence survives, but it would be surprising if Hope did not supply letters of introduction to enable recent students to contact previous ones already in established positions (perhaps one of the ‘obligations’ Gavin felt he owed to Hope). Whether by this means or otherwise connections certainly developed; for example, one of the executors of James Kerr's will was John Cree,Footnote ¹⁷ a Dacca cloth merchant who also traded with Gavin Hamilton's brother William.

The accompanying note incidentally implies a latest date for the drawing, which must have been received in Edinburgh before Hope's death on 10 November 1786 and posted at least six months before that – certainly more than four years before Colebrooke's visit.

Gavin Hamilton (1754–1820)

It seems appropriate to provide here some further biographical information on this little-known, ‘Calcutta’ Gavin Hamilton. The Hamilton clan is a large and highly ramified one, in which the forename Gavin is widely used, so care is required. Best known is the eponymous neo-classical painter (and dealer in antiquities), Gavin Hamilton (1723–1798), who, for much of his life, was based in Rome, where Zoffany knew him, as did the artist Ozias Humphry (1742–1810) who sketched his portrait there in 1777.Footnote ¹⁸ When Zoffany went to Calcutta in 1783 he became acquainted with this other Gavin Hamilton (who also had at least minor artistic talent), which, not surprisingly, has been the cause of some confusion.Footnote ¹⁹ The Calcutta Gavin Hamilton belonged to one of many interesting branches of the clan, originating in Airdrie, Lanarkshire, who came to academic prominence in Enlightenment Edinburgh – his grandfather William (1669–1732) was Professor of Divinity and Principal of Edinburgh University one of whose sons Robert (1707–1787) succeeded in the Divinity chair; another of William's sons, Gavin, was a prominent Edinburgh bookseller and publisher.Footnote ²⁰ In 1745 Robert Hamilton married Jean Hay and they had at least seven children who survived to adulthood. These included William (1746–1819) who went to India, where he became a Senior Merchant in the Madras Presidency; a daughter, Grizel (1748–1836), who married the notable surgeon Benjamin Bell (1749–1806);Footnote ²¹ and James (1749–1835).Footnote ²² Gavin was born 6 July 1754, the witnesses to his baptism being his paternal uncle Gavin, the bookseller, and his maternal uncle Alexander Hay.Footnote ²³

Gavin's elder brother (the transmitter of the drawing) became the well-known Edinburgh physician Dr James Hamilton ‘Senior’.Footnote ²⁴ James studied in Edinburgh at the High School and University, and then ‘spent several years on the Continent’. On returning to Edinburgh he attended Hope's botany class in 1770 and 1771, graduating MD in the latter year.Footnote ²⁵ Shortly thereafter he became one of the Physicians to the Royal Infirmary (where he would have had a role in clinical teaching and been a colleague of Hope), later adding to his portfolio similar positions at George Heriot's Hospital, the Merchant Maiden Hospital and the Trades’ Maiden Hospital; he retired from the Infirmary in 1823. That James, like his brother, had a serious interest in the arts as shown by his unparalleled record of sitting for his portrait – no fewer than thrice to Sir Henry Raeburn, once, if not twice, to John Watson Gordon, once to William Dyce, and, for his bust, to the sculptor Samuel Joseph.Footnote ²⁶

Having been unsuccessful at law, Gavin's friends applied on his behalf to that great source of Scottish patronage, Henry Dundas, and in 1777 he was offered a lieutenancy in Lord MacLeod's recently raised 73rd (later 71st) Regiment of Foot.Footnote ²⁷ It is perhaps as well that he failed to take up this offer, as the regiment was destroyed in 1780 at the Battle of Conjeveram in the second Mysore War. Instead, taking the £300 he would eventually have received from his father's will, he followed his elder brother William to India going out on the Glatton,Footnote ²⁸ which sailed in February 1778.Footnote ²⁹ In India Hamilton became acquainted with the small (yet international) artistic community in Bengal – as already noted with Zoffany, but also with the portrait painter Ozias Humphry, whose correspondence in the Royal Academy throws light on Hamilton and includes three autographed letters from him.Footnote ³⁰ It is recorded that Humphry painted Hamilton, and that the painting took eight days to complete.Footnote ³¹ Hamilton gets incidental mention in the literature on Zoffany,Footnote ³² and also that on the pioneering ethnographic artist, the Fleming, Balthazar Solvyns.Footnote ³³ The Humphry correspondence shows that these artists all knew each other and took great interest in each other's (potentially competitive) activities. Zoffany included a portrait of Humphry in his famous painting of Colonel Mordaunt's cockfight painted, or at least sketched, when both artists coincided in Lucknow in April 1784.

Gavin Hamilton may well have visited London in December 1789 – as it is likely to have been he (rather than his Roman namesake) who acted as sponsor at the baptism of a daughter of Anthony Angelo Tremamondo, another friend of Zoffany, whom Hamilton could have known when Angelo was Riding Master to the Army in Calcutta.Footnote ³⁴ Hamilton was evidently a likeable character and when he appeared to be mortally ill in 1795 William Baillie (a Calcutta topographical artist) wrote of him “Society will in him lose one of the best tempered ingenious and worthy men it possesses & I shall lament him most sincerely”.Footnote ³⁵ He recovered, but the only surviving autobiographical statement suggests that Hamilton was something of the confirmed bachelor, confiding to Humphry in 1794 “I always was backward in cultivating new acquaintances especially among the fair sex – and am sorry to find this increase upon me with years”.Footnote ³⁶

Although going out in EIC service at some point Hamilton left it to become a private merchant, entering into partnership in Calcutta with Alexander Aberdein to form the Agency House of Hamilton & Aberdein. In 1800, both partners were executors of the will of the great Lucknow nabob Claude Martin, but Hamilton disappears from the East India Register in 1802. He retired to Tenby, where he set up house with his apparently far more prosperous brother William. They were doubtless enticed to South Wales by Sir William Paxton, a Berwickshire-born Calcutta nabob, latterly in the Agency House of Paxton, Cockerell & Trail, who retired to Wales, where Middleton Hall was built for him to designs of his partner Charles's brother Samuel Pepys Cockerell.Footnote ³⁷ Paxton developed Tenby as an upmarket resort from 1802 and must have solicited old India hands (those who had not made enough to set themselves up with estates of their own) to settle there.Footnote ³⁸ After William's death in December 1819 Gavin returned to Edinburgh where he lived initially with his brother Dr James at 22 St Andrew Square then with his widowed sister Grizel Bell around the corner at 12 Duke (now Dublin) Street. His great nephew in 1882 records a sad picture of Hamilton in old age “a very stout man, bloated and unwieldy from dropsy both of his body and limbs”; but that “as a young man, he must have been very good looking. We have an oil painting of him, painted by himself, which reminds me of Robert Burns”.Footnote ³⁹ This, which is much more likely to have been the one that took Ozias Humphry eight days than a self-portrait, is regrettably no longer with the family. He survived his eldest brother by only a year – he died on 10 December 1820 and was buried at the Chapel of Ease to St Cuthbert's, in Buccleuch Street, where his father had been interred in 1787. No tomb or inscription either for Gavin or his brother Dr James survives there – but there is a record of the transport, on a hearse, of Gavin's corpse from Duke Street.Footnote ⁴⁰ In his will Gavin left most of his money and property (including a collection of coins and medals) to his various Bell and Hamilton nephews, and a hint of his scientific interests is found in the Dollond telescope left to his brother Dr James.Footnote ⁴¹

Gavin Hamilton as Draftsman

Though not in the same league as his Roman namesake, Gavin Hamilton was clearly a competent draftsman in the eighteenth-century topographical tradition. He continued to correspond with Ozias Humphry after the latter had returned to London, sending Indian art news – of Zoffany (including a critique of his ‘Last Supper’ in St John's Church, Calcutta), and of the progress of Thomas and William Daniell, Francesco Renaldi, Arthur Devis, William Baillie and John Alefounder – in exchange for metropolitan news and copies of Rowlandson etchings. On 15 February 1789 Hamilton wrote to Humphry:

Five years later Hamilton appears to have given up his artistic efforts, writing to Humphry on 10 January 1794:

Whether these drawings were more elaborate (for example, coloured) than the two survivors is unknown. Hamilton's Victorian great nephew Benjamin Bell opined that his great uncle's drawings “indicate talent, but are often, although humorous, broad and coarse – indicating anything but delicacy of mind”.Footnote ⁴⁴ Given Gavin's efforts to obtain copies of Rowlandson's etchings, might these have shown glimpses of bawdy Calcutta life? One can only speculate, as none have ever been identified, and none are in the collections of his descendants.Footnote ⁴⁵

The Carnicobar Tree drawing

As already noted this drawing was sent to Hamilton's former botany teacher at some point between 1778 and May 1786. It is more than a botanical drawing and might even be described as ‘proto-ecological’; shown centre-stage is the tree Pandanus leram (with its conspicuous prop roots) in a habitat heavily modified by man. On the skyline are silhouettes of the crowns of three coconut palms – source of the island's main item of trade; in the right-hand foreground is what appears to be a young Areca palm, source of the betel nut; in the middle-ground is what appears to be an annual grain crop; the identity of the plant to the left is uncertain. Of ethnographical interest is the thatched roof of the circular hut shown more clearly in the RAS drawing; just visible is one of the ‘tailed’ natives entering the hut by means of a ladder, a motif repeated in the Jones drawing. A Carnicobar man is shown in rear view, carrying a yoke with a large pot and some smaller vessels. He wears the narrow bark loin cloth, which hangs in a loose ‘tail’ from between the buttocks. It is intriguing to speculate as to whether Hope might have shown this drawing to his friend James Burnet, Lord Monboddo, who had interesting ideas on the evolution of man (and speech) and believed that human races might exist possessed of tails – such as had been reported by seventeenth-century visitors to the Nicobar islands.

The Carnicobar Village drawing

The similarity in style between the drawings in the Hope and Jones collections (see Figs 3 a & b; 4 a & b) shows, beyond any reasonable doubt, that they are by the same artist, and most likely made at exactly the same time. Note, in particular, the handling of the crowns of the coconut palms; the method of showing the curve of the trunk and hut stilts by means of curved, parallel hatching; the shading of the thatch of the hut and the shape of its finial (which differs from the Nancowry huts later depicted by Colebrooke); and the method of stylisation of the foliage of broad-leaved trees – also the light ink wash of several shades applied in certain areas over the pen line-work. The attribution on stylistic grounds is strongly reinforced by the subject matter, and the drawing in the Jones collection would seem to be an illustration intended to accompany Hamilton's paper. At this point Jones did not have an engraver capable of reproducing such a complex image, and in April 1790 wrote: “Alefounder is etching Sanscrit for me; but he is a tyro in that branch of art”Footnote ⁴⁶ – the other illustrations in the second volume of Asiatic Researches are much simpler: diagrams, a primitive botanical drawing, and representations of early scripts. Features referred to in the text specifically illustrated in the drawing are (in order of appearance in the paper):

1. 1. A pair of ‘hogs’, which, later on in the paper, are described as ‘remarkably fat’.

2. 2. A woman – “their heads shaved quite bare, and wear no covering but a short petticoat, made of a sort of rush or dry grass, which reaches half way down the thigh”.

3. 3. Two men – who “wear nothing but a narrow strip of cloth [sic] about the middle, in which they wrap up their privities [sic] so tight that there hardly is any appearance of them”. A similar view of a man climbing the ladder into the house is shown in the background of the Hope Pandanus drawing.

4. 4. A Carnicobar dwelling –“each house contains a family of twenty persons upwards . . . raised upon wooden pillars about ten feet from the ground; they are round, and, having no windows look like bee-hives, covered with thatch. The entry is through a trap door below, where the family mount by a ladder, which is drawn up at night. This manner of building is intended to secure the houses from being infested with snakes, rats, and for that purpose the pillars are bound round with a smooth kind of leaf, which prevents animals from being able to mount”.

5. 5. In the background the crowns of two coconut palms – the source of the commodity for “the ships that come to trade in cocoanuts”.

6. 6. The maypole-like structure on the extreme right must be the “kind of monument . . . erected over the grave” of a woman whose burial Hamilton witnessed “with a pole upon it, to which long strips of cloth of different colours were hung”.

Fontana's visit to the Nicobar Islands

It seems very likely that Fontana's visit, with its first published record of the Pandanus for the Nicobar Islands, preceded Hamilton's visit. Dr Nicola Fontana is as shadowy a figure as Gavin Hamilton – an Italian, according to the title-page of the French translation of his book, from Cremona – was surgeon on the ship Giuseppe e Teresa, belonging to the Imperial East India Company of Trieste,Footnote ⁴⁷ under the command of the extraordinary entrepreneur and adventurer William Bolts (1739–1808).Footnote ⁴⁸ The voyage took place between 1776 and 1781, during which time Bolts sailed up and down the west coast of India and set up factories in Malabar, before heading up the east coast to Calcutta, during which he tried to take the Nicobar Islands from Danish possession, setting up a base on the island of Nancowry. The stay in and around the Nicobars in July and August 1778 provided the experience behind Fontana's paper in Asiatic Researches, though this was not published until 1792 by which time the author was based in Calcutta. Prior to this Fontana had published an account of the tropical diseases, with a daily meteorological diary, encountered on the voyage.Footnote ⁴⁹ Fontana must have seen possibilities in Calcutta as he joined the British East India Company in 1783 as an Assistant Surgeon in Bengal.Footnote ⁵⁰ A visit to London in 1789 is implied from a letter of introduction he secured that year from the Florentine G.V.M. Fabbroni to Joseph Banks.Footnote ⁵¹ In Calcutta, in addition to Sir William Jones, Fontana must have become acquainted with William Roxburgh, as when Roxburgh was at the Cape of Good Hope in 1798 he entrusted his son George to Fontana's care on a voyage to London, also a collection of seeds for delivery to Banks.Footnote ⁵² This was not Fontana's first visit to the Cape, as in the Nicobar paper is reference to his having shown a drawing of the Nicobar tree to Francis Masson in March 1790, when Masson observed that it differed essentially from “the palm . . . found in the interior parts of Africa, which bears a sort of bread-fruit”.Footnote ⁵³ Later in London, in 1799, Fontana published a pamphlet on the culture of cochineal in Bengal, Banks's copy of which is in the British Library;Footnote ⁵⁴ in 1800 a London physician pronounced him unfit to return to Bengal on account of hepatitis and abdominal hernia;Footnote ⁵⁵ but though he resigned his Company service, he appears to have lived for a further 12 years, dying in 1812.

Colebrooke's visit to the Nicobar Islands

As the RAS drawing has until now been attributed to Robert Hyde Colebrooke (1762–1808), it is appropriate to say something about his visit to the Nicobar Islands that lies behind the misattribution. The visit formed part of a survey of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands undertaken with his superior Captain Alexander Kyd of the Bengal Engineers. Colebrooke left a diary of this trip, abstracts of which have been published by Phillimore,Footnote ⁵⁶ in which it is recorded that the party, sailing south from the Andamans, reached the Nicobar Islands only at the very start of 1790, sighting Carnicobar (the most northerly of the group) on 1 January, surveying Nancowry (in the central Nicobar group, 160 km to the south-east) later that month. Given its position in the Jones collection, and its approximate date on stylistic grounds, it was entirely reasonable that Head should have assumed the drawing to have formed part of the material assembled by Sir William relating to his publication of Colebrooke's articles on the Nicobar and Andaman Islands; but Head also noted that there was related material in the India Office collections.Footnote ⁵⁷

Jones appears to have had an interest in the islands of the Bay of Bengal and had already published two articles on the Nicobars – those by Hamilton and Fontana already discussed. Colebrooke's ‘On the islands Nancowry and Comarty’ was therefore the third in a series, published in volume 4 of Asiatic Researches in 1795. The paper is illustrated with a plate entitled ‘Village huts on Nancowry Island’, etched by Colebrooke after a drawing of his own. A contemporary copy of the latter is among the collection of papers referred to above, which were submitted by Alexander Kyd to the Calcutta Government in 1792 – this copy-drawing was reproduced by Mildred Archer,Footnote ⁵⁸ attributed by her “probably to François Baltazard [sic] Solvyns”, who signed two of the other copies in this compilation.Footnote ⁵⁹ The subject in this image certainly has a generic resemblance to the Jones/Hamilton drawing of Nicobar huts and its rather looser style may owe as much due to the copyist as to Colebrooke's own drawing technique.

Alexander and Robert Kyd and the Mellori

The collection of papers and drawings assembled by Alexander Kyd for the Bengal Government contains much of interest; the drawings of which have been discussed by Archer,Footnote ⁶⁰ and Hardgrave.Footnote ⁶¹ In the papers are to be found two references to the Nicobar breadfruit – both of which are tantalising in referring to lost drawings. The first occurs in Appendix 11,Footnote ⁶² an extract of a journal made by ‘Dr H’ on the island of Nancowry on 22 January 1786:

Unfortunately this drawing is no longer with the compilation, and the identity of ‘Dr H’ is a mystery – as it must also have been to Kyd, or he would surely have given the author's full name. The ‘H’ cannot be a mis-transcription of ‘F’ for Fontana as the date is wrong, but might ‘Dr’ be a mistake for ‘Mr’, and the diary and drawing be the work of Gavin Hamilton? The date of the visit, January 1786, would just have given time for a copy to have been received in Edinburgh before Hope's death in November of that year.

The second relevant paper in the compilation is Appendix 12, ‘Description of the Mellori Bread Fruit’,Footnote ⁶³ written on 26 April 1790 by Alexander Kyd's older cousin (at one remove) Colonel Robert Kyd,Footnote ⁶⁴ in which is discussed several Andaman plants of potential economic use. Robert Kyd, Military Secretary to the Bengal Government, is best known for the Botanic Garden he established in 1786/7 next to his own property at Sibpur on the banks of the Hooghly south-west of Calcutta, which was formally transferred to the EIC by Alexander who inherited it on Robert's death in 1793. Robert Kyd grew specimens of the ‘Mellori’ in the Botanic Garden (those later described by William Roxburgh, its first paid Superintendent, under the superfluous name Pandanus millore), but considered it no different to the native species of Bengal and as described by Hendrik van Rheede in Hortus Malabaricus – by which Kyd probably intended the species with fragrant male flowers now known as P. odoratissimus.Footnote ⁶⁵ Although Robert Kyd stated that a “Drawing of the fruit termed Millore accompany this Letter”, as with the drawing of the mysterious ‘Dr H’, this one is also missing.

From the point of view of revealing Robert Kyd's outlook on life, surely extraordinary for a Company servant, the comments he made in this document on the perceived idyllic state of islanders such as those depicted by Gavin Hamilton, are worth quoting more fully than the brief extract given by Phillimore:

Such radical views stayed with Kyd up to his death, for in his will,Footnote ⁶⁶ not only did he leave money to two servants for the following reasons:

but he desired “that I may be buried in my own Garden without the attendance or offices of any Priest whatever”; specifying in a codicil that:

Evidently this was all a step too far for Captain Apsley, for Kyd was conventionally buried in South Park Street Cemetery, Calcutta, and in the inventory prepared after his death are to be found the following payments ‘[21 June 1793] T. Maudslay, undertaker for the funeral of the deceased Rs 787; Clergyman's fees per T. Maudslay's Receipt Rs 52’.Footnote ⁶⁷

By way of conclusion, it is hoped that by drawing attention to Gavin Hamilton and his drawings, that further works of his might be identified.