Resolution of intimate partner violence

The transtheoretical model of change (Prochaska, Reference Prochaska1979) has increasingly been applied to describe the different stages in the process of IPV resolution (Burke, Denison, Gielen, McDonnell and O'Campo, Reference Burke, Denison, Gielen, McDonnell and O'Campo2004; Cluss et al., Reference Cluss, Chang, Hawker, Scholle, Dado, Buranosky and Goldstrohm2006; Dienemann, Campbell, Curry and Landenburger, Reference Dienemann, Campbell, Curry and Landenburger2002; Shurman and Rodriguez, Reference Shurman and Rodriguez2006). This model recognises that change in a chronic problem such as IPV is complex, non-linear and evolves over time. Thus, a victim's action to end the IPV relationship is not a one-off event, but instead is a multifaceted process.

There is clear evidence that when a women reaches the stage where she decides to leave the abuser, the danger has not ended; in fact this stage of independence and empowerment is also a time of increased risk for serious injury (Campbell et al., Reference Campbell, Garza, Gielen, O'Campo, Kub, Dienemann, Jones, Jafar and Modrow2003; Menard, Reference Menard2001). This stage may support the backlash hypothesis whereby increasing a woman's financial assets will increase violence. In other words, the IPV perpetrator may reassert control over a woman and her newly acquired assets as punishment for increasing her equity in the relationship. This phenomena has been found when women increase their human capital through employment (Riger and Staggs, Reference Riger and Scaggs2004).

The ecological model purports that IPV is complex and the ability to remain or leave an abusive relationship is dependent upon a number of environmental factors (Dahlberg and Krug, Reference Dahlberg and Krug2006). Frieze (Reference Frieze2005) suggests that levels of human, social and financial capital are related to IPV; socialist feminists link them to inequities in social class and gender (Martin et al., Reference Martin, Vieraitis and Britto2006). Anderson and colleagues (2003) found the most common reasons given by women who stayed in abusive relationships were lack of money, shelter and police support.

Income and asset poverty

Twenty eight per cent of female-headed households experienced poverty in 2004 compared with 13 per cent of male-headed households (US Census Bureau, 2005). One contributing factor is household composition; over 10 million single women compared with 2.2 million single men maintain households with children in 2000 (US Census Bureau, 2003). Another factor is related to inequitable wages; women in developed countries earn, on average, 77 cents for every dollar earned by a male (Global Policy Forum, 2005). However, this figure includes only 50 per cent of women and 85 per cent of men who work full-time over a 50-week period. Rose and Hartmann (Reference Rose and Hartmann2004) calculated wages for all women and men over a 15-year period and found that each year women earn approximately 57 cents on each dollar men earn. Some reasons for inequities include gender segregation in the labour market, part-time employment and labour market irregularities due to child rearing. Income disparities by race and ethnicity are also pronounced, with approximately 8.6 per cent of non-Hispanic white households living in poverty compared with 24.7 per cent of African-American and 21.9 per cent of Latino households (US Census Bureau, 2005).

Financial assets, such as home ownership and savings, provide economic stability, a means to buffer financial crises and appreciated wealth over time (Caner and Wolff, Reference Caner and Wolff2002). Almost 20 per cent of US households hold zero net worth and low-income female heads of households hold only 40 per cent of the net worth held by males (Woo et al., Reference Woo, Thomas, Buchholz and Uher2005). Excluding home equity, the disparity in assets among racial and ethnic groups is massive, with the median net worth of white households ($22,566) eclipsing Hispanic ($1,850) and African-American households ($1,166) (Orzechowski and Sepielli, Reference Orzechowski and Sepielli2003).

Household economic resources and IPV

Recent findings indicate a significant interaction between household income, locality and intimate partner violence, with low-income women living in disadvantaged neighbourhoods twice as likely to be victims of abuse (Benson and Fox, Reference Benson and Fox2004). Incidences of economic abuse play an important role in IPV experiences. For example, a study of over 350 male–female domestic abuse cases in Quincy, MA, found that nearly 60 per cent of women reported some type of abusive control over their money by their partners (Buzawa et al., Reference Buzawa, Hotaling, Klein and Byrne2000).

Couples who report extensive economic strain are three times more likely to experience violence than couples with low levels of economic strain. In addition, widening race and ethnicity differences in rates of IPV seem to begin at the mid-income level and increase as economic strain increases (Benson and Fox, Reference Benson and Fox2004). For example, when controlling for economic strain, researchers found the differences for IPV among mid-income African-Americans and non-Hispanic white people disappear or are dramatically diminished (Mahoney et al., Reference Mahoney, Williams and West2001; Schollenberger et al., Reference Schollenberger, Campbell, Sharps, O'Campo, Gielen, Dienemann and Kub2003).

The effects of IPV on the economic well-being of women who exit abusive relationships are daunting, often resulting in homelessness and severe economic strain. Recognising that income and asset poverty are important barriers to or consequences of leaving an abusive relationship for many women (Sanders, Reference Sanders2004), some IPV programs are now including financial education and economic advocacy as interventions (Correia and Von De Linde, Reference Correia and VonDeLinde2002). Thus, the development of an ecological framework for IPV prevention and treatment may help address the risk and protective factors of IPV for women.

Human capital

The concept of human capital can be attributed to economists such as Schultz (Reference Schultz1975), Becker (Reference Becker1964) and Mincer (Reference Mincer1974) and is defined as individual skills and competencies used for future privilege. Researchers have focused on educational attainment as a proxy measure since it is highly associated with higher earnings, benefits and advancement opportunities (Beverly and Sherraden, Reference Beverly and Sherraden1997; Filmer, Reference Filmer2003). Conversely, individuals without a high school education are more likely to be unemployed, receive welfare benefits and experience substance abuse and incarceration (Kirsch, Jungeblut, Jenkins and Kolstad, Reference Kirsch, Jungeblut, Jenkins and Kolstad1993).

Socialist feminists view gender and class as compounding factors contributing to male violence (Bailey, Reference Bailey1999; Escholtz and Vieraitis, Reference Eschholz and Vieraitis2004; Whaley, Reference Whaley2001). In a city-level study of rape, Martin et al. (Reference Martin, Vieraitis and Britto2006) found support for the socialist feminist view. They note that rape rates were lower in cities where women's absolute status (educational level, income and managerial position levels) was higher. Rape rates were higher in cities where inequity was greatest, thereby supporting the backlash hypothesis.

Alternately, there is empirical support for increased employment opportunities for women serving as a buffer for IPV (Farmer and Tiefenthaler, Reference Farmer and Tiefenthaler1997). Women with higher earned income and a comparable educational level to their partners are less likely to be abused than women with low-incomes and lower educational attainment (Lambert and Firestone, Reference Lambert and Firestone2000). Women with economic resources also are more able to end an abusive relationship and less likely to enter an abusive relationship (Campbell, Rose, Kub and Nedd, Reference Campbell, Rose, Kub and Nedd1998).

However, IPV also serves as a barrier to employment, with many IPV victims' jobs being sabotaged by perpetrators (Raphael, Reference Raphael2000; Riger and Staggs, Reference Riger and Scaggs2004). In terms of financial costs, IPV results in over $18 million in lost earnings for women annually and nearly $1.8 billion in lost productivity (CDC, 2003; Greenfeld et al., Reference Greenfeld1998). In addition, high turnover rates result in fewer benefits that are associated with work tenure (Moe and Bell, Reference Moe and Bell2004).

Social capital

Social capital is a multidimensional concept that has initiated extensive debate among political scientists, economists, ecologists and organisational researchers. Social capital is the intensity and extent of involvement in informal networks and formal community organisations that needs support over time or it will diminish (Adler and Kwon, Reference Adler, Kwon and Lesser2000; Grootaert et al., Reference Grootaert, Narayan, Jones and Woolcock2004). People experiencing poverty are more reliant on informal networks to meet daily needs and unstable employment reduces social connections that lead to promotions or other avenues to the middle class (Nurius et al., Reference Nurius, Macy, Bhuyan, Holt, Kernic and Rivara2003).

Abusers have been found to isolate women from informal and formal social networks to increase control (Waldrop and Resisk, Reference Waldrop and Resick2004). For low-income women, this also reduces their opportunities to barter for necessities such as childcare, food, small loans, or transportation. Isolation becomes even more problematic during times of financial, health, or other crises (World Bank, 2002). Most IPV interventions depend on women using their social capital for information and support from informal and formal sources such as health care providers, hotlines or websites (Sullivan and Gillum, Reference Sullivan, Gillum, Renzetti, Edleson and Bergen2001). While social support can serve as a protective factor against reabuse (Burke et al., Reference Burke, Denison, Gielen, McDonnell and O'Campo2004; Goodman et al., Reference Goodman, Dutton, Vankos and Weinfurt2005), women ending abusive relationships often relocate for safety, thereby leaving friends and family behind (Wilcox, Reference Wilcox2000).

Financial capital

Financial capital is defined as savings and other interest-bearing bank accounts, investments and property assets that generate increased value (Sherraden, Reference Sherraden1991). A certain level of economic prosperity is needed to meet basic needs such as food, clothing, shelter, and health care (Hancock, Reference Hancock2001). While income provides a cash flow, assets can help reduce IPV by providing individuals with economic protection, a safer neighbourhood and future investment opportunities (Caner and Wolff, Reference Caner and Wolff2002; Raphael, Reference Raphael2001). Petersen (Reference Petersen1980), Schuler and Hashemi (Reference Schuler and Hashemi1994) and Levinson (Reference Levinson1989) found a negative relationship between assets and marital abuse in independent studies both nationally and internationally.

Given the low home ownership rate of women and the limited availability of affordable or government subsidised housing in the US, many women leaving abusive relationships must access homeless shelters or become homeless. One study reports that 38 per cent of women became homeless immediately after leaving their partners; housing problems were still prevalent for 25 per cent to 50 per cent of women one year after they left. Even if they access housing, formerly abused women may lose shelter due to perpetrators damaging property or threatening landlords or other tenants (Baker, Cook and Norris, Reference Baker, Cook and Norris2003; Menard, Reference Menard2001).

Economic strain occurs when there is insufficient income to meet basic needs. Some long-term consequences of economic strain may include homelessness, malnutrition, illness and loss of reliable transportation. A financial crisis may quickly become dire if there are no assets to provide an ‘economic safety net’. Low-income IPV victims are often economically dependent upon their perpetrators and are not in a position to acquire or control financial assets (Lambert and Firestone, Reference Lambert and Firestone2000). Thus, economic dependency is an important factor women consider when deciding whether to leave an abusive relationship (Anderson et al., Reference Anderson, Gillig, Sitaker, McCloskey, Malloy and Grigsby2003; Sanders, Reference Sanders2004).

Individual development accounts

One approach to moving people out of poverty is by supporting asset development policy initiatives. Historical examples in the US include the Homestead Act for home ownership, the G.I. Bill for veterans to seek post-secondary education and home ownership and, most recently, Individual Development Accounts (IDAs). IDAs provide dedicated savings accounts for low-income individuals to obtain homeownership, post secondary education or small business development (Sherraden, Reference Sherraden1991). Eligible IDA participants set savings goals, receive economic education and are provided with matching funds for a specified asset purchase. Welfare recipients are also eligible, through special policy arrangements in the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 that removed traditional penalties, to accumulate assets (Edwards, Reference Edwards2005).

The success of IDA programs offsets common misconceptions that people experiencing poverty lack the motivation to save, delay gratification, accrue too many bills, or suffer from ‘rampant consumerism’ (Conley, Reference Conley1999). In the past ten years over 500 IDA programs, totaling 20,000 IDA accounts, have been instituted in 49 states (Edwards and Mason, Reference Edwards and Mason2003). IDAs have been used with populations experiencing significant markers of disadvantage, including poverty, mental illness, homelessness and immigration, with positive results.

Yet IDA programs have not been identified as an IPV prevention or intervention programme, nor have IPV data been collected for IDA participants. IDA programs may be ideal for women who have experienced domestic violence since they are known primarily as ‘female-driven’ initiatives; 75 per cent of non-Hispanic white and 85 per cent of African American IDA savers are female (Grinstein-Weiss and Sherraden, Reference Grinstein-Weiss and Sherraden2004). Zhan (Reference Zhan2003) found that despite low wages, lack of child support and minimal public assistance benefits, single, low-income female IDA savers were able to successfully build assets over time.

While IDA programs do not target IPV victims, some do have social work case management supports for IDA participants. Sanders (Reference Sanders2004) outlines an IDA program specifically designed to support IPV victims in St Louis, Missouri through economic education, IPV counseling and advocacy and community education. The Redevelopment Opportunities for Women's Economic Action Program (REAP) consists of 13 domestic violence and three homeless agencies serving IPV victims. Future empirical findings related to the REAP program can help educate future programs that address in whole or in part IPV.