Introduction
Sustainability, sustainable consumption, sustainable development, etc., these are among the major topics of today's environmental and social science discourse. However, different actors in society define sustainable consumption in different ways and use various tools to achieve it. Among the most cited are alternative food networks (AFNs), local food, green consumerism, downshifting, eco-labeling, organic agriculture, ecologic modernization, fair trade principles, etc.Reference Jackson 1 – Reference Goodman 7 Geographers have also expressed a vivid interest in this area, starting with studies of AFNs within the already well-established discipline of the geography of consumptionReference Goss 8 , Reference Goss 9 and foodReference Cook 10 . Cook and CrangReference Cook and Crang 11 defined three areas of food geographic imaginations to examine, as (1) the origins of food—thus where the food comes from, (2) the biographies of food—how the food moves through the commodity system and (3) the settings of food—how the food is being used by the consumers. As regards their classification, the agro-food studies and the research on alternative agro-food networks represent the first two areas—the study of the food's origins and its path through the system. HughesReference Hughes 12 accentuated the need for a close dialogue between geography and research into alternative economic spaces, as well as studies of AFNs. Since the notion of ‘local food’ came to light within Czech consumer society only recently, with the emergence of the first farmers’ markets (hereinafter FMs) in the spring of 2010, this topic represents an utterly new phenomenon with interesting environmental, social and economic implications. Therefore, this paper seeks to contribute to the academic debate by exploring the factual prospects of the small farms and individual farmers within the Czech agricultural sector to supply FMs, which represent the most widespread local food network in Czechia.
FMs in Czechia have developed recently as a response to the growing demand for local and quality products among primarily urban consumers. The first 13 FMs appeared in Prague during 2010. The expansion of FMs from Prague to smaller cities and towns soon followed. With 170 FMs run all over the country in 2013, most Czech people now have access to a FM (see the database of FMs on Vitalia.cz 13 ). The popularity of quality food with clearly verifiable origin has been in accordance with the international trends in food consumptionReference Spilková 14 . However, unlike the case of FMs in Western Europe, Czech FMs were not found to be socially exclusive as pensioners, a traditionally lower income social group, represent a significant proportion of all customers of Prague FMsReference Spilková, Fendrychová and Syrovátková 15 (up to one third in some FMs).
One of the factors favoring the quick adoption of FMs in Czechia was the reputation of the main players in the food sector (big conventional producers, processors and retail chains) affected by repeated scandals proving their rather unethical practices. For example, in 2012 Hamé, a major producer of mainly preserved food, faced a scandal revealing that their ketchups contained fewer tomatoes than the law requires and pork cans contained 20% less meat than declared on the label 16 . The retail chain Penny market, owned by the Rewe Group, labeled Sunar baby food made in the UK and frozen vegetable mix made in Austria with the ‘Czech quality’ tag, justifying it by the fact that the products were made according to Czech recipes and only distributed to Czechia 17 . Moreover, there have been many scandals revealing poor-quality food on the shelves of Czech large-scale storesReference Jánská 18 . These scandals contributed to the growth in demand among Czech consumers for quality food with a clearly verifiable origin, which small farmers started offering on FMs (as well as through other channels).
FMs bring benefits to both consumers and farmers by providing farmers with an opportunity to sell their goods directly to customers and by offering consumers an alternative shopping environment and goods, in contrast with regular large-scale storesReference Brown 19 . Although FMs seem to offer a promising opportunity for the increasing group of small farmers to launch a sustainable business, previous research showed that organizers of Czech FMs face a lack of potential suppliersReference Spilková and Perlín 20 . The supply and demand sides represent non-separable and interrelated parts of FMs’ environment. The demand for quality local food met the supply side represented by small family farms newly emerging among the Czech agriculture sector as a consequence of the restitution of land and agricultural premises and the privatization of state farmsReference Perlín 21 . The large agricultural premises, built up during communist era by connecting small farms as part of collectivization process in agriculture, were divided again and returned to the original owners. The disintegration of the big state farms in the 1990s led to the land being taken over by new small farmers (the proportion of agricultural land cultivated by farmers grew from 3.9% in 1990, through 21.7% in 1995 to 26.4% in 2000Reference Bičík and Jančák 22 ). This enabled the original owners to return to their family farming tradition or to sell or rent their agricultural land and premises to rural newcomers who wanted to start a farming business in new free-market conditions. The newly emerged farms had to build their market position in the economic sector which was originally solely state-controlled. Therefore, this paper brings an example of a Central-European society's rapid adoption of free-market economic conditions.
Since the demand side of FMs in Czechia was examined recentlyReference Spilková, Fendrychová and Syrovátková 15 , we feel it is important to fill in this gap in the current literature and provide a thorough study of the supply side of FMs as represented by small farms. Therefore, we ask what the potential of Czech farms to supply the expanding FMs is. The factual prospects of the Czech agricultural sector to supply FMs are investigated with the emphasis on their location in relation to the most urbanized areas, the main sources of demand. Last, but not least, the aim of the paper is also to uncover the reasons for rather problematic performance of small farmers within the FMs and to sketch out some suggestions for improvement.
The paper starts with a theoretical explanation of local food movements and of their birth under the Czech conditions. The next section thoroughly explains the methodology of the analysis, which focuses on four main aspects of the supply potential for FMs: the small farm sector, land use for growing crops that can be sold on FMs, potential suppliers for FMs according to their legal forms [i.e., natural persons (these are farmers, i.e., people as opposed to companies, mostly running small family farms)] and self-processing of products by their producers/farmers. The main findings are subsequently discussed and compared with relevant literature. The final section presents the implications of the analysis and suggests future research directions.
The ‘Locavore Challenge’ in the Czech Context
The relationship between producers of food and its consumers began to meet obstacles after World War II, when agriculture became industrialized. Gradually, agricultural production started being first sold to processing companies, then to the wholesalers and then to the final consumersReference Coster and Kennon 23 . The transformation of producer–consumer relationships was significantly affected by big retail companies whose importance and power have been constantly increasing. The transnational retail companies started affecting Czech retailing after the fall of the communist regime and finally carried out the radical and sudden changes of Czech retailing by introducing new shopping formats (e.g. supermarkets and shopping malls) to Czech customersReference Spilková 14 .
During the communist era, the Czech retail sector was entirely state-controlled. The retail network consisted almost solely of small-scale shops and, as such, suffered from a poor range of items and frequent supply shortages. Therefore, large-scale shopping premises introduced by transnational retail companies experienced a rapid heyday during the first decades of the democratic Czechia. After their initial boom, in accordance with the trends in the West, counter trends to the mainstream consumption development appeared as reflected in the ‘quality turn’Reference Goodman 24 , ‘yuppie chow’Reference Guthman 3 , ‘foodie gentrification’ or just the generally increasing popularity of AFNs and provisioning systems among more affluent post-communist urban dwellers, as a reflection of the growing awareness of the quality of food. Concurrently, there is an expanding market for organic products in Czechia which is growing by around 30–40% every year (2005–2010 25 ), 43% of these organic products are already produced in the country. Before the start of the FMs’ boom, only 1.4% of the total amount of organic food was sold directly via the short food-supply chains, at farms or FMs. Organic sales have likely grown with FMs’ popularity, even though FMs are not exclusively organic retail premises.
FMs firstly appeared in Prague in 2010, spread rapidly within the city in 2011 and expanded to the whole country in 2012. Even though all FMs operate under the brand of unique premises offering high-quality local food in an alternative environment, previous research revealed some differences in their atmosphere and characteristics associated with their locationReference Spilková, Fendrychová and Syrovátková 15 . The research conducted on Prague FMs identified several qualitative types of new FMs in Prague, differing in their operational frequency (occasionally, weekly), size (number of stalls) or type of organizer. Currently (January 2013), there are around 44 marketplaces registered in Prague 13 , where FMs are being organized either regularly or occasionally. About eight of these markets are run all year round and at least once a week. The first, and one of the biggest, FMs takes place three times a week, including during the winter season. Besides those in Prague, there are currently about 168 FMs organized in other Czech cities and towns, and new ones are still emerging or are planned for the next season. The demand for farm products is thus great and the same is true of consumers’ interest in a new shopping experience and in reclaiming social bonds while shopping, knowing more about food origins, getting into touch with natural cycles, weather, agricultural procedures, etc.
In order to evaluate the capability of the FMs’ supply side, first of all, a typical supplier of FMs has to be defined. Since the aim of FMs is to shorten supply chains, to give farmers an opportunity to easily sell their products directly to consumers and thus to support small local farmsReference Brown 19 , Reference McEachern, Warnaby, Carrigan and Szmigin 26 , Reference van der Ploeg 27 , a typical supplier of FMs is a small independent farmer whose farm is located relatively close to places of demand (i.e., FMs) and who produces products which are typically sold on FMs (like vegetables, fruit, dairy and meat products). The relatively close location of farms to place of consumption is defined differently in different studies, so we will discuss the issue of localness later on (e.g., the 100 miles dietReference Roosevelt 28 ). Concerning the small farms as the supposedly main suppliers of FMs in the Czech agricultural sector, their minor position (compare 84.2 ha of the average utilized area per farm in Czechia with 11.9 ha in EU 29 , data from 2005) arouses concern about the capacity of Czech farms to supply the growing sector of FMs. Therefore, in the background of the significant potential demand for FM products in Czechia, the identified lack of suppliers for Czech FMsReference Spilková, Fendrychová and Syrovátková 15 , Reference Spilková and Perlín 20 must be examined.
Locating the ‘local’ within the Czech short food-supply chains
The development of local food movements raises the question of what local production actually is. The definition of localness varies significantly in the relevant literature and, similarly, studies on the demand side of FMs show that consumers often perceive the concept of local differentlyReference Spilková, Fendrychová and Syrovátková 15 . JaroszReference Jarosz 30 explained that ‘local’ is a social construct and as such it is understood in different ways by different players in the food system. Dunne et al.Reference Dunne, Chambers, Giombolini and Schlegel 31 demonstrated the diversity of the local concept using an example of 27 food retailers that use the local label as a marketing tool. The vagueness of the term ‘local’ is demonstrated by the fact that only 20% of retailers who took part in the survey publicly display their definition of localReference Dunne, Chambers, Giombolini and Schlegel 31 .
Literature on the concept of local mostly discusses the role of the distance between the places of production and consumption. Regional boundaries (e.g., county, but also state boundaries, depending on the size of the country) often form the basis of the definition of local. Watts et al.Reference Watts, Ilbery and Maye 4 worked in this way with the boundaries of Scotland, whereas Wittman et al.Reference Wittman, Beckie and Hergesheimer 32 used the geographical boundaries of Alberta and British Columbia. However, distance-based definitions of localness cannot encompass all the complicated linkages between producers, processors and consumers within food networks. In the same way, Duram and OberholtzerReference Duram and Oberholtzer 33 considered the definition of food miles, which provides the background for the local concept, to be narrow, and they recommended widening it by ‘natural resource use in agricultural production, processing and distribution’. Similarly, FeenstraReference Feenstra 34 broadened the discussion of local with the community aspect and used the term foodshed (first used by Getz 1991Reference Feenstra 34 ) which he explained as ‘a geographic area and the foods that can be grown within it, but also the social and cultural elements of a community’. The social justice of the local food movement presents another challenge among studies of AFNs. AlkonReference Alkon 35 demonstrated how social constructions behind FMs may vary from the rather symbolic dimension of fashionable environmental concerns in an affluent area to the real environmental justice efforts in a poorer neighborhood of the San Francisco Bay Area. As JaroszReference Jarosz 30 explained, varied concepts of localness may be in contradiction and he expressed worries about placing local in opposition to global, or understanding local to be universally good. Therefore, an analysis of local food production must always consider broader social, economic, political and environmental conditions.
Since the local concept is an artificial construct embedded in spatially specified social relations, it tends to be studied by qualitative methods. However, Watts et al.Reference Watts, Leat and Revoredo-Giha 36 reminded us of the lack of quantitative studies of AFNs in general, and calculated an index of food relocalization for Great Britain. Moreover, as AFNs are a very geographical theme, Kremer and DeLibertyReference Kremer and DeLiberty 37 pointed out the need to use GIS tools to study AFNs. Thus, we use a quantitative approach to examine the regional differentiation in agricultural production in Czechia by cartographic methods.
Even in such a small country as Czechia, the question of localness arises. As previous researchReference Spilková, Fendrychová and Syrovátková 15 has shown, Czech customers perceive the concept of local differently. In answer to a question as to what motivates consumers to shop at FMs, 27% of respondents declared that it is the local origin of the purchased goods, which is environmentally friendly. However, another 7% of customers stated that they shop at FMs because they can purchase Czech products and/or products from Czech farmers, whereas 2% shop at FMs because they want to support local production. However, Czechia is situated on only around 79,000 km2 and there are two fertile areas suitable for production of intensive crops, each of them close to one of the two biggest urban concentrations in the country. Thus we use the term ‘local’ in terms of the whole country and then according to the spatial vicinity to the biggest cities.
Moreover, the ongoing commercial and residential suburbanization, causing increasing pressure on the surrounding agricultural land,Reference Spilková and Šefrna 38 makes our analysis even more up to date. For example, Prague, the biggest city with widespread suburbs, has a relatively wealthy population which typically desires and can afford the good-quality, local products sold on FMs. Theoretically, there should be no obstacles to fostering agricultural production in the close hinterland of Prague. Development of small farming would be beneficial for landscape planning of rural areas close to the capital city, while, last but not least, the farm-based initiatives are often cited as the new tools of rural development, especially in the case of the inner peripheries (such as the rural background of the capital cityReference Perlín, Kučerová and Kučera 39 ). Nonetheless, we argue that the use of the agricultural potential in the hinterland of Prague is limited. For example, in 2010, only 38% of the vendors on all existing FMs in Prague came from Prague or the surrounding Central Bohemian region (our own survey). Agricultural land has lost, and is still losing, its long-held importance, mainly in suburban areas. Generic transfer of property declines into a drive for maximum profit if land is sold for construction purposes, thus Prague has successively expanded onto the fertile loess Chernozems and Luvisols of the flat terrain in the immediate surroundings of the city. This trend of rising destruction of fertile agricultural land has been criticized as highly negative, not only for the potential loss of agricultural production, but also for other environmental risks. It has also been proved that, of the agricultural land stock, it is predominantly soils of high quality that diminish as a result of uncoordinated urbanizationReference Spilková and Šefrna 38 . Some populist voices may also claim that farming is fundamental to the identity of some regions, which have lost their agricultural tradition, especially in the post-communist countries plundered by 40 years of socialist agricultureReference Goodman 24 . Therefore, the rapid development of Prague threatens the peri-urban agricultural production and causes significant environmental risk for any kind of ‘local’ production within its hinterland.
Methods
Lewis and ChambersReference Lewis and Chambers 40 stated that ‘(T)he importance of place-based research has had a strong tradition in understanding the mechanisms that create, maintain, disseminate and manage biodiversity, particularly agricultural diversity’. Goodman and DuPuisReference Goodman and DuPuis 41 expressed concern that consumption-focused food studies often neglect the production side of food. In this context, we focus on the supply side of the recently emerged AFNs in Czechia and examine the productive potential for quality local food. This study thus analyzes the potential for local food production in Czechia, with particular interest in the peri-urban agriculture around the biggest urban concentrations. The aim is to research the real utilization of natural resources and the possible obstacles for the more effective use of these production capacities. Since FMs represent a rather small-scale market niche for agricultural production, they are usually studied by case studies dealing with primary data, and they often use qualitative and mixed methods’ approachesReference Wittman, Beckie and Hergesheimer 32 , Reference Guthrie, Guthrie, Lawson and Cameron 42 , Reference Schmit and Gómez 43 . However, BrownReference Brown 19 pointed out that quantitative assessment of FMs should not be given up, even though FMs present such a ‘complexity of interactions’ (p. 167). Thus, this paper is based on a quantitative approach using statistical data.
Data
The research is based on a recent survey on products saleable on FMs and related data on farms and processors of their own products. The previous researchReference Spilková, Fendrychová and Syrovátková 15 showed that the most popular categories of goods that customers buy on FMs are vegetables (74%), meat, fish and smoked meat (37%), fruit (33%), and dairy products including cheese (26%). Apart from other products, customers also demand eggs (2%) and flowers (1%). The comparison of those categories with available statistical data led to the selection of products which were later used for the statistical and cartographical analysis. The actual categories are described below.
The quantitative analysis is based on the Farm Structure Survey 44 and the Survey on Agricultural Production Methods 45 (hereinafter Agrocensus 2010), both conducted by the Czech Statistical Office. This project focused, among other issues, on the structure of utilized agricultural area (including arable land use in detail), the number of holdings processing their products, the amount of products processed by producers and legal forms of agricultural holdings. All those data were published for a concrete regional level (regions or districts). In addition to the Agrocensus 2010, some other data on the agricultural sector, which the Czech statistical unit publishes regularly on a year-to-year basis, were used. However, even though in the Agrocensus 2010 the Czech Statistical Office made an effort to cover a wide variety of issues across the whole Czech agricultural sector, our analysis was still restricted by data availability. In particular, the lack of in-depth data on small farms and independent farmers, as well as the absence of data on the very local level (districts and administrative districts of municipalities with extended powers) for some key characteristics, appear to be the main obstacles for our analysis. Official translations of all names of categories used in the paper were adopted from the statistical datasets of the Czech Statistical Office.
Cartographic analysis
As FMs only began to emerge in Czechia 2 years ago, only a small number of studies of this topic have appeared so farReference Spilková 14 , Reference Procházková 46 . The Czech case is even more specific because small farmers, who are typical suppliers of FMs, represent only a minority in the national agricultural sector. For historical reasons, the big agricultural companies are the predominant players in the primary sector. The quantitative analysis of national statistics makes it possible to reveal the factual state of the agricultural sector in Czechia. Moreover, cartographic display enables us to show the regional differentiation of farms and crops grown. The main part of the analysis was carried out in ArcGIS which was used to display statistical indicators (described below) in cartograms and localized pie charts. The preference was, in all cases, given to the lowest regional level available. The maps were further analyzed in the result section.
The research deals with four different aspects of the potential of Czech agricultural sector to supply FMs. The full list of indicators used is shown in Table 1. The first part of the analysis focuses on the smallest measure of agricultural entrepreneurs and explores the spatial distribution of the potential suppliers for FMs (i.e., small farms up to 50 ha, legal form of ‘natural persons’). Small-scale farms are more likely participate on FMsReference Brown 19 whereas large industrialized farms managed through a productivistReference Walford 47 approach do not typically take part in FMs (indicators 1–3). The second part deals with the issue of land use for growing specific crops which can be in some way sold on FMs. Therefore, it investigates the extent to which the potential goods for FMs are grown in Czechia (indicators 4–7). The third part researches the regional differentiation in growing crops and breeding animals sellable on FMs by the legal forms of agricultural holdings which principally produce those (indicators 8–13). The fourth part addresses the holdings which not only grow vegetables or breed animals but also process them and thus can sell the processed products with added value to customers on FMs. The proportion of holdings processing vegetables (including potatoes), fruits, poultry, eggs, and sheep and goats, and the quantities of processed products, are examined (indicators 14–22). Some of the categories of holdings processing their own products were merged to agree with the categories of holdings classified according to their principal agricultural production. The precise names of the categories are written in Table 1.
Table 1. Indicators used.
Note: 1 Processors of poultry and eggs were counted and the sum divided by the number of farms principally producing poultry, although we are aware that some processors may be included in both categories of processors (both of poultry and of eggs).
Source: own calculations.
To display the regional differentiation of soil fertility in Czechia, and consequently to illustrate where the most important agriculture production areas are located, a map (Fig. 1) of the official average price of agricultural land in districts was created. The indicator is based on the bonity soil-ecological units system 48 . There are two main areas with the most fertile soil in Czechia. The first includes the southern part of the Olomoucky region and the neighboring surroundings of Brno city up to the national border in the south. The second area is located in the broader eastern hinterland of Prague and includes the eastern part of the Central Bohemian region and the western part of the Kralovehradecky region. Figure 1 also shows the regional administrative boundaries and the two biggest urban concentrations in the country—Prague and Brno.
Figure 1. The average official price of agricultural land in the districts of the Czech Republic in 1992. Source: 48 .
Results
Small farmers in detail
Small farms (up to 50 ha of utilized area) represent the majority of farms in all districts (the lowest proportion is 65%, see Fig. 2). However, only a very small proportion of them are real farms engaged in commercial agricultural production. The biggest concentration is located in the southeast of Czechia, which has a long tradition of independent farming. This indicates a relatively good potential for supplying FMs in Brno (the second biggest city in Czechia), but the location is not very suitable for supplying Prague's FMs. Over 70% of all agricultural holdings in all districts (Fig. 3) are held by natural persons and in 15 districts this rises to over 90%. Thus natural persons form the majority of all farmers (the average proportion of all agricultural holdings is 87%), but this farming takes place on the minority of Czech agricultural land (as only 29% of land in Czechia is cultivated by natural persons). Due to the collapse of state farms, large numbers of which emerged in this area during the communist era, Western Czechia has the highest proportion of agricultural area utilized by natural persons. The adjacent district on the west of Prague has a relatively high proportion of agricultural area utilized by natural persons which indicates a close potential source for FMs in Prague.
Figure 2. The distribution of small farms (up to 50 ha of utilized area). Source: 44 , own calculations.
Figure 3. Agricultural area utilized by natural persons. Source: own calculations 45 .
Land use for growing crops sellable on FMs
As Figure 4 shows, vegetables (excluding potatoes and other root and industrial crops), strawberries, flowers and ornamental plants are mostly grown in the districts (the proportion of plants grown on arable land over 2%) adjoining the big urban concentrations in the country (mainly Prague and Brno), which are also the most fertile areas in the country. Evidently, those plants play an important role in Czech peri-urban agriculture. Usually, vegetables dominate among the four examined crops sellable on FMs in many districts. However, strawberries as well as flowers and ornamental plants are an exception in some districts.
Figure 4. Land use for growing vegetables (excluding potatoes and other root and industrial crops), strawberries, flowers and ornamental plants. Source: own calculations 45 .
Orchards are more widespread on agricultural land in the country, with the largest proportion of utilized land and the largest absolute area being located in the two most fertile areas of Czechia (the Elbe river lowland east from Prague and southeast Czechia—see Fig. 1) and particularly in the northeast of the country. There are five districts altogether where the proportion of agricultural land used as orchards exceeds 2%. Altogether, there are four districts with over 1000 ha of orchards (three of them located in the most fertile areas of the country).
Farmers’ principal production of crops sellable on FMs
Altogether, there are 324 farmers of natural person's status who principally grow vegetables (1.64% of all natural persons). Vegetables are mostly grown by natural persons in central Bohemia (84 farmers), which is actually the hinterland of Prague. This indicates the potential supply of vegetables to FMs in Prague.
In accordance with the distribution of orchards on utilized agricultural land, the biggest concentration of natural persons growing fruits is concentrated in the northeast and southeast of the country, some of the most fertile areas in Czechia. Moreover, there is a high proportion of natural persons growing fruit in Prague itself. Hence, there are probably some farmers producing fruit in the nearby hinterland of the capital, thus in an ideal location for supplying FMs in Prague.
In some regions sheep and goat breeders make up 27% (337 farms) of all natural persons involved in agriculture. In general, breeders of sheep and goats are located outside the biggest concentrations of population, probably because this activity requires more open space and thus is typical for peripheral areas.
Farms processing their own products
Processing of vegetables, potatoes, poultry and eggs is mostly concentrated in a few large-scale premises which are scattered within the country (14,617 tons of potatoes, i.e., 50%, are processed in the Vysocina region by only 12 processors, 40% (3761 tons) of vegetables excluding potatoes are processed in the Moravia Silesian region by only two processors; altogether, there are only 37 processors of poultry and eggs, and four regions have none at all. On the other hand, the data also suggest the existence of some very small processors in other regions. For example, in the Liberecky region, there is only one processor of vegetables excluding potatoes, which processes 1 ton of vegetables per year. Except for two regions, the average amount of processed poultry does not exceed 70 tons per holding per year, the average amount of processed eggs per holding per year does not exceed 4000 in three regions. Processing of fruit is highly concentrated within the broader surroundings of the two biggest urban concentrations in the country (see Fig. 5), which serves conventional food networks rather than the alternative ones. However, there are also some very small fruit processors distributed all over the country. The minor role of sheep and goats in the Czech agricultural sector is well demonstrated by the low absolute numbers of their processors (fewer than six in all regions). The data indicate a relatively higher concentration of sheep and goat processing in southeastern Czechia where the second biggest urban concentration in Czechia is located. The processing of farm products within the country is not closely connected to the location of the biggest urban areas. This rather random distribution likely lies in the minor role of self-processing in agricultural sector generally.
Figure 5. The average size of fruit self-processors and the amount of processed fruit. Source: own calculations 45 .
Discussion
The actual potential of the Czech agriculture sector to supply FMs
The analysis revealed that the distribution of small farms reflects historical development so that small farmers (up to 50 ha of utilized area) are particularly located far away from Prague in the southeast of Czechia. This corresponds with the fact that only 38% of all vendors operating in Prague FMs were from the surrounding region in 2010. Their dominant location does not therefore look very promising for supplying Prague's FMs but their position offers good potential for supplying FMs in the second biggest urban concentration in Czechia (Brno). However, as shown by the recent survey of Spilková and PerlínReference Spilková and Perlín 20 , the percentage of vendors coming from the region where the market takes place is increasing.
Prague is located close to areas with a high proportion of land cultivated by natural persons, who are more likely to supply FMs than legal persons (these are agricultural companies, usually utilizing large areas of agricultural land and undertaking agricultural business in large volumes). This finding is in accordance with land use for growing vegetables (excluding potatoes and other root and industrial crops), strawberries, flowers and ornamental plants, and with the distribution of natural persons growing vegetables. Although the land use for growing fruit indicates that orchards are more likely to be located in peripheral areas, there is a higher concentration (absolutely as well as relatively) of natural persons growing fruit in the hinterland of Prague. These findings demonstrate the existing peri-urban agriculture in the hinterland of Prague which indicates promising supply potential for FMs in the capital. As people obtain more nutrients from fresh, locally and seasonally grown foods,Reference Feenstra 34 peri-urban agriculture can be highly beneficial for urban populations. From that point of view, FMs can serve as a key means in delivering local food to Prague residents.
The data on fruit processors confirm that there are potential FM suppliers of processed fruit in the broader hinterland of the two biggest urban concentrations in Czechia. Even though the data on growing and processing vegetables and potatoes are very superficial, they imply the existence of small independent companies or farms which can potentially supply FMs with regional and special vegetable products. Similarly, the data on producing poultry and eggs indicate the existence of small potential suppliers for FMs alongside very big processors. The proportion of self-processors is minor throughout the agricultural sector and they are rather scattered within the country. However, as self-processors seem to be less vulnerable to import competition than (only) producers, according to a study on Swedish potato on-farm processors,Reference Ekman and Andersson 49 their role in the agricultural sector from the sustainability point of view should not be underestimated.
Sheep and goat farmers are more widespread in peripheral regions of Czechia because this activity naturally requires more open spaces. Since sheep and goat products are not, in general, considered to be very typical of Czech cuisine, there are only several processors of sheep and goats, and they are, on average, very small in terms of the amount of processed products.
The results show that the data on land use for growing particular crops, in general, follows the natural potential of areas, whereas the distribution of legal forms is closely associated with the historical evolution. The small-scale character of the FM sector in comparison with conventional food networks is the biggest problem when evaluating the supply potential of the agricultural sector for FMs.
As FMs' suppliers are generally of small scale, the analysis focused on the smallest categories of producers (in terms of both utilized area and amount produced) and of processors (amount processed). The distribution of the legal form of natural persons helps to locate potential FM suppliers as well. The examination of producers and processors of alternative products (like sheep and goats), which are not typically sold through conventional food networks, presents another promising research field for the supply potential for FMs. Generally, our research showed the considerable potential of Czech agriculture for developing a successful FM sector. The reasons for the limited use of this potential are discussed in the next section.
Promising prospects on the FMs supply side versus the lack of FMs' vendors
The analysis shows the relatively promising potential of the Czech agricultural sector to supply the expanding FMs. There are many small farmers involved in crop as well as livestock production. Many of them are conveniently located close to the biggest cities in the country, i.e., in what may be called peri-urban agricultural areas. The sector of small farmers who process their own products also indicates good prospects for FMs.
However, previous studies have revealed that FM managers in Czechia face a lack of authentic suppliers for the marketsReference Brown 19 , Reference Procházková 46 . Some studies from abroad show that this is not a Czechia-specific problem. Wittman et al.Reference Wittman, Beckie and Hergesheimer 32 noted that most vendors (primarily farmers) taking part in their study on FMs in Canada had ranked the declining number of farmers as the second most important threat for local food production. Does this mean that being a vendor is not attractive enough for farmers, that it is not ultimately a sustainable way of making a living? Do they prefer being engaged in other ANFs or do they rather look for the security of being a supplier for big processors and retailers?
Examples from foreign literature show that the growth of customers' interest in local and good-quality food production has also been reflected in the marketing strategies of large conventional retail chains. Thus they have recently been found emphasizing local sustainability and food quality in their promotion strategies. The efforts of large retail companies to profit from the local food movement, which was primarily developed to make it easier for customers to access quality local products and to support small local farmers, has largely been criticized by academics. McEachern et al.Reference McEachern, Warnaby, Carrigan and Szmigin 26 called retail chains' attempts to promote local production (like launching in-store FMs in large-scale retail outlets) cynical strategies. A similar example is known from one of the many shopping centers in Prague, where a FM was at one point run in the corridors of the Galerie Fénix Vysočanská shopping centre. In the same way, Renting et al.Reference Renting, Marsden and Banks 50 stated that the expansion of sales of organic products in conventional retail network may also be contradictory. If most organic products in a country are sold by retail chains, it may result in price pressure on producers. The inevitable reduction of the quality of farmers' production then undermines the whole concept of short food-supply chains. SeyfangReference Seyfang 51 argues that as organic agriculture goes mainstream the majority of its products are sold in supermarkets. However, the unique character of AFNs lies in their broader economic, social and environmental benefits. Therefore, whereas customers motivated by taste and health use the conventional way of shopping for organic products, the AFNs attract those involved with their broader benefits.
Guthrie et al.Reference Guthrie, Guthrie, Lawson and Cameron 42 noted that FMs sometimes present such high competition for conventional retail chains that retail companies make special offers on market days and local supermarkets put farmers supplying FMs on a blacklist of suppliers. Some vendors even use pseudonyms to avoid negative reactions from supermarkets that they supply. The significantly growing demand for Czech products among customers led to a flood of Czech flags on retail chains' leaflets to demonstrate their domestic origin. However, the effort of retail chains to gain maximum profit from Czech production's hysteria led to labeling goods produced abroad with tags declaring their Czech origin 17 . Therefore, vendors on FMs have to face many difficulties when seeking successful FM business and their efforts may even be in conflict with their other activities like subcontracting to conventional food networks.
This study showed that being a vendor on FMs is the only source of income for a small percentage of farmers in Czechia and that many farmers keep their linkages with conventional retailers while becoming FM vendors. Although Ilbery and MayeReference Ilbery and Maye 52 state that combining conventional and alternative food chains is a very common strategy for farmers to secure their living, they face many obstacles in doing so. Nevertheless, some ‘alternative’ food producers (even) reduce their involvement with FMs in favor of more ‘stable’ relationships with wholesalers and large retailersReference Ilbery and Maye 52 . Thus the economic benefits of becoming a vendor are not automatic and ‘the key to success is the dynamism and personality of the entrepreneur, together with their own network of contacts’Reference Ilbery and Maye 52 . Many small farmers had also turned to direct sales, since it helps them to survive the harsh competition even with small productionReference Brown 53 .
Generally, the main reasons why farmers become FM vendors are considered to be economic in origin. BrownReference Brown 19 reveals in her literature review on FMs that economic difficulties are the most important motivators for farmers becoming vendors on FMs. Similarly Guthrie et al.Reference Guthrie, Guthrie, Lawson and Cameron 42 concluded that the main reason for the emergence of FMs in New Zealand were supply side factors, i.e., that ‘wholesale prices have been pushed down below cost of production’ so farmers had to look for new, more profitable channels to sell their products to consumers. Since FMs offer farmers higher revenues than other market channels, they should be highly motivated to become vendors. However, Guthrie et al.Reference Guthrie, Guthrie, Lawson and Cameron 42 explained that supply side factors were not the main initiators of FM development everywhere. Whereas the emergence of FMs in the US was particularly associated with environmental concerns, food scares have played a major role in the development of FMs in Western Europe. Therefore, locally specific reasons and harbingers affect and threaten the development of FMs.
Thus, although FMs potentially offer farmers better revenues for their products, Czech FM organizers often find it hard to interest farmers in becoming vendors. Why do Czech FM managers face a lack of vendors even though the Czech agricultural sector seems to have enough potential suppliers for FMs?
Although almost 25 years after the shift toward a free market economy, the Czech agricultural sector still reflects its communist heritage, and thus small independent farmers are only a minority on the Czech food production scene. Considering the post-communist background, for a long time Czech farmers have been used to be ‘only’ producers who sold their products to big processors and retailers. Therefore, they may feel a lack of experience in selling and marketing strategies, and have concerns about entering an unknown market environment in general. The lack of farmers' confidence in their marketing skills, together with insecurity as to the amounts of goods they can sell due to the seasonal nature of FMs, seem to be crucial for further development of FMs in Czechia.
Our findings correspond with previous studies that showed that coherent marketing and promotion strategies performed by farmersReference Detre, Mark, Mishra and Adhikari 54 and FMs' organizersReference Schmit and Gómez 43 are regarded to be of major importance for successful FM ‘business’. For example, FeenstraReference Feenstra 34 identifies several examples of strategies that can foster the potential usage of the local food networks (organizations developing local agricultural markets for growers in their regions; creative projects that link community, institutions and businesses directly with local farmers; creation of local ‘food guides’ as a tool for educating consumers and institutional food buyers about the potential for eating more local food from local sources; and planning of a coherent local food policy to create harmonic relations between the city and the country).
Conclusion
The analysis showed that the structure of the Czech agricultural sector is promising for supplying the emerging FMs. Our analysis revealed that the production sites of crops, which belong to the most demanded goods in FMs (according to our previous research), are those located most conveniently in proximity to the biggest Czech cities. However, the previous research claimed that FM managers face difficulty when searching for suitable vendors. Due to the 40 years of socialist centrally planned economy and the absence of private entrepreneurship, the market-oriented business tradition was interrupted in Czechia. Therefore, the lack of experience with marketing strategies and a hostile competitive retail environment in general may be one of the reasons for the low interest of Czech farmers in becoming FM vendors.
According to the relevant literature, FM managers and local authorities should focus on supporting and improving the marketing skills of vendors. Moreover, the constant development and cultivation of the marketing strategies of each individual FM with respect to the needs of shoppers in the specific location are necessary for the successful future of the whole FM business. FM managers must also carefully control the origins of products sold on their markets in order to maintain the authenticity of their FMs. To prevent unwanted negative competition between, and negative perceptions by, other local independent retailers, cooperation between vendors themselves and with other local shopkeepers should be supported. All these issues should be dealt under the heading of local food policies; nevertheless, these are still unknown within the Czech context.
This would enable all players to profit equally from the local food movement boom and the synergic effects of local food production clustersReference Feenstra 34 , Reference Beckie, Kennedy and Wittman 55 . Possible future research should examine specific forms of cooperation between vendors themselves and with FM managers and local authorities to promote the actual successful marketing practices of FM managers and vendors. More detailed study of the motivations and constraints of farmers for becoming vendors is also needed in order to provide the appropriate support to new vendors and FM managers.
Acknowledgement
This work was supported by the Czech Science Foundation (project no. 404/12/0470: Geography of alternative food networks and sustainable consumption) and by the Charles University in Prague (project GA UK no. 834313: Multifunctionality of Czech agriculture: regional typology and farmers' behaviour).
