Polarising and pluralistic practices

Edward Said (Reference Said1993: 332–333) once argued that the intellectual’s duty was ‘first distilling then articulating the predicaments that disfigure modernity – mass deportation, imprisonment, population transfer, collective dispossession and forced immigration’. The predicament that currently faces the not yet modernised South Asian countries including the emerging economic giant India is unique because these countries are simultaneously influenced by their ancient history, cultural and spiritual traditions, colonial influences of the British Raj, the neo- or post-colonial influences of Westernisation and globalisation. These simultaneous influences have resulted in the hybridity of approaches to knowledge and management – polarised between Anglo-American values and management styles and the local Indian or South Asian values and styles. However, characterised by excessive economic and employment gaps as well as immense potential for development and growth, South Asia presents a picture of hope and despair at the same time.

In his debut novel In the light of what we know, Zia Haider Rahman (Reference Rahman2014), a British novelist of Bangladeshi origin, invites us to critically reflect about connections among class, knowledge and belonging in the context of Western structures and processes of knowledge and their relevance to society. Through a neatly woven story that stretches from London, Oxford and New York to Kabul and Islamabad, Haider suggests that knowledge, the way it is taught, received and presented at elite Western institutions, may be seen as nothing more than ‘a social act’ where people speak confidently about everything but are merely inflating what they know ‘to fill the voids’. and ‘the root of true, rightly guided power, the essence of authority, is not learning but the veneer of knowledge’. This thin veneer of knowledge is not a complete fiction. Instead it seems to be real and relevant to the South Asian recipients and consumers of British and American knowledge of management and organisations. The dilemma of hybridity, the focus on Western ways of doing and managing businesses, with occasional token or legitimate attention to local values or issues, seems to be a persistent phenomenon and an ongoing challenge facing South Asian managers and employers. Sen (Reference Sen2006) writes that we have to overcome ‘the limited horizons of the colonised mind and its fixation with the West – whether in resentment or admiration’ (p. 88) and therefore it is vital to ‘recognise our mutual commitments and affiliations…decolonisation of the mind demands a firm departure from the temptation of solitary identities and priorities’ (p. 99). In the current postcolonial era where management practices of modern organisations and employers are clearly influenced by Western education and practices, one can still find traces and shades of ancient sacred activism, for example, in the shape of philanthropic initiatives within and without workplaces.

Table 1 presents a snapshot of South Asia, clearly displaying trends as well as wide diversity. The World Bank (2013) ranks countries based on how they do business. This ranking of 185 countries, with one being the highest rank, is an aggregate ranking on the ease of doing business with indicators such as starting a business, getting electricity, paying taxes, enforcing contracts and resolving insolvency. A high ranking means that the government has created a regulatory environment conducive to operating a business. Corruption Perception Index 2013 measured the perceived levels of public sector corruption in 177 countries and territories (Transparency International, 2013).

Table 1 Doing business in South Asia

Source. Transparency International (2013), World Bank (2013, 2014).

South Asian countries are quite similar in terms of the objectives, structures, functions, attitudes and standards of governing bodies despite variations in forms of government. An administrative system characterised by centralisation, formalism, secrecy, elitism, rigidity and social isolation seems to be common to all South Asian countries (Zafarullah & Haque, Reference Zafarullah and Haque2003). This is mainly because modern administration and governance in South Asia had by and large evolved under British colonial rule. Constraints include: lack of rule of law, poverty, corruption, nepotism, societal divisions and frictions, extremism and violence, militarism, and limited capacity of state and non-state institutions (Jabeen, Reference Jabeen2007).

Gender in the South Asian context is not necessarily based on a male female binary as is often presented or/and practiced in Western contexts. The roles of women and men in South Asian context are historically perceived as complementary instead of competing. Although certain patriarchal traditions within Islam, Hinduism, Sikhism, Buddhism and other faiths are known to have adverse implications for women in terms of employment choices and opportunities, there is also evidence of informal and formal positive action in support of women (Pio & Syed, Reference Pio and Syed2013). The emphasis in almost all South Asian communities is on a traditional family where the woman or mother has a key role, at times a major role in important decisions about the home and family. The World Economic Forum (2013) ranks 136 countries around the world to capture the magnitude and scope of gender-based disparities with one being the highest rank. Among the South Asian countries, Sri Lanka ranks the highest at 55, followed by Bangladesh at 75. Next we have Bhutan at 93, the Maldives at 97, India at 101, Nepal 121 and Pakistan at 135. Yet, true to form in terms of what is totally true could also be totally false in diverse South Asia, this region has a number of women prime ministers, who have included Indira Gandhi, Benazir Bhutto, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, Chandrika Kumaratunga, Sheikh Hasina Wajed and Khaleda Zia, while at the same time a significant number of women may be illiterate, live on <2 USD a day and live to serve her menfolk with limited agency of her own. Again in keeping with its sharp contrasts, when one looks at carbon dioxide emission ratio (metric tonnes per capita) for this region, it is at 1.4 whereas, for example, it is 17.56 for the United States, and 7.86 for the United Kingdom – a reminder of our ecological selves (Rogers, Reference Rogers2014), and the need for sacred activism for profits and the planet.

South Asian values of selfless service: Seva and Khidmat

The South Asian notions of seva and khidmat emanate from religious traditions and an understanding of their praxis-in-action can suffuse organisations with sacred activism. Seva denotes selfless service and civic virtue in the organisation and within society. In Hinduism, people are encouraged to engage in community service as a transformation practice, without personal recognition or publicity. The underlying Vedic philosophy is that service to human beings is service to God (Bhargava, Reference Bhargava2011). Seva is ‘service which is given without consideration of anything in return, at the right place and time to one that is qualified, with the feeling that it is one’s duty, is regarded as the nature of goodness’ (Bhagavad Gita 17.20). The purpose is to dissolve the ego through service which is performed without any expectation of result or award for the person performing it. Detachment from personal gains and material outcomes means purity and sincerity in work. Work in this approach becomes worship, or ‘workship’, where workers are aware of, dedicated to, and responsible for each and every detail. This workship is not only an integral part of Hindu spirituality but is also found in the Islamic notion of work as a form of worship (ibadah). Workers find purpose and meaning in what they are doing; their efforts in a union with the divine lead them to higher state of consciousness, happiness and well-being. Meera and Bonin (Reference Meera and Bonin2014) have drawn similar lessons for management from their study on the Mata Amritanandamayi Math and Indian wisdom. According to the Hindu notion of Nishkama karma or the meritless deed, one performs actions because they are the right things to do, and not because of a reward.

Seva can be done in three ways, tan, man, dhan, that is, through one’s body, mind and wealth. Seva remains incomplete unless not done in these three ways. Service through one’s body, that is, making all physical efforts to help a suffering being. Service through one’s mind, for example, thinking about the mitigation of sorrow and suffering, motivating others to do seva, and expressing seva feeling through art, literature and other means. Service through wealth, for example, sharing one’s own resources – money and material – with others. Charities of all kinds are good but the best of them is that of imparting knowledge, for it is through knowledge that one achieves happiness in this world and salvation for oneself (Satyanarayana, Reference Satyanarayanan.d.).

There are several key dimensions of seva in Hinduism (Hindu American Foundation [HAF], 2014). The Bhumi Seva (Serving the Planet) deals with how individuals and communities should pay attention to the service of the planet. A daily prayer is recited by practising Hindus upon rising that asks Mother Earth’s forgiveness for stepping on her throughout the day. This denotes respect for the environment, and is consistent with the principles of ahimsa (non-violence), vegetarianism and reduction of activities that could hurt the planet. The Loka Seva (Serving the Humanity) is in line with the Hindu concept of service through, for example, holding a food drive in an effort to alleviate hunger locally. Atma Seva (Serving the Soul) pertains to serving one’s own inner-self trough positive reflection and meditation. This can also be implemented through Yoga. Kutumba Seva (Serving the Family) deals with the spending time with family and working for their well-being. While Dharma Seva (Serving the Righteousness) deals with the service of the community in the righteous path of spiritual perfection and salvation.

In Sikhism, there can be no worship without seva, this can be in the form of Guru ka Langar (the Guru’s free community kitchen) and serving the congregation by preparing food, feeding them, washing their used dishes, serving them and so on. Sikhs are specifically urged to direct seva at the poor (Sikh.co.uk, 2009). By performing seva, Sikhs serve God and the world (BBC, 2014).

In Buddhism, the concept of bodhisattva is consistent with the notion of seva. A bodhisattva is a being someone who makes a true and solid vow in their heart to become enlightened and along the way to help all beings. A related notion is that of the four brahmaviharas or divine abodes which urge individuals to focus on love (metta), compassion (karuna), empathy (mudita) and equilibrium (upekkha) for themselves and others (Pio, Reference Pio1986).

In Zoroastrianism the notion of asha or a holy world order with truth and righteousness parallels seva and in South Asian Christianity related notions are those of metanoia or opening of the heart and kenosis or joyous emptying of oneself to be of compassionate service to others (Pio, Reference Pio2014).

Khidmat (Khidmah in Arabic) is an Islamic concept which denotes service, assistance and kindness. The concept is enshrined in multiple verses in the Quran and also in the traditions (Hadith) of the Prophet Muhammad. According to the Quran (5:2): ‘Help one another to virtue and God-consciousness and do not help one another to sin and transgression’. The notion of selfless service is also enshrined in the following Quranic verses (76:8–9) that illustrate the virtues of the righteous ones ‘who feed the poor, the orphan and the captive for the love of God, saying: “We feed you for the sake of God Alone; we seek from you neither reward nor thanks”’.According to a Hadith (reported by Al-Tabarani): ‘The best of people is the most beneficent of them to others’. In another Hadith, the Prophet said (reported by Muslim): ‘Do not underestimate any kindness even if that should be meeting your brother with a smiling face’. Here is yet another Hadith (reported by Bukhari): ‘There is none amongst the Muslims who plants a tree or sows seeds, and then a bird, or a human or an animal eats from it, but is regarded as a charitable gift for him’.

Seen from a managerial ethics perspective, a number of key principles can be identified in Islamic teachings, that is, an emphasis on goodness (khair), consultation (shura), justice (adl), honesty (sidq) and well-being (rifah). The Quran instructs Muslims to persistently work whenever and wherever it is available, while permitting trade and forbidding usury and unfair earnings. Prophet Mohammed preached that merchants should perform tasks that are not only essential for economic growth and survival but also morally and socially useful for the society. He declared, – I commend the merchants to you, for they are the couriers of the horizon and trusted servants on earth, and – the honest, truthful Muslim merchant will stand with martyrs on the Day of Judgment (Ali, Reference Ali2005). To varying extents, these principles are also reflected in the normative or practical approach to life and work by many practising Muslims.

Both seva and khidmat exemplify the hope for thoughts and actions based on sacred activism in a world where inequities, asymmetries and greed persist in the management of many organisations. Examples in South Asia which seem to reflect sacred activism include LAUGFS Holdings, a Sri Lankan diversified business conglomerate such as power and energy, retail, industrial/manufacturing, service and hospitality whose vision states that ‘we share the same world to live in, with care and concern for a common future’. LAUGFS promotes strong community engagement through financial contribution to the deaf, dumb and blind to mark white cane day, contribution for the supply of drinking water to schools, providing gas and maintenance of gas line and cookers for the benefit of pilgrims (LAUGFS, n.d.). In Pakistan, Bahria Town, Pakistan’s largest real estate developer, has provided huge sums of money for famine relief in the region of Thar (Haider, Reference Haider2014).

A number of Indian business leaders, such as Vineet Nayar CEO of Indian IT services giant HCL, Ratan Tata former chairman of the Tata Group, a business conglomerate, Prathap Reddy founder of Apollo Hospitals, say that the source of their competitive advantage, lies within their companies, in their people, with a commitment to social goals fuelled by enlightened self-interest (Capelli, Singh, Singh, & Useem, Reference Cappelli, Singh, Singh and Useem2010a). In the India Way: How India’s top business leaders are revolutionizing management, Peter Cappelli from the Wharton School, United States and his colleagues found that Indian leaders priorities the following four key responsibilities: first, chief input for business strategy; second, keeper of the organisational culture; third, guide, teacher or role model for employees; and fourth representative of owner and investor interests. In contrast, most US companies are likely to put shareholder interest as their number one concern. In skills, what Indian leaders value most based on their exercise of leadership, 61% of Indian leaders said envisioning and articulating a path to the future, and 57% said being inspirational, accountable and entrepreneurial was critical. Despite the intense focus on culture and human capital, strategy was the top priority, similar to many US organisations. Yet, Indian leaders saw their role in strategy as a set of general principles with a focus on internal issues involving taking the long view, embracing social purpose and developing competencies. In contrast, many of the more Western style focused organisations tend to focus on planning and analysis with attention to external demands such as regulatory concerns, the board and shareholders. Indian CEOs seem adept at weaving strategy with social mission.

It is also worth noting that Bhutan utilises a Gross National Happiness (GNH, 2014) Index to measure progress, based on four pillars: fair socio-economic development (better education and health), conservation and promotion of a vibrant culture, environmental protection and good governance. It is meant to serve as an aspirational set of guiding principles for a sustainable and equitable society providing a balance between material and non-material values.

Business history

South Asia’s history is as heterogeneous and complex as are its various regions and cultures. However, while there are a number of mega-narratives right through its history and current realities, it is possible to invoke the notion of diversity in how management and organisations were shaped right from the time of early agrarian civilisations such as those of Mohenjodaro and Harappa in 3300–1300 BC. An historical perspective is helpful in eschewing binaries in terms of a patriotic narrative where poverty and poor economic growth are exclusively attributed to colonisation, as also that of the British Empire and colonisation being the civilisation and industrialisation of natives (Roy, Reference Roy2004). Through the ages, India traded with various parts of the world, including China, Persia, Greece, Rome, Sri Lanka and Egypt. Trade often involved the sending of missionaries along with merchants as is evidenced in the history of Sri Lanka. In the medieval period, trade with Indonesia, Cambodia and other parts of South-East Asia also involved a transfer of skills pertaining to sculpture and architecture as evidenced in the religious shrines and cultural practices of these regions. Undoubtedly, skilled artisans and religious preachers crossed the ocean on ships as also via land routes such as the Silk Road, in order to spread knowledge available in India and also profit from trade and commerce.

Organisations were community based in both production and skills, and the village formed the centre of daily life. There was a high degree of specialisation, which in many ways has been attributed to the caste system which is hereditary. Therefore, knowledge both explicit and implicit was passed on from one generation to another resulting in highly skilled artisans and craftspeople. Based on division of labour, there was both backward and forward integration of products and processes, so that each group could cater to the next. Thus, for example, in the case of the production of cotton cloth, there were cotton growers, cleaners of raw cotton, spinners of yarn, weavers of yarn and dyers who utilised the famous indigo and madder for which India was famed. Merchants and mercantile communities moved the goods along. Indian handicrafts were also highly sought after such as jewellery, carved ivory, wood work and stonework. The silk route passed through India on its way to China and other parts of Europe and was a route for the transference of various texts and narratives including information on trigonometry, medicine, astronomy, mathematics and literature. The role of the various kings was to keep peace, maintain law and order, collect taxes, provide work, encourage mercantile communities, build places of worship and rest houses for travellers and maintain some degree of harmony in their province or empire. The sreni or guild was often the cornerstone around which revolved mercantile enterprise and both literary and epigraphic sources attest to the prosperity of these guilds and their socio-economic relevance (Mahapatra, Reference Mahapatra2012). The sreni was often a legal entity, served as a bank, engaged in charitable acts, regulated products and services, functioned as a court of law with judicial authority over its members, ensured their safety when travelling for trade and also had a code of conduct or sreni dharma (Basham, Reference Basham2004; Mahapatra, Reference Mahapatra2012).

While the caste system is alive (Pio, Reference Pio2010), it is possible that in its early versions it was meant primarily as a way to develop specialisation. However such specialisation also resulted in a negative outcome for with the passing of time, the caste system became ossified and prevented social mobility. Such ossification also resulted in the higher castes such as the Brahmins or priestly class, the Kshatriyas or warrior class gaining large tracts of land as grants from the kings. The Vaishya caste was the merchants and they thrived and in more recent times have founded business houses. The lowest caste the Shudras were primarily labourers and they eventually became landless and tenanted, often with huge loans resulting in a stranglehold on their lives through moneylenders.

Under the Muslim rule of the Mughals, 16th–19th century in most of the Indian subcontinent, trade continued to be encouraged along with the building of efficient systems of transport for moving goods, protection and security for foreign traders and their transactions, while at the same time welcoming them into the country. The textile sector was well established and cotton cloth was exported to many parts of the world. The caste guilds continued to play an important role in commerce as they had done before the arrival of the Mughals.

In focusing on the British imperial or colonial period, it is important to note that there was uneven development and uneven inequality based on global, colonial and social variables with greater attention to structural variables like resources and markets (Roy, Reference Roy2004, Reference Roy2010, Reference Roy2012a). India was the jewel in the crown of the British Empire and her resources were repeatedly tapped into for consolidation of British hegemony (MacLeod, Reference MacLeod1975). Thus, while a few port cities (e.g., Bombay, Calcutta) thrived based on trade, commerce and unorthodox partnerships, many other areas and industries suffered (Roy, Reference Roy2012a). Furthermore indentured labour from South Asia was transferred to outlying posts of the British Empire with the ban on slavery. Therefore, management and organisation of indentured labour was lucrative for the British; tens of thousands South Asian individuals were sent to Fiji, Maldives and the West Indies.

In South Asia, ‘consolidation of colonialism led to an impoverishment of the formerly ruling elite and a fall in aristocratic consumption of luxuries’ (Roy, Reference Roy2010: 62). Roy (Reference Roy2010) opines that mechanical inventions were a cause of the decline of crafts and resulted in changes in the nature of the workforce who moved from artisanship to agriculture. There was a great interest by the East India Company in the cotton produced in India and this was sent to the big factories in Britain to be woven into cloth and then sent back to India for sale. ‘Between 1875 and 1931, agricultural labourers consistently earned an income below the amount needed to purchase the basket of goods required to be above the official poverty line’ (Roy, Reference Roy2007: 74), and there was wage stagnation with more people joining the ranks of the poor (Roy, Reference Roy2007).

Marx (Reference Marx1853) notes that till 1813 India had been chiefly an exporting country, while under exploitation of Great Britain’s East India Company it became an importing one in a quick progression. India, the world leader in cotton manufacture became inundated with English twists and cotton stuffs. ‘After its own produce had been excluded from England, or only admitted on very cruel terms, British manufactures were poured into it at a small and merely nominal duty, to the ruin of the native cotton fabrics once so celebrated. In 1780 the value of British produce and manufactures amounted only to £386;152, the bullion exported during the same year to £15,041, the total value of exports during 1780 being £12,648,616, so that the India trade amounted to only 1–32 of the entire foreign trade. In 1850, the total exports to India from Great Britain and Ireland were £8,024,000, of which cotton goods alone amounted to £5,220,000, so that it reached more than 3/5 of the whole export, and more than 1/4 of the foreign cotton trade’ (Marx, Reference Marx1853: para. 18).

It is possible that the British replicated the high inequality during the Mughal period when a very niche elite such as the mansabdars or high-rank military officials received fabulous incomes, and during the British raj a few hundred European civil/military officials earned salaries 200–300 times higher than that of the poorest wage earners (Roy, Reference Roy2007). Roy (Reference Roy2007, 2012) attributes the persistence of inequality into the 21st century to be based on earlier history and he uses three illustrations – that of peasant agriculture (transportation of goods, irrigation of land as well as a movement of land surplus to land shortage with more or less unchanging land yield), industrialisation (artisans moved to factories) and women’s work (women lost artisan work and became low paid agricultural workers coupled with early marriage and lack of acceptance of mixed men–women work sites, meant that women did not have the same mobility as men to enter more lucrative labour markets such as urban textile mills or tea plantations, in other words a built-in gender bias with migration displaying a male bias). As Roy (Reference Roy2012b: 65) notes ‘…globalisation has made some winners and left many other untouched. If we look closely at those whom economic growth left behind, we are likely to meet, in the present times as in the past, poorly endowed agricultural regions, towns and cities where cosmopolitan business culture have been slow to develop, and unskilled women workers’.

Implications for management and organisations

The discipline of management can be seen as a product of industrial revolution and is, clearly, capitalistic and Western-centric in its origins and nature. Though initially rooted in engineering and economics, the discipline was subsequently influenced by human relations school drawing on insights from psychology, sociology and other related disciplines. In recent decades, spiritual and cultural insights have also started to influence the field of management (Sharma, Reference Sharma2006). Since the 1990s, there is an increasing interest in formulating spirituality-based theories and approaches to management (Rojas, Reference Rojas2005).

With the emergence of India as a global economic giant and a vibrant market of consumers, multinational corporations are locating their offices and factories to that country to benefit from economies of scale, and human and other resources. This means that Western styles of management are also to deal with and understanding Indian approaches to management and broader society. The traditional Indian style takes a holistic approach under its ambit the whole organisation, systems, people and culture. Such an approach can bring better results for modern organisations to deal with complex issues in global environment (Abbasi, Rehman, & Bibi, Reference Abbasi, Rehman and Bibi2010). Mitroff and Denton (Reference Mitroff and Denton1999) suggest that companies that have a spiritual dimension and allow the whole person to come to work have employees with higher loyalty, lower absenteeism, and greater creativity.

For a management system to be effective, it has to be contextualised in the country where it is practiced (Syed & Omar, Reference Syed and Omar2012). Many communities and countries in the world are now trying to discover and explore their own system of management, which includes accounting, and financial management, human resource management, corporate governance, and also corporate social responsibility (Muniapan, Reference Muniapan2007). All major religions currently practiced in India encourage serving the society, promoting the people’s well-being and safeguarding the natural resources. Buddhism lays emphasis on ethics, virtuous behaviour, morality and precept. It advocates purity of thought, word, and deed. Similar approach to work and well-being is enshrined in Hinduism. For example, several business schools in the West have introduced self-mastery classes using Indian philosophy to help students improve their leadership skills (Rarick & Nickerson, Reference Rarick and Nickerson2009; Kaur & Ubha, Reference Kaur and Ubha2013).

While the focus of the Western model of management is on knowledge worker, the South Asian approach may be seen as focused on the notion of wisdom worker, where wisdom is has a holistic meaning in terms of work and wider society (Pio, Reference Pio2005, Reference Pio2007a). Whereas the western model has a narrow definition and focus on material or economic success entailing stress, competition and tension, and possibly unethical conduct, the seva-based Indian approach defines success as achieving goals accompanied with harmony, well-being and happiness, not only for leaders but for team members and wider society.

In the Gita, two types of work culture have been explained, that is, daivi sampat or divine work culture and asuri sampat or demonic or toxic work culture. Daivi work culture – involves fearlessness, purity, self-control, sacrifice, straightforwardness, calmness, absence of fault-finding, absence of greed, modesty, absence of envy and pride. Asuri work culture involves egoism, delusion, personal desires, improper performance, work not oriented towards service (Bhattathiry, Reference Bhattathiry2004). In Sikhism, one’s salvation lies not only in one’s faith, but also in one’s character and eagerness to do active good (Kaur & Ubha, Reference Kaur and Ubha2013). Hinduism, Islam and other faiths offer a unique value proposition with a focus on spiritual progress, to have material progress too in a very balanced and holistic way. There is a greater promise and potential for much larger perspectives in ancient Indian wisdom and much greater propensity to draw out of it and apply in a variety of situations (Mahadevan, Reference Mahadevan2009; Kaur & Ubha, Reference Kaur and Ubha2013).

The collective wisdom of seva calls for a manager to be selfless and his style to be the one which is drenched with virtues and shared values with the general well-being of all as the core concern. The notion of seva has a universal appeal and message of truth, benevolence, compassion, tolerance, humility, selfless service, love, welfare unto all, liberty, equality, fraternity and meditation. The wisdom enshrined in seva can transform the mankind from ordinary to extraordinary, propounding a complete lifestyle and demolishing away the walls of falsehood, othering, ignorance and ego. The seva-inspired style of corporate managers is naturally democratic and participative. Such managers are more likely to respect and trust their employees and subordinates encourage their participation in managerial decision making and motivate them to bring their creativity and innovation in the organisation. The seva-oriented approach is likely to have a positive bearing on managers’ behaviour making them effective, ethical and socially responsible managers (Kaur & Ubha, Reference Kaur and Ubha2013). Through her analysis of the political landscape in the Uttar Pradesh, an Indian state, Ciotti (Reference Ciotti2012) argues that there exists an interlocking relation between the resurgence of seva and the process of upward class mobility. Ciotti also maps the impact of seva on women’s political participation. Ciotti notes that women activists appropriate and re-enact gender idioms and models coined in colonial India, refashioning them for the exigencies of contemporary politics. Overall, this suggests the presence of shared structures of gendered political agency cutting across time, class, and caste among Dalit/low-caste communities.

Reflecting sacred activism, a number of organisations in India, focus on social mission rather than shareholder value, with a mission that goes beyond money to also ensure that employees find meaning in their work (Cappelli et al., Reference Cappelli, Singh, Singh and Useem2010a; Gulati, Reference Gulati2010; Sastry, Reference Sastry2011). This is often in stark contrast to a number of organisations in the west as for example in the United States where importance is attached to business strategy, re-structuring and financial incentives for top management who then manage the rest of the workforce (Cappelli et al., Reference Cappelli, Singh, Singh and Useem2010a). Many large Indian organisations are examples of thriving businesses such as Reliance, ICICI, Infosys, Tata Consultancy, Godrej group, Mahindra group, Tata Steel and Dr Reddy’s laboratories. Indian companies are also in the game of acquiring overseas companies such as the acquisition of Jaguar and Land Rover by Tata Motors, and a stake in Dreamworks by Reliance Entertainment.

The term juggad or juggar has been used to represent engaged employees who are also innovative despite scarce resources; in other words creative adaptation and adjustment rather than weary resignation (Cappelli et al., Reference Cappelli, Singh, Singh and Useem2010a). Frugal innovation (Tiwari & Herstatt, Reference Tiwari and Herstatt2014) describe the resource-efficient paradigm of frugal innovation which is similar to juggad. They also use the term Indovations for such innovations as GE’s hand-held electrocardiograph Mac 400; the world’s cheapest car the Tata Nano, Vortex’s solar powered automatic teller machines or ATM’s the Gramateller, and Mangalyaan the recently launched Mars mission which cost US$ 75 million and was less expensive than a passenger plane, as examples. Tiwari and Herstatt cite India’s innovation friendliness, capacity for technology absorption and the human resources available for often disruptive innovation which is also prudently price sensitive without compromising on quality. India has a competitive advantage in services such as IT and drug trials. It is pertinent to note that rapid technological change and IT leadership in India was probably due to India not being locked into older generation technologies and therefore it could quickly become dominant in the back office and services sector (Kapur & Ramamurti, Reference Kapur and Ramamurti2001). Furthermore, India is also an attractive site for conducting clinical trials of new drugs and drug trials generally make up one-third of the cost of the introduction of a new drug (Kapur & Ramamurti, Reference Kapur and Ramamurti2001).

Cappelli, Singh, Singh, and Useem (Reference Cappelli, Singh, Singh and Useem2010b) cite seven priorities for Indian business leaders as: chief input for business strategy, keeper of organisational culture, guide or teacher for employees, representative of owner and investor interests, representative of other stakeholders; civic leadership within the business community and civic leadership outside the business community. ‘The India Way offers a compelling example of a model that succeeds financially while succeeding socially’ (Capelli et al., Reference Cappelli, Singh, Singh and Useem2010a: 22), or the sacred activism of praxis-in-action through seva and khidmat.

Concluding comments

Future research can examine how Indian companies have been shaped by a countries own ‘tortuous business history’ (Gulati, Reference Gulati2010), and can also conduct deeper research into the Indian way to build a ‘useful template for all the great emerging markets of the future’ (Gulati, Reference Gulati2010: 27). We concur with Khatri, Ojha, Budhwar, Srinivasan, and Varma (Reference Khatri, Ojha, Budhwar, Srinivasan and Varma2012) call for context specific management research, and urge all researchers, not only Indian researchers, to strive for indigenous scholarship which is relevant while at the same time learning from Western paradigms and positivist research. The South Asian diaspora and their management practices is another promising avenue as also, survival inequality and the many faces of eve in investigating the nuanced lives of working women and men of South Asia.

In a globalised world characterised by economic and social inequalities with disparities in employment and development, alternative possibilities suggest that one looks beyond the dominant or mainstream Western approaches to management and organisation to engage with and understand non-mainstream, sometimes referred to Eastern and Oriental approaches and perspectives (Pio, Reference Pio2007b; Syed & Pio, Reference Syed and Pio2013). In a world where business organisations are generally driven by a desire to create and add value, where the notion of value is more often than not defined by the financial bottom-line, and unethical corporate practices are not uncommon, it is important to explore alternative views of work, organisation and management. In mapping the landscape of management and organisations in South Asia, our lens of sacred activism stimulates the possibility of multiple frames of reference, with multiple identities that bring peace and prosperity to all. Such multiplicity would mean that ‘…global identity can begin to receive its due without eliminating our other loyalties’ (Sen, Reference Sen2006: 185). Sacred activism through seva and khidmat echoes the words of Arundhati Roy (Reference Roy2003: para. 31), winner of the Man Booker Prize and a world citizen, who said ‘another world is not only possible, she in on her way. On a quiet day, I can hear her breathing’.