Here is a book full of hope about gender transformation in the political arena of African countries emerging from conflict. It is sobered by the realities of limited civil and political rights in undemocratic countries and buoyed by what women's movements have accomplished. Sixteen post-conflict countries have higher rates of female representation in politics and more women's rights reforms in their constitution and legislation than non-post-conflict countries in Africa (not a reason to celebrate conflict).

Tripp accounts for these changes by noting disruption in gender relations unique to countries experiencing conflict, a rise in women's mobilisation, and changes in gender norms promoted by the international community. The evidence for these claims comes from three case studies – Uganda, Liberia and Angola – and comparative reviews of peace agreements, post-conflict constitutions, legislative reforms and women's emergent leadership. In chapters devoted to each of the three countries, Tripp shows how the presence of three factors – women's changed roles, women's organising and new international gender norms – explain the emergence of women's political leadership in Uganda and Liberia, and how the absence of these factors in Angola made that country less likely to adopt policies advantageous to women.

In terms of explaining the failure of liberation wars to liberate women to those of us disappointed by the aftermath, the case study of Angola is the most interesting. Tripp describes the lack of an independent women's movement in Angola and the lapse in donor funding of civil society after the conflict as well as other contributing factors: the want of democratisation and a peace process to end the war. Peace negotiations, Tripp writes, offer an opportunity for women to introduce gendered constitutional and legislative reforms, but Angola's war ended in 2002 without an agreement. And, whereas both Uganda and Liberia experienced a transformation in elite configurations as new political institutions dislodged older elites and coalitions, the same political elites remained in power during and after the war in Angola, as did the ruling party.

Tripp's book is a valuable contribution to the post-conflict literature on gender. As a political economist I wanted to know more about the impact of national wealth and resources on outcomes for women. Both Uganda and Liberia lack significant resources of importance to the global economy, but are strategic allies of the governments of Britain and the United States, respectively. Angola is blessed (or cursed) with plenty of oil and a considerable trove of diamonds, of vital interest to transnational petroleum corporations (2002 was the height of peak oil debates) and the diamond industry (in the midst of negotiating the Kimberly Process, concluded in 2003).

Tripp compares Angola to Chad and Eritrea, two other countries that did not see appreciable gender gains, but both lack the substantial natural resources that attract international investment (or interference). Oil wealth provided Angola with alternative sources of funding and, according to Tripp, provided donors with justification for their financial withdrawal. While Tripp credits the international community with pressing for gender reforms, still open is the question of how the end of these conflicts played out in the global economy and with what consequences for women. What advantages do international entities – inter governmental, non-governmental and private sector – gain from supporting or suppressing women's rights in post-conflict countries?