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Part I - Albums, Songs, Players, and the Core Repertory of the Rolling Stones

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 August 2019

Victor Coelho
Affiliation:
Boston University
John Covach
Affiliation:
University of Rochester, New York

Summary

The Rolling Stones are one of the most critically and commercially successful acts in rock music history. The band first rose to prominence during the mid-1960s in the UK, and in the USA as part of what Americans call the “British Invasion” – an explosion of British pop ignited by the UK success of the Beatles in 1963 and their storming of the American shores and charts in early 1964 (see Figure 1.1). The Beatles and the Stones were part of a fab new cohort of mop-topped combos that also included the Animals, the Dave Clark Five, Gerry and the Pacemakers, the Yardbirds, the Zombies, the Kinks, the Who, the Hollies, Herman’s Hermits, and even Freddie and the Dreamers. However much comparisons between the Beatles and the Stones may irritate the faithful of both groups, the similarities and differences can nevertheless be useful. Place of origin matters: The Beatles were not the first pop act from Liverpool to hit it big in London, but they were perhaps the first not to hide their northern roots. Although Brian Jones was from Cheltenham (Gloucestershire), the Stones as a band were, by contrast, from London. Songwriting factors in: John Lennon and Paul McCartney were writing together even before the Beatles were a band, while Mick Jagger and Keith Richards did not start writing until after the Stones had already begun their careers together. Commercial success is also worth noting: The first Beatles No. 1 hit single in the UK was “Please Please Me,” released in March 1963; the first Stones UK No. 1 was “It’s All Over Now,” released in August 1964. “I Want to Hold Your Hand” topped the American charts in late January and February 1964; the Stones’ “(I Can’t Get No) Satisfaction” hit the top of the US charts in the summer of 1965. The most important distinction between the two bands – and the one that probably tells us the most about the stylistic distance between them – has to do with early influences. The Beatles were very much a “song band,” focused mostly on pop songs and their vocal delivery. And while Jagger and Richards were fans of the 1950s rock and roll of Chuck Berry and Buddy Holly, they were also students (along with Brian Jones) of American blues. As a result, the Stones’ music is often more “rootsy,” at times placing more emphasis on expression than on polish.

Type
Chapter
Information
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Print publication year: 2019

1 The Rolling Stones: Albums and Singles, 1963–1974

John Covach

The Rolling Stones are one of the most critically and commercially successful acts in rock music history. The band first rose to prominence during the mid-1960s in the UK, and in the USA as part of what Americans call the “British Invasion” – an explosion of British pop ignited by the UK success of the Beatles in 1963 and their storming of the American shores and charts in early 1964 (see Figure 1.1). The Beatles and the Stones were part of a fab new cohort of mop-topped combos that also included the Animals, the Dave Clark Five, Gerry and the Pacemakers, the Yardbirds, the Zombies, the Kinks, the Who, the Hollies, Herman’s Hermits, and even Freddie and the Dreamers. However much comparisons between the Beatles and the Stones may irritate the faithful of both groups, the similarities and differences can nevertheless be useful. Place of origin matters: The Beatles were not the first pop act from Liverpool to hit it big in London, but they were perhaps the first not to hide their northern roots. Although Brian Jones was from Cheltenham (Gloucestershire), the Stones as a band were, by contrast, from London. Songwriting factors in: John Lennon and Paul McCartney were writing together even before the Beatles were a band, while Mick Jagger and Keith Richards did not start writing until after the Stones had already begun their careers together. Commercial success is also worth noting: The first Beatles No. 1 hit single in the UK was “Please Please Me,” released in March 1963; the first Stones UK No. 1 was “It’s All Over Now,” released in August 1964. “I Want to Hold Your Hand” topped the American charts in late January and February 1964; the Stones’ “(I Can’t Get No) Satisfaction” hit the top of the US charts in the summer of 1965. The most important distinction between the two bands – and the one that probably tells us the most about the stylistic distance between them – has to do with early influences. The Beatles were very much a “song band,” focused mostly on pop songs and their vocal delivery. And while Jagger and Richards were fans of the 1950s rock and roll of Chuck Berry and Buddy Holly, they were also students (along with Brian Jones) of American blues. As a result, the Stones’ music is often more “rootsy,” at times placing more emphasis on expression than on polish.

Figure 1.1 The Rolling Stones in Paris, 1964 (Charlie Watts is absent from the photo).

Courtesy HIP/Art Resource, NY.

This chapter provides a broad survey of the Stones’ music over their first dozen years, beginning with the band’s earliest recordings in 1963 and extending to It’s Only Rock ’n Roll of 1974.1 Its purpose is to provide a historical context for several of the chapters that follow and to sketch an outline of the band’s releases and stylistic development over this period. As we shall see, the Stones emerged out of a small London blues scene to explore many styles over these twelve years. The period from 1963 through the end of 1967 – from “Come On” to Their Satanic Majesties Request – finds the Stones becoming increasingly ambitious musically, relying more and more on their own songwriting while following, and at times fueling, a practice among rock bands during the mid-1960s that emphasized innovation and experimentation. If Their Satanic Majesties Request represents the culmination of these early years of stylistic development, Beggars Banquet of 1968 marks the beginning of what would become the band’s most productive years, as the Stones balance the musical ambition and accomplishment of their previous music with a return to blues, country, and rhythm and blues influences, producing a series of albums and singles that have come to define – for fans and critics alike – the classic Stones sound. The first dozen years of the band’s history can thus be divided into two arcs of stylistic development: the period from 1963 to 1967, which is driven by increasing musical and artistic ambition; and the period from 1968 to 1974, which is characterized by striking a distinctive balance between musical ambition and stylistic tradition.2

Students of the Blues and Early Singles, 1962–63

What would become some of the most internationally celebrated music in rock history, performed in stadiums and arenas around the world, started from a desire to recreate American blues in a few small London clubs in the early 1960s. The Beatles spent their early years performing in Liverpool and Hamburg, often playing long hours and performing sets filled with their versions of American hits.3 The Stones, by contrast, developed their musical skills in the London blues revival scene of the early 1960s, far from the center of UK pop and mostly off the commercial radar. Since the mid-1940s, there had been a significant British interest in markedly American styles such as jazz, folk, and blues. By the late 1950s, the “trad” jazz scene had developed in the UK, led by performers such as Acker Bilk, Kenny Ball, and Chris Barber – the “three Bs.”4 Grounded more in Dixieland jazz than in the American bebop of the time, these British musicians were often dedicated students of American recordings. In the second half of the 1950s, a skiffle craze hit the UK, led by guitarist/vocalist Lonnie Donegan, whose “Rock Island Line” added a big beat to an American folk classic and became a hit not only in the UK but also in the USA. Like many other British musicians interested in American music, Donegan developed into an expert on American folk, reportedly scouring every possible source for information and recordings, including the library in the American Embassy in London.5 British enthusiasm for the blues on the London scene was led by guitarist Alexis Korner and harmonica player Cyril Davies.6 Their band, Blues Incorporated, began playing Sunday nights at the Ealing Club in March 1962 and in May took over Thursdays at the Marquee Club.7 Both Korner and Davies were at least ten years older than most of the young musicians they would influence, including not only Jagger, Richards, Jones, and Watts, but also Jack Bruce, Eric Clapton, Ginger Baker, Paul Jones, Eric Burdon, John Mayall, and Jimmy Page.8 The musical approach of Blues Incorporated is accurately represented on the band’s R & B at the Marquee album, recorded in June 1962 and released in November.9 This recording features a mix of originals with versions of blues classics based on recordings by Muddy Waters, Howlin’ Wolf, and Lead Belly. Blues Incorporated plays faithfully in the late 1950s American electric blues style without being slavish imitators, turning in a series of convincing performances that might easily be mistaken for authentic Chicago blues tracks.10

The Rolling Stones began, at least as far as Brian Jones was concerned, as a band very much in the mold of Blues Incorporated.11 The band’s first gig was at the Marquee, filling in for Blues Incorporated on the bill also featuring a band quickly formed by singer Long John Baldry.12 Bassist Bill Wyman joined the Stones in December 1962, with Charlie Watts (who had played drums with Blues Incorporated but quit to return to school) joining in January 1963. In February the Stones began their residency at the Crawdaddy Club, initially managed by Giorgio Gomelsky. In April, just two months into those gigs, a young Andrew Loog Oldham heard the band for the first time at the Crawdaddy, and by May he and senior partner Eric Easton had signed the Stones to both a management deal and a recording contract with Decca.13 The Rolling Stones’ first single, a version of Chuck Berry’s “Come On” (Chess Records, 1961) was released in the UK in June 1963 – less than a year after the band had played their first gig at the Marquee. That début single, which rose only as high as No. 38 in the UK, featured a version of Willie Dixon’s “I Want to Be Loved” on the B side – a song that had been recorded by Muddy Waters (Chess, 1955). The two sides of this first single clearly announce who the Stones will be over the next few years: a band pursuing pop appeal while also retaining a strong blues sensibility.

The path to the Stones’ second single perhaps reveals more about their aspirations for commercial success than about their blues roots. In July 1963, the band recorded Jerry Leiber and Mike Stoller’s “Poison Ivy” (originally released by the Coasters on Atlantic Records in 1959), which was to be issued as the follow-up to “Come On” in August.14 But Oldham felt the track was not strong enough; he withdrew plans for its release and drafted Lennon and McCartney to write “I Wanna Be Your Man” for the Stones. Released in November 1963, this second single rose to a promising No. 12 in the UK, establishing the Stones as rising stars on the British pop scene. The Beatles also released a version of this song on With the Beatles, with Ringo singing lead. The contrast between the blues-driven, rootsy intensity of the Stones version and the commercial polish of the Beatles track provides a succinct measure of the stylistic distance between these two groups. The record also provides, on its B side “Stoned,” an early instance of the band recording its own original material. This mostly instrumental track is based loosely on “Green Onions,” a 1962 hit for Booker T. and the MGs. The Stones, however, credit songwriting to Nanker Phelge – a pen name given to songs “written” by all of the band members.15 Subsequent early Stones releases would include additional Nanker Phelge songs, which were often based on specific tracks written by others.

Singles and Albums, 1964–65

In January 1964 the Rolling Stones had their first success on the top of the charts: The EP The Rolling Stones (containing four tracks, including the previously withdrawn “Poison Ivy”) topped the UK charts. This was followed by the British release in February of “Not Fade Away,” a Buddy Holly/Norman Petty song from 1957. The B side was “Little by Little,” another Nanker Phelge song, this time based on Jimmy Reed’s “Shame, Shame, Shame” (Vee-Jay Records, 1963). This third single went to No. 3 in the UK, and when released in the USA in March with “I Wanna Be Your Man” as the B side, rose to No. 48 – the Stones’ first chart appearance in the States.16 Aside from the songs attributed to Nanker Phelge – which, as already noted, were not particularly original – the first three singles and first EP featured no songs written by Jagger and Richards. Table 1.1 lists the Rolling Stones’ singles from 1963 to 1965. Note that it is with the fourth single (not counting the aborted release of “Poison Ivy”) that a Jagger/Richards song, “Good Times, Bad Times,” is included, though as a B side. “Tell Me” marks the first Jagger/Richards song to appear as the A side of a single, though it was released in this way only in the USA. After this, with only one exception, the remainder of the singles listed in Table 1.1 feature at least one, and sometimes two, songs written by Jagger and Richards. Note also that in the fall of 1964 the band released “Time Is on My Side” in the USA (going to No. 6), but released “Little Red Rooster” in the UK. “Rooster” had been released by Howlin’ Wolf on Chess in 1961, and the release of this slow blues number as a pop single was a risky move – though it paid off with a No. 1 hit. It seems likely that with the clear pop emphasis of the previous singles, the band was eager to reestablish its blues-revival bona fides with “Rooster,” especially at home in the UK.17 Table 1.1 provides a good picture of how, over the period 1963–65, the Stones moved from versions of songs previously recorded by others to Jagger/Richards originals.

Table 1.1 Rolling Stones singles, 1963–65

“Come On” (Chuck Berry) b/w “I Want to Be Loved” (Muddy Waters), June 1963, uk21, UK only
“Poison Ivy” (Coasters) b/w “Fortune Teller” (Benny Spellman), withdrawn
“I Wanna Be Your Man” (Lennon/McCartney) b/w “Stoned” (Booker T. and the MGs/Nanker Phelge), November 1963, uk12, US release did not chart
“Not Fade Away” (Buddy Holly) b/w “Little by Little” (Jimmy Reed/Nanker Phelge), February 1964, uk3; US release b/w “I Wanna Be Your Man,” March 1964, us48
“It’s All Over Now” (Valentinos) b/w “Good Times, Bad Times” (Jagger/Richards), June (uk1), August (us26) 1964
“Tell Me” (Jagger/Richards) b/w “I Just Want To Make Love To You” (Muddy Waters), June 1964, us24, US only
“Time Is on My Side” (Irma Thomas) b/w “Congratulations” (Jagger/Richards), September 1964, us6, US only
“Little Red Rooster” (Howlin’ Wolf) b/w “Off the Hook” (Willie Dixon/Nanker Phelge), November 1964, uk1, UK only
“Heart of Stone” b/w “What a Shame” (both Jagger/Richards), December 1964, us19, US only
“The Last Time” b/w “Play with Fire” (both Jagger/Richards), February (uk1), March (us9) 1965
“(I Can’t Get No) Satisfaction” (Jagger/Richards), b/w “The Under Assistant West Coast Promotion Man” (Nanker Phelge); UK release b/w “The Spider and the Fly” (Jagger/Richards), May (us1), August (uk1) 1965
“Get Off Of My Cloud” b/w “I’m Free,” September 1965, us1; UK release b/w “The Singer, Not The Song” (all Jagger/Richards), October 1965, uk1
“As Tears Go By” b/w “Gotta Get Away” (both Jagger/Richards), December 1965, us6, US only

Note: Chart numbers refer to A side of each single release (first-listed song). Names in parentheses indicate original artist recording that song, except in the case of “Jagger/Richards,” which indicate the songwriters. Parentheses marked “Nanker Phelge” also include the original recording artist who provided a model for that song.

The absence of Jagger/Richards songs in the first batch of singles, as well as on the first EP, might suggest that Jagger and Richards were either not writing much or were unwilling to release what they may have been writing.18 As can be seen in Table 1.2, however, Jagger and Richards were indeed writing during this period, though these songs were released by other artists, two as early as January 1964. Among these songs, the most interesting is Marianne Faithfull’s recording of “As Tears Go By,” which (as seen in Table 1.1) the Stones released in their own version in late 1965. The use of chamber strings in the Stones version seems to be influenced by the Beatles’ “Yesterday,” but the philosophical quality of the song’s lyrics actually predates McCartney’s “Yesterday” lyrics by a year. Still, the character of these Jagger/Richards songs recorded by others suggests that the Stones believed that material to be too pop-oriented for the band. And the timing of those first songs, released in early 1964, suggests that the October 1963 meeting with Lennon and McCartney that produced “I Wanna Be Your Man” helped prod Jagger and Richards into writing their own music.19

Table 1.2 Early Jagger/Richards songs

“That Girl Belongs to Yesterday,” Gene Pitney, January 1964 (uk7, us49)
“Will You Be My Lover Tonight,” George Bean, January 1964
“Each and Every Day,” Bobby Jameson, February 1964 (B side)
“Shang a Doo Lang,” Adrienne Posta, March 1964
   “Tell Me,” the Rolling Stones, June 1964 (us24) (April 1964 LP)
    “Good Times, Bad Times,” the Rolling Stones, June 1964 (B side, “It’s All Over Now”)
“As Tears Go By,” Marianne Faithfull, June 1964 (uk9, us22) (later released in Stones version)
“So Much in Love,” the Mighty Avengers, August 1964
    “Congratulations,” the Rolling Stones, September 1964 (B side, “Time Is on My Side”)
    “Grown Up Wrong,” the Rolling Stones, September 1964 (not a single, album track, 12 × 5)
“Blue Turns to Grey,” the Mighty Avengers, February 1965 (later released in Stones version)

Note: Indented singles are Rolling Stones releases.

As Table 1.1 suggests, the differences in UK and US releases can make the chronological organization of the Stones’ singles difficult – or at least complicated. The problem is even more pronounced when it comes to the Stones’ albums, at least up to Their Satanic Majesties Request of December 1967. Albums with the same name, for instance, will contain a different collection of songs, while albums (or EPs) that appeared on one side of the Atlantic were never released on the other. Table 1.3 lists eight “album projects,” with each album project representing the combination of all songs that appeared on the US or UK versions of a given album. For example, the début LPs in the USA and UK together include thirteen tracks; eleven appear on both albums, while one appears on the US version only (“Not Fade Away”) and another appears on the UK version only (“Mona (I Need You Baby)”). The combination of the UK and US versions of Out of Our Heads totals eighteen tracks, with six held in common and six appearing only on one or the other. This approach to organizing the Stones’ releases has the advantage of grouping together tracks that were recorded at about the same time, allowing the development of the band’s style to be tracked from one album project to the next.20 There are some songs along the way that get left out using this general organizational scheme, but these are few. There are also albums such as December’s Children (December 1965, USA only), Big Hits (High Tides and Green Grass) (March 1966, USA; November 1966, UK), and Flowers (June 1967, USA only) that are left out of this listing; such albums are primarily compilations that introduce only a few new tracks, with these new recordings placed side by side with ones recorded much earlier and thus blurring the band’s stylistic development.21

Table 1.3 Rolling Stones album projects, 1964–68

The Rolling Stones (April 1964, uk1)/England’s Newest Hit Makers – The Rolling Stones (June 1964, us11), prod. by A. Oldham [10v 2np 1jr]
12 × 5 (November 1964, us3), prod. by A. Oldham [7v 2np 3jr]
Rolling Stones 2 (January 1965, uk1)/Now! (February 1965, us5), prod. by A. Oldham [13v 4jr]
Out of Our Heads (July 1965, us1; September 1965, uk2), prod. by A. Oldham [8v 10jr]
Aftermath (April 1966, uk1; June 1966, us2), prod. by A. Oldham [0v 15jr]
Between the Buttons (January 1967, uk3; February 1967, us2), prod. by A. Oldham [0v 14jr]*
Their Satanic Majesties Request (December 1967, us2, uk3), prod. by the Rolling Stones [0v 9jr + 1Wyman]
Beggars Banquet (December 1968, uk5, us3), prod. by J. Miller [1v 9jr]

Note: UK release date is listed first, with US release listed second.

v = version of a song previously recorded by another artist.

np = song attributed to Nanker Phelge.

jr = song written by Mick Jagger and Keith Richards.

* According to Bill Wyman, the first album to be conceived as an album and not simply as a collection of singles.

In addition to identifying the eight Stones album projects from 1964 to 1968, Table 1.3 provides the number of songs written by Nanker Phelge and Jagger/Richards on each of these. Note that the first four album projects are dominated by Stones versions of music written by others.22 The first album project contains ten versions, two Nanker Phelge tracks (based, as noted above, on the music of others but not versions, strictly speaking), and one Jagger/Richards song. While the number of Jagger/Richards songs increases with each subsequent album project, the fourth, Out of Our Heads, still contains eight versions of songs previously recorded by others. A dramatic and important change occurs with the fifth album project, Aftermath, which contains Jagger/Richards songs exclusively – a feature continued in the sixth album project, Between the Buttons. Their Satanic Majesties Request includes one song by Bill Wyman but is otherwise all Jagger and Richards. Beggars Banquet settles into what will become the model for the Stones – one version among otherwise exclusively Jagger/Richards material. Viewed against the rest of the Stones recordings through the years, the first four albums stand out for their dependence on the music of others.

Table 1.4 lists the original artists who previously recorded the songs appearing on the first four album projects. These album versions provide us with a general sense of the music the Stones seem to have enjoyed most during these years and the names listed are almost entirely those of American rhythm and blues artists.23 Two of the hit singles from 1965 (see Table 1.1), while credited to Jagger and Richards, also reinforce this strong American R&B influence. “The Last Time” is heavily indebted to the Staple Singers’ 1954 single “This May Be the Last Time,” while “(I Can’t Get No) Satisfaction” draws on Martha and the Vandellas’ “Nowhere to Run,” released in early 1965.24 With these songs, the Nanker-Phelge practice of adapting the music of others seeps from B sides and album tracks into Jagger and Richards A sides, and suggests that the many versions that appear on Stones albums and singles through 1965 played an important role in the band’s stylistic development. The complete turn away from versions that first occurs in 1966 with Aftermath thus marks an important shift that divides the 1963–67 period roughly into two parts: 1963–65 and 1966–67.

Table 1.4 Versions on the first four album projects (original artists)

The Rolling Stones/England’s Newest Hit Makers – The Rolling Stones (April/June 1964) [10v 2np 1jr]
Buddy Holly, Chuck Berry, Muddy Waters, Jimmy Reed, Bo Diddley, Slim Harpo, Marvin Gaye, Solomon Burke, Rufus Thomas
12 × 5 (November 1964) [7v 2np 3jr]
Chuck Berry, Little Walter, Irma Thomas, the Drifters, Solomon Burke, Dale Hawkins
Rolling Stones 2/Now! (January/February 1965) [13v 4jr]
Solomon Burke, Alvin Robinson, Chuck Berry, Otis Redding, Bo Diddley, Howlin’ Wolf, Irma Thomas, Barbara Lynn Ozen*, the Drifters, Muddy Waters
Out of Our Heads (September/July 1965) [8v 10jr]
Don Covay, Marvin Gaye, Otis Redding, Sam Cooke, Solomon Burke, Larry Williams, Chuck Berry, Barbara Lynn Ozen*

* The Stones’ version of Barbara Lynn Ozen’s “Oh Baby (We Got a Good Thing Going)” appeared on Now! in the USA and on Out of Our Heads in the UK.

Singles and Albums, 1966–67

The practice of abandoning versions of songs recorded by others that marks Aftermath and the album projects that follow can also be seen clearly in the singles released by the Stones in 1966–67 (see Table 1.5); all but one of the songs appearing on these releases is written by Jagger and Richards, and that one song not credited to Jagger and Richards was written by Bill Wyman. These singles mostly rose into at least the top ten in the USA and UK, though the second half of 1967 finds the band struggling somewhat in the US charts due to the relatively poor showing of “We Love You” (No. 50) and “She’s a Rainbow” (No. 25), while Wyman’s “In Another Land” (No. 87) barely made a dent. The three Stones album projects during the same period, however, were strong commercial successes (see Table 1.3). The summer of 1967 was marked by legal and business problems for the band. At various points Jagger, Richards, and Jones all faced drug charges, while simultaneously the band’s relationship with manager and producer Oldham was deteriorating. While some critics believe these events took a heavy toll on the band’s music, at the very least they were a distraction that might partly explain the temporary dip in the group’s success.25

Table 1.5 Rolling Stones singles, 1966–67

“19th Nervous Breakdown” (us2, uk1) b/w “Sad Day”; UK release b/w “As Tears Go By,” February 1966
“Paint It, Black” (us1, uk1) b/w “Stupid Girl”; UK release b/w “Long Long While,” May 1966
“Mother’s Little Helper” (us8) b/w “Lady Jane” (us24), July 1966, US only
“Have You Seen Your Mother Baby” (us9, uk5) b/w “Who’s Driving Your Plane?,” September 1966
“Let’s Spend the Night Together” (us55, uk3) b/w “Ruby Tuesday” (us1), January 1967
“We Love You” (uk8, us50) b/w “Dandelion,” August 1967 (UK), September 1967 (US)
“In Another Land” (Wyman, us87) b/w “The Lantern,” December 1967, US only
“She’s a Rainbow” (us25) b/w “2000 Light Years From Home,” December 1967, US only

Note: Chart numbers refer to song they immediately follow.

All songs written by Jagger and Richards except where noted.

In my chapter focused on Beggars Banquet, I detail the band’s increased musical ambition in the period from about 1965 to the release of Their Satanic Majesties Request in late 1967. During these years we find the Stones employing novel instrumentation (sitar, dulcimer, Mellotron, and more) and moving away from the two guitars, bass, drums, and vocals combo approach characteristic of the music from the 1963–64 period. They blend aspects of classical music into their style, by both the use of instruments associated with it (harpsichord, strings) and employment of harmonic and melodic materials that reference classical practice (“Ruby Tuesday,” “She’s a Rainbow”). The lyrics are at times philosophical and often contain evocative imagery. During the same time, it must be noted, the band also produced driving rock tracks such as “19th Nervous Breakdown,” “Mother’s Little Helper,” and “Let’s Spend the Night Together.” Thus, the overall arc from 1963 is first marked by a decisive shift towards Jagger/Richards songs, and then by a tendency to explore a variety of styles and instrumental combinations. Their Satanic Majesties Request is a point of arrival that prepares the way for Beggars Banquet and the Stones music that follows.

Singles and Albums, 1968–74

The Stones’ move towards increasingly ambitious approaches to their music leading to 1967 was not unusual in rock music of the mid-1960s. The Beatles’ album releases of 1967, Sgt. Pepper’s Lonely Hearts Club Band and Magical Mystery Tour, combined with the singles “Penny Lane” and “Strawberry Fields,” marked a high point of musical ambition for them, as had the Beach Boys’ Pet Sounds and “Good Vibrations” of 1966.26 At about this same time, significant changes were afoot in the music business, especially in the United States. The emergence of psychedelic culture into American mainstream culture during 1967’s Summer of Love brought with it an emphasis on albums rather than singles: Singles would come to be the format for AM radio – devoted to hit records in much the same way pop radio had been earlier in the decade – while the burgeoning FM band, freer in approach and at least initially less driven by advertising, would be the home for album tracks. FM radio and album-oriented rock became the music of college-age fans; pop singles on the AM band were targeted at teens and pre-teens. This change in the American music business impacted the Rolling Stones, who began to think more in terms of albums than singles.27

Table 1.6 provides a listing of Stones singles from the 1968–74 period, while Table 1.7 lists the albums from the same years. A comparison with Tables 1.1, 1.3, and 1.5 above reveals how the pace of these later releases slowed during the late 1960s and into the 1970s. In the 1963–67 period, for instance, the band released three or four singles a year and usually two albums (not counting compilation albums). Table 1.6 shows that this rate slowed to about two releases a year for singles, and Table 1.7 lists roughly one album per year (with no album released in 1970). This pattern conforms to a general practice among other bands during the same period, as groups took longer to record albums. It is also worth noting that for these years there is no need to invoke the album project scheme to organize the album content, since UK and US albums were identical in terms of tracks included, perhaps owing to this new focus on the album as a whole. Table 1.6 also indicates that Stones singles in the first half of the 1970s were all tracks contained on the albums released during the same general period, another indicator that singles were no longer the band’s primary focus.

Table 1.6 Rolling Stones singles, 1968–74

“Jumpin’ Jack Flash”* (uk1, us3) b/w “Child of the Moon,”* May 1968 (UK), June 1968 (US)
“Street Fighting Man” (us48) b/w “No Expectations,” August 1968, US only
“Street Fighting Man”*/“Surprise, Surprise,”* July 1971 (uk21) (released earlier in US)
“Honky Tonk Women* (uk1, us1) b/w “You Can’t Always Get What You Want,” July 1969
“Brown Sugar” (us 1, uk2) b/w “Bitch,” May 1971; UK release b/w “Bitch” and “Let It Rock”* (Chuck Berry), April 1971
“Wild Horses” (us28) b/w “Sway,” June 1971, US only
“Tumbling Dice” (us7, uk5) b/w “Sweet Black Angel,” April 1972
“Happy” (us22) b/w “All Down the Line,” July 1972, US only
“Angie” (us1, uk5) b/w “Silver Train,” August 1973
“Doo Doo Doo Doo Doo (Heartbreaker)” (us15) b/w “Dancing with Mr. D,” December 1973
“It’s Only Rock ’n Roll” (us16, uk10) b/w “Through the Lonely Nights,”* July 1974

Note: Chart numbers refer to song they immediately follow.

All songs written by Jagger/Richards except where noted.

* Indicates track that did not appear on studio album at approximate time of release.

Table 1.7 Rolling Stones albums, 1968–74

Beggars Banquet, December 1968 (us5, uk3), prod. by J. Miller [1v 9jr]
   Robert Wilkins, “Prodigal Son”
Let It Bleed, November 1969 (us3), December 1969 (uk1), prod. by J. Miller [1v 8jr]
   Robert Johnson, “Love in Vain
Sticky Fingers, April 1971 (us1, uk1), prod. by J. Miller [1v 9jr*]
   Fred McDowell, “You Gotta Move
Exile on Main Street, May 1972 (us1, uk1), prod. by J. Miller [2v 16jr]
   Slim Harpo, “Shake Your Hips,” and Robert Johnson, “Stop Breaking Down”
Goats Head Soup, August 1973 (us1, uk1), prod. by J. Miller [0v 10jr]
It’s Only Rock ’n Roll, October 1974 (us1, uk2), prod. by the Glimmer Twins (Jagger/Richards) [1v 9jr]
   The Temptations, “Ain’t Too Proud to Beg

* Marianne Faithfull is credited along with Jagger and Richards on “Sister Morphine.”

Mick Taylor is credited along with Jagger and Richards on “Ventilator Blues.”

Versions found on each album are listed, providing recording artist and song title.

As noted in the discussion of the Stones’ album projects during the 1964–68 period (and shown in Table 1.3), Beggars Banquet contains one version of a song previously recorded by another artist, Robert Wilkins’ “Prodigal Son.” Table 1.7 extends the listing of Stones albums to 1974. Note that each album contains one version with the remaining tracks being Jagger/Richards songs (except where indicated). The exceptions are Exile on Main Street, a double album that includes two versions, and Goats Head Soup, which includes none. The songs the band rework clearly gravitate toward the American rhythm and blues tradition (the songs and artists are listed in Table 1.7). While the first four album projects had included significantly more versions than these later albums, the relatively consistent practice found on these releases beginning in 1968 shows a significant return to roots for the band, especially considering the absence of such versions on the 1966–67 albums. A comparison between Tables 1.3 and 1.7 also reveals that the albums from the 1964–67 period were almost all produced by Oldham, while those from the 1968–74 period were mostly produced by Jimmy Miller.28 The exceptions come at the end of each period, as Their Satanic Majesties Request is recorded during the break-up with Oldham (production credit is given to the band and Oldham’s name is excluded), and It’s Only Rock ’n Roll is produced by Jagger and Richards. And while production during the period up through 1967 was marked by increasing experimentation, often fueled by Jones’ introduction of instruments new to the band’s sound and novel in a pop and rock context, Miller’s productions more often exploited the virtuosic playing of Taylor, as well as that of other musicians such as saxophonist Bobby Keys.29

As mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, the Stones albums from the 1968–74 period strike a balance between the version-heavy releases of 1963–64, the musical ambition of 1965–67, and a return to a distinctive directness of expression that reaffirms their roots in rock and roll, rhythm and blues, and country music. Indeed, each of the six albums from Beggars Banquet to It’s Only Rock ’n Roll includes a relatively broad stylistic range of material, from acoustic ballads to blues-based rockers, from ambitious tracks that employ aspects of classical or psychedelia to those that highlight instrumental virtuosity, and from tracks that display a folk influence to those that engage the gospel tradition. It is also worth noting that while the Beatles began to come into their own, each as solo artists, during The White Album (1968), at about the same time the Stones developed a band sound that broke free of the influence of the Beatles, and ironically right after the most seemingly imitative album (Majesties).30 Other chapters in this collection delve into these Stones albums in more detail; it is nevertheless worth emphasizing here how significant this series of albums from the 1968–74 period are in securing the Stones’ prominent place in the history of rock music. They are a logical point of stylistic arrival considering the music from 1963–67 that preceded them. And they are the musical points of reference for all of the band’s music that followed.

2 Guitar Slingers and Hired Guns: The Musicians of the Rolling Stones

Bill Janovitz

Fifty-seven years together is a remarkable achievement for any combination of humans – in marriage; siblings; a company; not least an artistic collaboration with a core of three men, together from the fresh optimism of their twenties to the deep-lined wisdom of their seventies. It is only natural to divide such an eon into more manageable eras and chapters in order to discuss the results of such a collective. This is the organization I adopted in my most recent book about the Rolling Stones, Rocks Off: 50 Tracks that Tell the Story of the Rolling Stones (New York, 2013), in which discussions of the songs are grouped into three large sections corresponding to the band’s three guitar players who served as Keith Richards’ counterpoints over the band’s history: Brian Jones, Mick Taylor, and finally, Ron Wood. Each of these guitarists had a significant impact on the sound of the Stones, and most longtime fans view the history of the group as divided along these lines. Though there have been many other people contributing to over a half-century of Stones recordings and tours, I will be concentrating here on the musicians who made indelible impacts on Stones records, especially those who were with the band for multiple years and albums.

Guitar Slinger One: Brian Jones

For many of the original Stones fans, nothing beats the Brian Jones years, and a number who hold this opinion stopped paying attention to the band around the time of the 1969 Hyde Park Concert, which served as the coming-out party for the twenty-year-old Taylor. This type of fan values the blues purism of the early Stones and their rock and roll roots in Chuck Berry the most, while other fans of this period emphasize the sonic textures and diverse musical styles that the multi-instrumentalist Jones brought to the records of the mid-sixties. In the early days of the band, Richards and Jones spent hours trying to discern the various parts played by the musicians in their pooled record collection, but what really excited them was the overall sound of the music, the effect of the whole (ensembles and vocalists) that was greater than the sum of the individual parts. This is the direction that the Stones themselves followed on their own earliest recordings. The twin guitars of Richards and Jones are intertwined and almost indistinguishable from each other on 1964–66 albums like The Rolling Stones (UK, 1964), England’s Newest Hit Makers (USA, 1964), 12 × 5 (1964), Out of Our Heads (separate UK and US versions, both 1965), and December’s Children (1965). Their producer for these records was the inexperienced Andrew Loog Oldham, who was deeply under the influence of his mentor, Phil Spector. The Stones began to achieve more clarity in their recordings at Chess Studios in Chicago and RCA Studios in Hollywood, though Oldham’s production tastes leaned towards large amounts of reverb. So the Stones’ records of this period are generally awash in echo, and tend to have a dark and murky wall of sound, while Jagger’s vocals struggle to climb above it all to be heard.

The listening experience, however, is exhilarating. A prime example of the Jones and Richards guitar interplay can be heard on the original up-tempo blues, “Little by Little.” We know Richards is playing the brighter of the two electric guitars, because it is the one that slips into a solo at the beseeching of Jagger, who yells, “All right, Keith, come on!” During this solo, we can more clearly discern that Jones is playing the roots of the chords and some fine blues riffs. It is as if the two divide up the frequency range of the electric guitar, with Jones taking the low notes and Richards taking the high strings, instead of more clearly delineated rhythm and lead guitar parts.

The Stones, alongside the Beatles, set the template for the two-electric-guitar model for rock and roll bands. For most prior combos, a guitar was backed by drums, a bass, and maybe a piano. Or if there were two guitars, one was generally an acoustic strumming the rhythm with a lead player on electric (or in country and western, electric lap steel or pedal steel). A classic example would be the early Elvis Presley band with Scotty Moore playing single-note lines on his electric while Elvis strummed an acoustic. And with the Beatles, it was George Harrison who usually played the solos and riffs, while John Lennon was busying himself with strumming and singing. The Stones, though, were all about two guitarists playing interlocking rhythms and riffs, what Richards would later often refer to as “the ancient form of weaving.” It was a dynamic that he felt went missing for much of the Mick Taylor era, at least in live performances.1 But it clicked back into place in full force with Ron Wood joining the band.

Another early recording at Regent Sound Studios was the Stones’ version of Slim Harpo’s “I’m A King Bee,” which offers a more delineated rhythm/lead guitar split. Here is Richards strumming an acoustic bed over the sturdy laid-back groove set down by Charlie Watts and Bill Wyman, who slides his note up to replicate the buzz of a bee. Jones breaks out of his low-note riffing with a bottleneck slide, stinging us with his high notes. With one fewer electric guitar competing for space and a relatively slower song, the track is one of the crisper mixes from the band’s early period: the drums cut through, the acoustic guitar is clear, and the vocal is heard up front and present. The bass and Jones’ riffs weave around each other in the same frequency range.

A more plaintive version of his slide guitar work is on “No Expectations,” from Beggars Banquet (1968), in which Jones offers a mournful, bottleneck part on an acoustic guitar. While Jagger’s vocal is sublimely doleful and heavy with emotion, Jones does more than merely underscore the melancholy; his opening guitar lines set the tone of the song more than words themselves could. Though Richards described Jones’ minimal contributions to Let It Bleed (1969) – a percussion part on “Midnight Rambler” and autoharp on “You Got the Silver” – as “a last flare from the shipwreck,” it is really this single slide part that was Jones’ last cry.2

These two trademark slide guitar parts are bookends to a rich palette of colors that Jones brought to the Stones’ recordings of the 1960s. He was easily bored, did not write music for the band, and did not sing. On each successive record, Richards increasingly overdubbed multiple guitar parts while Jones explored different instruments. His sense of wonder was piqued when the band was let loose at the RCA Studios in Hollywood, with huge rooms full of exotic instruments, leading to his playing sitar on “Paint It, Black,” dulcimer on “Lady Jane” and “I Am Waiting,” marimba on “Under My Thumb,” and harpsichord and koto on “Ride on Baby.”3 Though he has no songwriting credits on Aftermath (1966), it’s as much a Brian Jones record as one by Jagger/Richards.

Jones’ spirit of experimentation mirrored what was occurring across town at Abbey Road Studios on Beatles recordings. We must also point to such indelible parts as his woody recorder on “Ruby Tuesday,” use of organ on “Let’s Spend the Night Together,” and of Mellotron (a keyboard that plays tape loops, like an early analog sampler) on “2000 Light Years From Home” and “She’s a Rainbow.” Of course, this experimentation went hand in hand with drug use, and, like many of his colleagues, Jones slid from experimentation to drug abuse, falling into a downward spiral of paranoia and self-medication. He was officially fired in 1969 while the Stones were hard at work on Let It Bleed, and in a matter of days was found dead, his drug-addled body drowned in the swimming pool of his home.

Guitar Slinger Two: Mick Taylor

With most of Let It Bleed completed, the band searched for a suitable replacement. On the recommendation of the Bluesbreakers’ bandleader, John Mayall, the Stones invited twenty-year-old Mick Taylor down for a session. The first track he played on was “Live With Me,” on which he traded licks with Richards in real time at Olympic Studios during the actual tracking. Taylor said that he and Richards clicked immediately on the session, and according to Taylor, they would alternate playing rhythm and lead, but live there was more lead playing, which was given to Taylor.

Thus, the Stones’ sound was changed the instant Taylor was introduced to the band. Richards had played a few concise solos on the late 1960s sessions. One thinks of the memorable cutting solo on “Sympathy for the Devil” and the slowhand blues solo on “Gimme Shelter.” Taylor was already known among guitar fans as a virtuoso blues soloist of the B.B. King, Freddie King, Eric Clapton, and Jeff Beck lineage. The first time the public heard Taylor on a Stones recording, though, was the twangy country bends that introduce the chorus of the “Honky Tonk Women” single. The solo on that track is trademark Richards, with an unhurried pace and economical note choice. While known as a lead player, Taylor also relished the chance to lay down rhythm parts and riffs to suit and support the songs.

It was rather in the live arena that Taylor particularly shone. A lot had changed on the road during the years the Stones had not toured, and by 1969, live sound technology had grown exponentially. Sound systems now could fill arenas with relatively decent sound, with each instrument mic’d up, amplified, and mixed along with the vocals through the large PA speaker stacks that typically flanked the stage. Touring became a big business in and of itself, not just a way to promote records. Bands were now playing “concerts” with sets an hour plus in length. The influence of drugs and musical experimentation was now being played out in live performances as well, from Jimi Hendrix’s incendiary performances at Monterey Pop Festival in 1967 (literally setting his guitar on fire) and Woodstock in 1969, to the Who’s high-volume, instrument-wrecking affairs, and the Grateful Dead’s long jamming takes on psychedelic Americana. Now, the Stones were retooled for this new terrain, with long-form jams like “Midnight Rambler” and the usual encore “Street Fighting Man,” the mini-epic “You Can’t Always Get What You Want,” and “Sympathy for the Devil,” which could be stretched out for extended guitar solos. Such songs were reinterpreted each night. On the studio recording of “Sympathy for the Devil,” for example, the only guitar is Richards’ solos. The rest is piano driven. But on the live versions, Richards would generally start a chord progression with Watts tumbling in with a drum fill, Wyman falling in behind, and Taylor playing lead lines when Jagger was not singing.

“Midnight Rambler” provides an interesting case study as a song that Richards labored over in the studio, weaving together a couple of compelling rhythm parts on his own. He perfected the slide part alone over five nights, erasing each previous take and starting anew. Taylor was already playing torrid slide guitar solos in his début performance of the song at his coming-out party, the concert in Hyde Park in the summer of 1969. On the 1969 live album, Get Yer Ya-Ya’s Out!, Richards starts the song at a faster, galloping pace. Taylor joins him in playing a similar rhythm part, but swinging a bit from the relentlessly steady Richards part. It is the sort of tack that Brian Jones might have taken. The soloing is left for Jagger on the harp over the arrangement’s chugging parts. When the song breaks down in the middle, we can hear Taylor playing tastefully reined-in blues bends, freeing himself a bit more during the crescendo build-up in the final two minutes of the song. But “Midnight Rambler” took on almost operatic proportions over the next few years, so that by 1972 (as seen in the concert film, Ladies and Gentlemen: The Rolling Stones) and 1973 (as heard on the Brussels Affair live album) the song reached lengths of ten to fifteen minutes. As experienced via those recordings, the guitar interplay epitomizes the particular strength of the Richards-Taylor tandem when it was working on all cylinders. Richards launches into some of his Chuck Berry-inspired two-note solos, while Taylor eases back and forth from bluesy single-note hammerings, picked flurries, and bends, into variations of the rhythm parts.

The sustained level of excellence from Sticky Fingers (1971) through Exile on Main Street (1972) offers myriad examples of why the Mick Taylor era is so highly regarded. We get early glimpses of Taylor’s versatility on Sticky Fingers, where at the end of “Can’t You Hear Me Knocking” he evokes Carlos Santana with a serendipitously recorded, impromptu, Latin-tinged jam as a coda. We also hear Taylor’s poignant slide and electric riffs interacting with Jagger’s gentle acoustic licks on “Moonlight Mile,” one of the Stones’ most sublimely beautiful ballads. It is a song without a Richards guitar track; Jagger and Taylor handled all the guitar work at the session for the song. As the recording reaches its conclusion, we hear Taylor playing an ascending and descending pentatonic figure that gets picked up and elaborated upon by the string arranger on the recording, Paul Buckminster. It has been argued that Taylor should have received some writing credit for his contributions. What constitutes songwriting as opposed to arranging is a controversial topic among collaborative bands and it was seemingly a sore point for Mick Taylor, an official member of the band. It is easier for session players to accept that their contributions to a song’s arrangement, as hired guns, will not receive songwriting credit. For example, Nicky Hopkins was an almost constant presence on Stones recordings and live performances from 1966 through 1974. His contribution in arranging “Sympathy for the Devil,” transforming it from an ambling folk song into a raging samba, is accurately documented in Jean-Luc Godard’s film One Plus One (later retitled Sympathy for the Devil). In the end, all guitars except Richards’ lacerating solo are stripped away and the song is propelled by Hopkins’ piano and the rhythm section. But Jagger had the chord progressions and seemingly much of the lyric content written before they started. What we witness in the film is how significantly an arrangement can affect the end result of a song. In this case, the final product is about 180 degrees different from how it was originally presented to the group. The case can be made that such substantial arranging warrants writing credit, and over the years Bill Wyman, Mick Taylor, and Brian Jones could have laid claim to such credit, but very few songwriters would agree.

Taylor may actually have added more than arrangement ideas. Such contributions are difficult to extricate and measure when so much of the band’s writing came out of organic jamming. In the end, Taylor’s feelings on the subject were apparently one of the main reasons he decided to leave the Stones. “I’d seen him a few days earlier and he’d spoken excitedly about some songs he’d written with Jagger and Richards that were to appear on It’s Only Rock ’n Roll,” writes Nick Kent referring to the 1974 album. “When I told him that I’d seen the finished sleeve with the song-writing credits and that his name wasn’t featured, he went silent for a second before muttering a curt ‘We’ll see about that!’ almost under his breath. Actually, he sounded more resigned than anything else …”4

Some of Taylor’s final tracks before he left the group are among his finest recorded moments. He did not get many big, soaring opportunities on Exile on Main Street. Most of his work on that record is confined to second rhythm parts and concise solos mixed relatively low dynamically as part of the whole Exile gumbo. But he did receive a writing credit on the smoldering “Ventilator Blues,” which likely means he came up with the song’s insistent main riff, as the song sprung from one of the jams the band had in the basement of Richards’ rented Nellcôte villa on the French Riviera. We also heard Taylor spread his wings on recordings from the subsequent live tour. But on the next two records, Goats Head Soup (1973) and It’s Only Rock ’n Roll (1974), we are treated to heart-melting solos on the songs “Winter,” and “Time Waits for No One,” respectively. On the latter recording, Taylor got to stretch out for more time than was typically budgeted for on Stones studio recordings. For a band that would marinate song ideas in meandering, often directionless jams, the final products tended toward the succinct and economical, in service of the songs themselves. The first song recorded for the It’s Only Rock ’n Roll sessions, “Time Waits for No One,” is the final song on side one of the LP. “There was going to be a space for a guitar solo, it was a first take,” Taylor recalled. “I mean the backing track and the guitar solo is the first or second time we actually ran through the song, so the guitar solo was done live. It’s got a long sort of extended guitar solo at the end, which is because it was a good solo and it’s peaking. That’s how long the track goes on for.”5 The song would serve as the perfect swan song for Taylor, if the last song to actually feature him had not been the even more fitting “Till the Next Goodbye.”

Guitar Slinger Three: Ron Wood

Ron Wood had showed up in Munich to help out on the 1975 Black and Blue sessions, unaware that the Stones were holding auditions for a permanent replacement guitarist to fill the shoes of Taylor. When he arrived, he saw Eric Clapton, who was one of an impressive list of hotshots who had been called into the sessions in Munich (and other dates in Rotterdam). Names commonly associated with these sessions include Irish blues sensation Rory Gallagher, Humble Pie’s Steve Marriott (also famous as singer of the Small Faces), Peter Frampton (formerly of Humble Pie and now a rising solo artist), Muscle Shoals session guitarist Wayne Perkins, Canned Heat’s Harvey Mandel, and Jeff Beck, who claimed he was tricked into auditioning.

It seems that Beck was not the only one unaware of the audition nature of the session. Despite his ties to the Faces, Wood had showed up as if the gig were his to take if he wanted it, knowing that the Faces were floundering while their singer, Rod Stewart, was enjoying superstardom as a solo artist. “Clapton said to me in Munich, ‘I’m a much better guitarist than you,’” writes Wood. “I responded, ‘I know that, but you gotta live with these guys as well as play with them. There’s no way you can do that.’ Which is true. He could never have survived life with the Stones.”6

One of the main criticisms of Ron Wood from his detractors among Stones fans is that he is too much like Keith Richards and does not bring the musicality of Brian Jones or the virtuosity of Mick Taylor. But this misses the point. Wood has shown a significantly wide versatility, able to approximate the 1960s sounds that Jones brought to the table, the bluesy slides and bends that Taylor tracked, while offering distinctive contributions of his own, such as the unexpected pedal steel guitar parts on “Shattered” and other Some Girls songs, and the authentic American funk sounds he brought to the late-1970s Stones. In fact, prior to the Faces, Wood played bass in the Jeff Beck Group (in which Rod Stewart was the lead singer), and his funky/heavy blues-rock playing on that band’s version of “I Ain’t Superstitious” on the 1968 Truth LP was an early indication of his inventiveness. It is, in fact, the funk element that Wood brought in on his first session for Black and Blue. “Hey Negrita” was a funky riff with a reggae upstroke rhythm that he had been kicking around. “So all of us, independently and together, were into reggae, and it was also a mood of the time,” said Wood.7

Charlie Watts’ recollection about Wood confidently showing up with his own idea reveals the comfort level within the group and why he immediately fitted in.8 Watts had played in a band with Wood’s brother, Art, before the Stones. Ron Wood was more like family. When Rod Stewart left the Faces in 1975, the Stones hired Wood, though he did not become a permanent member of the band until 1976, and was not a full equal partner in the band until 1990.

Wood’s impact was felt immediately. While not on the level of Mick Taylor, he ripped out great solos, such as those heard on the 1975–76 Love You Live versions of “You Can’t Always Get What You Want,” “Sympathy for the Devil,” and “You Gotta Move.” While Wood’s strident tone and style is not as distinctive as that of Taylor, whose parts were almost always immediately identifiable, his solos have often been deeply soulful, with an effortless-sounding fluidity that belied his ability. His parts generally fit in with the band’s overall sound. But his approach was not always at the expense of pyrotechnics, as the torrid ending of his solo on the live “You Can’t Always Get What You Want” demonstrates. But the most satisfying moments in Wood’s tenure have generally been the intertwining parts he played with Richards, picking up the “ancient form of weaving” that Richards and Jones had practiced. The two in each case made no clear distinction between “lead” and “rhythm” roles. If there is an analogy, the Stones of the Wood era are more like a dinner conversation in a big family, with people talking to, over, and around each other. As with those Chess records they cherished early on, it was more about the ensemble sound.

This is what we hear perfectly on Wood’s first start-to-finish album project with the Stones, Some Girls (1978). The Stones had weathered deaths, perilous financial straits, drug addictions, and arrests, including, with Richards, a charge of trafficking for the amount of heroin he tried to smuggle into Toronto while the band was rehearsing for a tour there. And while some critics had been writing them off since 1967, by 1977 the Stones did seem musically adrift and at times directionless. Whether or not listeners consider Sticky Fingers or Exile on Main Street to be the apex of the band’s catalog, most agree that the material started to fall off in quality thereafter. Many of us who came of age during the mid-1970s feel Goats Head Soup, It’s Only Rock ’n Roll, and Black and Blue to be fine, and even underrated records. And in hindsight, even some older fellow fans have warmed up to a number of those songs. It is clear that the group continued to push itself, mainly under the guidance of Jagger, to remain artistically and commercially relevant.

Jagger, rock and roll’s Peter Pan, was not about to go gracefully into that good night, or to accept middling reviews and sales for the band’s records while some young upstarts playing punk rock, which was just a garage variation of the sort of two-guitar, attitude-heavy, back-to-basics attack that the Stones made famous. “No Elvis, Beatles, or the Rolling Stones in 1977,” sang Joe Strummer of the Clash. While Strummer no doubt felt as let down by his boyhood heroes as anyone – watching rock and roll morph into heavy and self-important “rock” made by bloated, jet-setting junkies and coke fiends – the Clash, Sex Pistols, and others merely understood marketing and the importance of distinguishing your generation’s music from the previous one’s.

But no musician has understood branding and marketing better than Mick Jagger. He embraced many of the surface elements of mid-to-late 1970s punk and so-called new wave. More significantly, he thrived on the energy of the music, and of disco and funk, as he trolled the clubs of New York, London, and Paris. When the band was gathering for rehearsals outside of Paris for the Some Girls sessions, he strapped on a Strat, plugged into a loud Mesa Boogie amp, and joined Richards and Wood in a three-guitar front line and kicked out the jams on the 1978 album. The sustained excellence of Some Girls proved the band remained a major cultural force, and could still make an album with not even so much as an ounce of fat on its lean twelve inches of vinyl.

And while Jagger kicked them into gear, Wood was a significant contributing force of new energy to the group. He found the space between rock and roll’s finest rhythm section and its most identifiable rhythm guitarist, a trio of musicians who had developed their own sense of timing and groove-making over the course of fifteen years of constantly playing together. And Wood managed this while Jagger relentlessly pounded away on his own guitar throughout an album’s worth of material, for the first time in the band’s career. “Mick was bringing songs in and wanted to play the electric guitar,” said Chris Kimsey, the engineer and co-producer of Some Girls and a few subsequent albums. “His energy is very different than that of Keith or Ronnie in playing guitar. It is more, I suppose you could say punk rock. It’s just a very animalistic, basic way of bashing out the chord sequence … which kind of fits with his energy as a person, the way he moves and sings anyway.”9

Listening to the conversation between the guitars on Some Girls is a treat. While Jagger pumps up the adrenaline, Wood and Richards hang their loosely woven guitar parts around the tense core of the fast songs. But it is on the slower numbers, such as the ballad “Beast of Burden,” that a listener can really soak in the pleasure of interlocking guitar parts. Not coincidentally, it is one of the few without Jagger on guitar. There is plenty of space left and Wood and Richards use it well, rarely strumming a steady pattern. Instead, you hear the two listening to and answering each other, neither one anticipating their time to shine in a solo moment.

Versatility, and not virtuosity, has been the calling card of Wood. He had been used to playing with another great soul-influenced rhythm section in the Faces, Kenney Jones (one of rock and roll’s least-appreciated drummers) and Ronnie Lane. And here he is bringing that looseness of the Faces to the Stones – rather than resulting in redundancy, the Stones settled into its strength as a groove machine, which is how the band has remained for thirty-plus years.

Hired Guns: Key Contributors to Rolling Stones Recordings

While the changing three guitarists – all official members of the group – resulted in easily recognizable shifts in the sound of the decidedly guitar-driven band, each of the Stones’ hired keyboardists brought relatively less obvious, but nevertheless essential, personality and color to the group’s recordings and performances. Al Kooper brought a distinct and indispensable gospel flavor on piano and organ to his one-off contribution, “You Can’t Always Get What You Want.” And former Faces keyboardist, Ian McLagan, sat in with the Stones from Some Girls (1978) through their early-1980s touring. But for the purposes of this essay, we will concentrate on the four long-term contributors on piano and organ. As with Brian Jones, Mick Taylor, and Ron Wood, the band’s keyboardists correspond respectively with the Stones’ early, middle, and late periods. Ian Stewart was a constant presence in the band until his death in 1985, due to his role as a founding member of the group and his running of its stage management, touring details, and equipment inventory. But his playing is mostly associated with the Brian Jones early years. Nicky Hopkins entered the fray as the band transitioned through their brief flirtation with psychedelia and stayed right through the most classic recordings and tours of their golden era (1968–72). Billy Preston started working with the Stones on Goats Head Soup (1973) and continued through Black and Blue (1976). And Chuck Leavell joined them for the early 1980s and has remained with them since.

Piano Pounder One: Ian Stewart

As a founding member who was jettisoned from the band, Stewart is thought of as a main character in Stones lore, as well as a pianist. His death from a heart attack in 1985 was a stunning blow to the group. Stewart was a relatively clean-living regular bloke who eschewed drugs. His meat-and-potatoes lifestyle was reflected in his straightforward playing, informed by boogie-woogie jazz and its Johnnie Johnson/Jerry Lee Lewis rock and roll variations. Though closely linked to their early days, Stewart periodically played with the band on record and in concert until his death. He chose his spots, and there is no greater example of Stewart’s strengths and limitations than the 1969 recording session in Muscle Shoals, Alabama, at the tail end of the band’s American tour. The Stones were not yet touring with Hopkins, their regular session player at that point, and Stewart would sit in on live performances of “Honky Tonk Women” and the Chuck Berry covers “Little Queenie” and “Carol” (as heard on the 1969 live album from the tour, Get Yer Ya-Ya’s Out!). The three-day session in Alabama produced “Brown Sugar,” “Wild Horses,” and “You Gotta Move.”

Stewart begged off of “Wild Horses,” later explaining, “I don’t play minor chords,” which he also mocked as “Chinese chords.” “When I’m playing on stage with the Stones and a minor chord comes along, I lift me hands in protest.”10 Jim Dickinson, who became a legendary producer but was only at this session as a young fan, got to sit at the upright tack piano (a piano with tacks punched into the hammers to produce a honky-tonk sound) and contribute to the beautiful ballad. However, the famously bawdy “Brown Sugar,” a classic R&B-based number, was right up Stewart’s alley. He is heard entering on the choruses, helping to build the arrangement. Stewart pounds in with upper-register right-hand figures on the first chorus, adding a few boogie trills before ducking back out. He re-enters on the second chorus with a steadier pattern that plays off the rhythm guitars. After Bobby Keys’ overdubbed sax solo, the band slips back into the chorus again, with Stewart coming in playing a quarter-note on the same one or two keys, using the piano as a percussion instrument, sounding almost like a cowbell. As the band starts to vamp out with the repeated final chorus and “Yeah, yeah, yeah, woo!” parts, we can hear Stewart at his best, slowly adding ascending right-hand riffs and trills. When the vocals end and the sax and guitar lock into the repeated ending riff, Stewart plays off of the figure. It is the sort of part for which Stewart had been known since the Stones’ first gigs and recordings.

Listen, for example, to the band’s take on Chuck Berry’s “Around and Around,” which served as the lead-off track to the 12 × 5 US LP and Five by Five UK EP (both 1964). It is one of the clearest and dynamically loudest examples of Stewart on the early Stones sides, cutting through the middle frequency range taken up by Richards’ and Jones’ guitars by playing in the higher registers. It is clear he was a disciple of Berry’s pianist, Johnnie Johnson, both of them masters of rhythm, sliding in and over the guitars with a mix of percussive hammering and triplets, weaving in and out like tinsel garland around a Christmas tree.

Piano Pounder Two: Nicky Hopkins

In 1966, the Stones brought in Nicky Hopkins – they had known him since the early days of the London blues scene – to start playing the kind of material that was not Stewart’s forté. The band had already gravitated away from the straight R&B-based rock and roll they had been playing, broadening their palette with the Aftermath LP (1966). Jimmy Page, who was a well-known session musician before his Yardbirds stardom, recommended Hopkins to Brian Jones, who hired Hopkins for work on the soundtrack to the film A Degree of Murder (1967).11 Hopkins first appeared on a Stones album in a few of the tracks on Between the Buttons (1967). However, one of the most famous Stones piano-driven songs from that album, “Let’s Spend the Night Together,” was played by Richards and Jack Nitzsche, an LA-based arranger for Phil Spector who worked with the Stones on most of their mid-to-late 1960s records and played keyboards on a few tracks.

The boundaries of pop music were being stretched into experimental psychedelia, heavy rock, orchestral elements, English music hall traditions, satire, and more. Hopkins had already played with the Who, for example somehow managing to play a compelling piano part to cut through the raucous din of the 1965 single “Anyway, Anyhow, Anywhere.” And he would soon go on to be a member of the heavy blues Jeff Beck Group with Wood (and Rod Stewart), and San Francisco’s psychedelic Quicksilver Messenger Service. In that sense, Hopkins, who could roll with anything, was right for the Stones as they wandered off into the psychedelia of Their Satanic Majesties Request (1967). But, as with the Stones themselves, Hopkins’ main interest was American roots music like blues and country. So when the band got back to their roots, taking a step back and two steps forward with Beggars Banquet (1968), the first record of their golden period, Hopkins was their man. He plays on almost all of the tracks and Stewart is not on any, even though much of the material is blues based (there is also gospel, country, country-blues, and straight-up rock, all of the essential ingredients of the Stones sound). Piano plays a big part in the natural sound of the album, which contains one of Hopkins’ signature moments, “Sympathy for the Devil,” which is driven by his samba-like part and the highly percussive rhythm section. No guitar other than Richards’ solo remains on the finished recording.

The Sympathy for the Devil Godard film, which intersperses didactic staged pieces with filmed scenes of the Stones hard at work on the song at Olympic Studios, is extremely useful for fans. We get to see how the band worked, coming in with the germ of an idea and collaborating for hours (in this case, days) as they hashed out a final master recording. We also see the diligent Hopkins, head down in the corner of the studio, switching from organ to piano as the band ever so slowly starts to settle into the groove that culminated in the song. As Bill Wyman recounted:

All Stones stuff came from jamming in the studios. A riff or a few lyrics would be built on, sometimes for days and days, but you could always say “Ere Nicky, can you try something completely different, something much more off the wall” and he’d do it. He wasn’t bogged down in a particular way of playing like I might have been; if I couldn’t get some bass line idea out of my head then someone else, like Keith, would try, just to get a different feel, but Nicky could change totally from one style to another.12

In fact, in the film we see Wyman starting in his usual position on a stool with the bass guitar, trying along with the others to find the right arrangement. By the time Hopkins has switched to piano, Richards has taken over the bass, playing a far busier part than Wyman likely would have. As with other sidemen, Hopkins didn’t receive songwriting credit on Stones tracks, no matter how big a part he played. The song “We Love You” from Satanic Majesties, for example, was based on a riff that Hopkins had been working on for weeks, but like everything else, it is attributed to Jagger/Richards.

Relegating Stewart as a salaried employee and Hopkins as a freelance sideman (though the latter’s family maintains he was offered a full-time spot in the band) allowed the group more flexibility to vary their sound. After all, it would be difficult for a collective band to simply leave out one of its permanent members in order to hire an outside musician to play on a particular track. By contracting a side or session musician, a group can instantly add a dimension not being fulfilled by one of the main players. But with the unpredictability of the Stones’ schedule, coupled with a lack of songwriting royalties or even a place on the permanent payroll, Hopkins had to look in other places to help pay the bills, and he continued to get pulled into other sessions, including a steady spot with Quicksilver Messenger Service, as well as sessions for Jefferson Airplane and the Steve Miller Band. Hopkins’ work is all over the Stones’ next masterpiece, Let It Bleed (1969), but was absent for “You Can’t Always Get What You Want,” and his piano/organ spot was occupied with aplomb by Al Kooper, who just happened to be in London for a vacation. Hopkins was also unavailable for the 1969 tour. But once Quicksilver broke up, Hopkins had more time to spare and, though he only plays on one song, “Sway,” on Sticky Fingers (1971) (which had a total of seven people playing keyboards), he was with the band on their 1971 tour and then joined them in France for the recording of much of Exile on Main Street (1972).

While many highlights of Hopkins’ tenure with the Stones can be heard on Beggars Banquet and Let It Bleed, it can be argued that his work on Exile on Main Street sets a high-water mark. Hopkins is back at the piano for most of the tracks. The first time we hear him enter is on the first pre-chorus of the lead-off track, “Rocks Off,” and right away we can tell why he is held in such great esteem. He almost builds the arrangement himself, varying each section to distinguish it from the others, not only the verse from the chorus, but each verse from the other verses, and each chorus contains its own exuberant pattern and ad-libs.

It is the sort of rock and roll number that Stewart would have generally also handled. But now Hopkins was around the Stones full time – literally, in this case, living with them on the French Riviera as they recorded in Richards’ rented basement. Stewart was in charge of the Rolling Stones Mobile Unit, a truck fitted out with a recording studio control room, and by all accounts, challenging to keep powered up and running. Given that his responsibilities included keeping the band’s equipment and instruments functioning in the extremely humid basement of the villa, Stewart was likely too busy to sit in often on piano, especially when they had Hopkins there all the time. Stewart does, however, play on three central tracks: “Shake Your Hips,” “Sweet Virginia,” and “Stop Breaking Down.” But if “Rocks Off” was right in Hopkins’ wheelhouse, then “Rip This Joint” could have been tailor-made for Stewart. Yet the barrelhouse boogie-woogie we hear on that track is Hopkins again. He tears up the track with nimble fingerwork. The torrid tempo is the fastest of any Rolling Stones track and the wall-to-wall part that Hopkins plays seems to accelerate the breathless speed of the recording.

The intensity and heat gets turned up later on during the album, on another highlight, “Ventilator Blues.” Somehow, Hopkins finds a counter-rhythm to play off the stop-and-start groove of the slide guitar and drums. “Bobby Keys wrote the rhythm part, which is the clever part of the song,” said Charlie Watts. “Bobby said, ‘Why don’t you do this?’ and I said, ‘I can’t play that,’ so Bobby stood next to me clapping the thing and I just followed his timing.”13 Hopkins keeps it funky and restrained until he lets loose at the end, peppering it with Otis Spann-inspired sprays of high notes. Spann, a member of Muddy Waters’ band, is a sensible reference point, as the menacing, claustrophobic atmosphere of the song itself was ripped from the Waters playbook.14

While Hopkins could keep pace with the most intense, the loudest, and the fastest of them, his most rewarding work tended toward the elegiac and pastoral. For pure piano goodness, one need not look any further than the creamy opening chords of Exile’s “Loving Cup.” The entire first verse is backed only by Hopkins’ piano and Richards’ acoustic guitar. While Jagger and Richards pop in with a two-part harmony to open the song, the piano remains high in the mix. In fact, the vocals are low relative to how most of us are accustomed to hearing popular music. The effect, as with all of Exile, is exhilaration as the vocals strain to be heard. Hopkins was also strongly influenced by Floyd Cramer, a Nashville legend who played his slip-note riffs (playing a chord where one quickly slides or hammers the “wrong” note into the “correct” note for a bending feel) on records in the 1950s and 1960s by everyone from Elvis Presley and the Everly Brothers to Patsy Cline and Don Gibson. Cramer’s honky-tonk fingerprints can be heard on the parts Hopkins adds to the countrified “Torn and Frayed” and even on the gospel-informed “Let It Loose.”

What makes the latter such an original Stones song, as opposed to a straight gospel homage, are the twists that the band bring to it. Instead of, say, a Hammond B-3 organ opening the song as in a traditional gospel number, Richards begins with a guitar amplified via a revolving Leslie organ speaker to achieve a sound similar to that of an organ. When Hopkins enters introducing the second verse, it is not what one would immediately associate with gospel piano playing. Instead, his is a country part, which he starts to mix together with some gospel riffs and chord suspensions. The song is exemplary of the instincts Hopkins had for slipping in and out of an arrangement and for the laid-back feel for the beat that he possessed. Listen, for example, how he drops out for the vocal breakdown at about the 2:00 mark. He enters after the third line, like wisteria weaving around a trellis, dipping behind the music and then coming out to blossom at the right spot.

Piano Pounder Three: Billy Preston
– and Bobby Keys, Jim Price, and Merry Clayton

While Hopkins was conversant in gospel piano, Billy Preston was the real deal (see Figure 2.1). He played organ with Mahalia Jackson and James Cleveland, gospel royalty, at the tender age of ten. From there, he hooked up with Little Richard’s band, eventually touring England, and meeting the Beatles in the process. Preston went on to play with Ray Charles and returned to England in 1968–69 to sit in with the Beatles on Let It Be (1970). The Beatles also signed Preston as a solo artist to their Apple label. He nurtured his successful solo career concurrent with making stellar guest appearances with other artists, such as Aretha Franklin, Bob Dylan, Delaney and Bonnie, and, of course, the Rolling Stones, as is discussed later in this chapter.

Figure 2.1 Mick Jagger with Billy Preston, Plaza Monumental, Barcelona, 1976.

Album/Francesc Fàbregas/Art Resource, NY.

Bobby Keys (saxophone) and Jim Price (trumpet) had also played in the Delaney and Bonnie & Friends band and came over to the UK at the request of George Harrison to work on his masterpiece, All Things Must Pass (1970). Keys met Jagger while in London and soon he and Price became the horn section for the Stones. Starting with the appearance of Keys on “Live With Me” (from Let It Bleed) in 1969, the horns added an indelible dimension to Sticky Fingers (1971) and Exile on Main Street (1972), as well as the tours supporting those records. The interaction between all of these musicians on the records and tours of Harrison, Joe Cocker, Eric Clapton, and the Stones was indicative of an overall back to roots movement heard in the immediate post-psychedelia late 1960s on such records as the Band’s Music from Big Pink (1968), Dylan’s John Wesley Harding (1967), the Stones’ Beggars Banquet (1968), and the BeatlesWhite Album (1968). But with added horn sections and backing singers, some rock shows were resembling the soul revue-type ensembles of Ike & Tina Turner, Stax, and Motown. Jim Price eventually left the fold, becoming a producer, but Keys remained a loyal sideman to the Stones for decades, falling out for a few years due to drug abuse, but back in the fold from the 1980s to his death in 2014. His brassy sax solos are inextricable from such songs as “Live With Me,” “Can’t You Hear Me Knocking,” and “Sweet Virginia,” and, of course, there is his signature solo in “Brown Sugar.”

The Stones had famously covered songs by soul artists such as Otis Redding, Don Covay, Sam Cooke, Marvin Gaye, and Solomon Burke, just to name a significant few. These influences crept back as the Stones entered the seventies. “Through that whole period, there wasn’t a whole lot going on in terms of saxophones and horns,” Keys told me, discussing the time period surrounding the Summer of Love. “Except for the soul thing: Stax, Otis Redding, Wilson Pickett, and that whole bunch from Memphis. I really loved that stuff. But up until then, most bands were guitar oriented, except for a few. We were hearing some of the first Stax stuff up at Leon Russell’s house. Steve Cropper and Duck Dunn had come from Memphis to Los Angeles to do some overdubs. So I heard some of that stuff before it came out. And I was thinking this is definitely the wave of the future. It has all of these wonderful horns in it. So hell, I guess I am in good shape here.”15

The brassy element of this period is essential to the gospel-soul sound of the early-1970s Rolling Stones. Indeed, it seems that Jagger was influenced to write such songs as the Otis Redding-inspired “I Got the Blues” by his time spent enjoying Redding and other Stax records with Keys in the early days of their budding friendship, and, of course, the group had covered some of Redding’s songs on their early albums. There was an overall revival of the African-American influence – specifically gospel and its secularized offspring, soul – on rock and roll. I suggested to Keys that the horns were inspiring the Stones’ songwriting itself, with songs such as “Let It Loose” and “Shine a Light.” “Right, and Billy Preston brought a lot of that influence too,” he said.

Preston’s first appearance on a Stones record was on “Can’t You Hear Me Knocking,” followed by a searing, emotional Hammond organ solo on “I Got the Blues,” both from Sticky Fingers. As great as Hopkins, Stewart, Nitzsche, and the Stones themselves were at adding piano and organ, it is hard to imagine any of them ripping out something as authentically gospel as this concise solo. Preston only makes one appearance on Exile on Main Street, on “Shine a Light,” but it is another soul-stirring performance on both piano and organ, adding percussive and sweeping fills on each instrument during the transitions for verse to chorus. The difference in the individual styles that Preston and Hopkins brought to the Stones is obvious. Preston was also the organizing force behind the backing vocalists and the arrangements for vocal ensemble.

The Stones started adding extra voices to their records in earnest with “Salt of the Earth” from Beggars Banquet, specifically with a gospel feel in mind. Despite the addition of the Los Angeles-based Watts Street Gospel Choir, it does not come off as a gospel number, per se. But one can see the beginnings of the genre’s influence on the Stones, so that for the next album, Let It Bleed, the band took another swing and ended up with the epic “You Can’t Always Get What You Want,” a song that begins as a folk-rock song but quickly becomes so full-on gospel that the group apparently felt it would be advantageous to undercut it with some irony. Instead of having the typical African-American Baptist choir, the Stones brought in the London Bach Choir:

“I’d … had this idea of having a choir, probably a gospel choir, on the track,” said Jagger, “but there wasn’t one around at that point. Jack Nitzsche, or somebody, said that we could get the London Bach Choir and we said, that will be a laugh.”16 [Richards explains the use of the choir]: “Let’s put on a straight chorus. In other words, let’s try to reach the people up there as well. It was a dare, kind of … And then, what if we got one of the best choirs in England, all these white, lovely singers, and do it that way? … It was a beautiful juxtaposition.”17

Also on Let It Bleed is the legendary star vocal turn from Merry Clayton, who gives a spine-chilling solo performance on “Gimme Shelter” – the first from a non-Rolling Stone on one of their recordings. Having written about this in detail elsewhere, suffice it to say her high-register attack, during which her voice buckles and then cracks as she soulfully pushes it even harder, is one of rock music’s greatest moments.18 It added a brand-new texture into a band which had been around for six years. On the scale of contender for greatest rock song of all time, the energy injected by Clayton’s performance tipped “Gimme Shelter” from competitor to grand champion.

As the Stones increasingly brought outside contributors to their recording sessions, they also grew more comfortable with expanding their core band into a touring ensemble that continues to characterize their live performances today, augmented by regular sidemen and women, and sharing the spotlight with guest stars. In addition to his appearances on Sticky Fingers and Exile, Preston was the mainstay keyboardist on the three albums that followed – Goats Head Soup, It’s Only Rock ’n Roll, and Black and Blue – and attendant mid-1970s tours. In fact, he was more than a mere sideman, sometimes sharing the microphone with Jagger on prominent vocal parts, and even a few turns singing one or two of his own songs.

Preston was still with the Stones in 1977, when they played the small Toronto El Mocambo Club (some of this gig is heard on Love You Live [1977]), and it was apparently there that he demonstrated the four-on-the-floor beat that formed the backbone of disco music.19 So while he is not present on the Stones’ next LP, Some Girls (1978), his influence carried through in Watts’ playing on the song “Miss You,” a smash single for the band at a crucial point.

Piano Pounder Four: Chuck Leavell

Alabama-born Chuck Leavell joined the band’s 1981 European tour on the recommendation of Stewart. Leavell had played with the Allman Brothers (that’s him with a virtuoso part on “Jessica”), among others, and grew up as a fan of both the Stones and Nicky Hopkins. “The fact is that Stu and I hit it off right away,” said Leavell.

I think he and the rest of the band liked that I am from the South. They have a deep affinity for Southern music of all kinds. From my perspective, I felt very comfortable from the first note I played with them at my audition. My attitude was, “Hey, I played all this stuff when I was a kid in my first bands back in Tuscaloosa, Alabama,” and that seemed to serve me well. I just came as myself, with no pretension and (pardon the pun) no expectations. In the end it all worked out, thank heaven.20

Leavell started appearing with the Stones on recordings during the Undercover sessions, which meant getting used to the instrument du jour of the era, the digital synthesizer. Analog synths such as those pioneered by Robert Moog in the late 1960s had been responsible for some pleasantly thick textures on albums appearing soon after and in the early 1970s, such as the Beatles’ Abbey Road, the Stones’ Satanic Majesties, and Stevie Wonder’s Music of My Mind. But the early digital versions could generate an unpleasant, thin, grating buzz: “I’m not a big fan of synth stuff,” Leavell admitted.21 Jagger in particular has always remained concerned with sounding contemporary and keeping the band current. In the 1980s that meant embracing the sonic textures of digital recording, sampled sounds, and the synthetic sounds of synthesizers. Nevertheless, the Stones always kept guitars at the forefront.

The relationship, musical and personal, between Richards and Jagger was strained for most of the 1980s, and the songwriting suffered as a result. Tattoo You (1981) was arguably the last solid Stones album, and that was put together from outtakes compiled and polished off by Jagger with engineer/producer Chris Kimsey. Undercover (1983) had some fine moments, including the blues-based “Tie You Up (The Pain of Love)” and “Feel On Baby,” with Leavell playing Wurlitzer electric piano and Hammond organ, the organic-sounding tools of the trade since the 1960s. Stewart even makes appearances on a few tracks. But there is little in the way of distinctive keyboard work on the album.

Dirty Work (1986) is often cited as the nadir of the band. All one has to do is listen to “Winning Ugly” to hear ugly sounds indeed. Until Jagger comes in with the faux tough-guy growl he appropriated for the whole album, the backing track, with horrendous synth “horns,” simply sounds like a movie theater jingle advertising its concession stand. Leavell provides a tasteful, prominent piano backing for the Richards-sung ballad that closes the album, “Sleep Tonight,” though the synth strings pop out here and there.

Leavell has mostly played respectful and tasteful parts throughout the Stones albums and tours to which he has contributed. One cannot point to him as being as distinctive a stylist as Stewart, Hopkins, or Preston. He certainly subscribed to the “diamond tiaras” style, which is how Stewart referred to the high-register piano work that Nicky Hopkins often employed to cut through the mid-range guitars and vocals on Stones recordings.

***

The Stones remained off of the road for most of the 1980s, but came roaring back with the return-to-form Steel Wheels (1989) record and subsequent tours. The songwriting was still mostly sub-par, but at least the band returned to its rock and roll sound, with a two-guitar attack, organic keys, real brass, and unfussy production from Kimsey. The personal tensions might not have disappeared, but the hatchets were buried and Jagger and Richards managed to move on into their most lucrative period when records became calling cards for massive worldwide tours.

The band has struggled with the tension between their hefty legacy and the desire to remain vital artistically and commercially. One of Leavell’s most significant roles has been as de facto music director on tours, helping to select a master list of songs to consider rehearsing and, once whittled down, working into set lists. It is like having an ombudsman or fan spokesman within the band itself, pointing out some deeper-cut gems that the diehard Stones fans might want to hear.

In 1989, Bill Wyman was the oldest member of the group at fifty-four. I was as guilty as anyone for underappreciating his legacy in the overall sound of the band. Replacement bassist Darryl Jones, an undisputed virtuoso who plays a critical role in keeping the sound vital, is not the swinging, old-school rock and roll player that Wyman is. Jones is a young player primarily raised on jazz and funk, whose performance credits include recordings with Miles Davis and Sting. Wyman’s style was that of a musician who was raised on the upright bass of early rock and roll combos and the left hand of boogie-woogie pianists. His later style was informed by American soul and R&B electric bass players like Donald “Duck” Dunn and James Jamerson.

Though an unabashed lover of early rock and roll and a devotee of blues, Wyman adapted to the many stylistic changes taken on by the Stones, starting with the blues that was obscure to even him. But a fear of flying, a lack of creative input – either by choice or by discouragement, depending on which person is talking – and a general desire to move on to other things finally added up to his decision to leave the band in 1993, much to the dismay of Richards. Wyman walked away knowing he was leaving his share of a $41 million deal with Virgin Records on the table.

The choice (apparently left for Watts to make) of Darryl Jones was an interesting one. If the Stones had been looking for someone in the same vein as Wyman, Joey Spampinato, a real swinging traditional bass player from the band NRBQ, would have been a natural choice. Spampinato had just worked on two projects with Richards, the Hail! Hail! Rock ’n’ Roll (1987) Chuck Berry tribute documentary film, and Richards’ first solo LP, Talk is Cheap (1988). He was said to have the inside track on the position, but it would be reasonable to believe the rumors that Jagger was wary of his coziness within the Richards camp. It was also a period when Jagger felt like he was up against the weight of the Stones’ past when trying to push the band forward, as producers like Don Was, who had grown up as fans of the band, entered the fray. Under such circumstances, one could also assume that Jagger did not want a replacement who was too traditional in style. Jagger saw himself as another of those impressive icons Jones had played with, while Spampinato was part of what many refer to as the greatest bar band of all time.

Despite his bluster about Wyman leaving, even Richards was guilty of taking the original bassist for granted. “You know, I’ll tell you what, I was with Keith at his house in Turks and Caicos … a couple of years ago,” said Bobby Keys. “And he had been listening to a lot of the outtakes from that [Exile] period, and he said to me, ‘Man, Bobby, I never realized that Bill was such a motherfucker of a bass player!’ he said. ‘That sonofabitch was really good!’”22

Indeed he was. The Stones lost half of one of popular music’s greatest rhythm sections and another original member. Their original piano player, Stewart, had passed away, and their almost-permanent sideman, Hopkins, died in 1994. The loss of Wyman was the one that most altered the sound of the band. But Jones is an extremely well-rounded, accomplished, and funky player. Leavell has now been with the Stones longer than any keyboardist. And with Jagger, Richards, and Watts continuing, it seems impossible to irreparably change the core sound of the band. All of these contributors I have discussed have colored the band’s recordings and performances, nudged it into different directions than it might have taken without them, but the vital heart and soul of the Rolling Stones can still be heard in the personal and musical chemistry these musicians discovered almost sixty years ago.

3 The Rolling Stones in 1968: In Defense of Lingering Psychedelia

John Covach

Recorded in March of 1968 and released in May, the Rolling Stones’ “Jumpin’ Jack Flash” quickly rose to the top of the charts in the USA and UK. Its driving guitar riff and straight-ahead rock feel seemed to signal to many that the band had emerged from the psychedelic meanderings of late 1967’s Their Satanic Majesties Request, and the release of Beggars Banquet in December 1968 – the album “Jumpin’ Jack” was originally intended for – served to reinforce the idea that the Stones had made a strong return to their musical roots. Brian Jones was reportedly so excited about the track that “as soon as the session finished he contacted a friend, Ronny Money – wife of musician Zoot Money – and told her that ‘the Stones had returned to rock and roll with this thing called “Jumpin’ Jack Flash,” it’s a gas.’”1 Many writers have emphasized the band’s seemingly new sound in 1968. Philippe Margotin and Jean-Michel Guesdon, for instance write that “the music … represents a radical departure from Between the Buttons and Their Satanic Majesties Request,” and Steve Appleford declares that “The Rolling Stones found their moment of absolute clarity in 1968, after a season of drug busts, bad press, and that swirl of forced experimentation called Their Satanic Majesties Request. Confusion was replaced by a new sense of purpose, where passing psychedelic fashion was cast aside in favour of the blues and rock roots that had first inspired them.”2

While the rootsy dimensions of the band’s music in 1968 indeed mark an important stylistic shift, that shift was not accompanied – as many have suggested – by a rejection of the psychedelic elements. This chapter will argue that features of the band’s psychedelic experimentations constitute a significant part of the Stones’ new approach to their music and presentation (including album art, performance, and video). Indeed, psychedelic elements linger in the band’s music well into the 1970s. Though some might argue that Their Satanic Majesties Request was a wrong turn on the road leading from Between the Buttons to Beggars Banquet and beyond, this chapter will instead posit that the psychedelic music of 1967 was a necessary and logical stylistic precursor to 1968’s recordings. Without majesties, there are no beggars. Finally, as noted earlier in this volume (see 4–5), Their Satanic Majesties Request is part of a general change in practice beginning in the mid-1960s in which bands explored new stylistic elements and novel sounds in the studio, exploiting a wave of technological development that made the recording studio into more than a place for documenting performances: The studio became a kind of sketchpad for sounds and combinations that had never been heard previously. The Stones’ movement from covers to originals, and the accompanying and increasing attention to exploring new sounds in the studio, was thus securely in step with the times.3

Elsewhere I have discussed what I call the “hippie aesthetic,” a formulation that attempts to account for this rise of rock ambition and the musical practices it produced.4 There are five general ways in which rock poetics made the shift from something that might be thought of as craftsman-like to an approach that aspired to art: (1) the appropriation of classical music, a highbrow marker employed in earnest and with no sense of irony or critique; (2) the embrace of technology, including multitrack recording and the use of synthesized or electronically processed sounds and timbres; (3) increased instrumental virtuosity and a “musicianly” attitude and approach to playing; (4) lyrics that reject teenage love and strive to explore more adult approaches to relationships or other big ideas in culture, politics, religion, and literature; and (5) an emphasis on concepts, both in the rise of the concept album (or simply thinking in terms of albums rather than singles) and in the packaging of albums, as well as in theatrical approaches to performance. One can observe a gradual but continuous adoption of key elements of the hippie aesthetic in the Stones’ music. The most obvious and heightened expression of the hippie aesthetic occurs with Their Satanic Majesties Request and the singles of that year. Psychedelia can thus be thought of – among all of the groups that engaged it and not only the Rolling Stones – as a particular and intense expression of the hippie aesthetic. The group’s move in the direction that leads to the psychedelic 1967 recordings is in evidence at least as far back as 1964, though in 1965 this trajectory becomes clear. In order to track the band’s development toward and engagement with psychedelia specifically, it is crucial to explore how this aesthetic and poetic shift occurs within the context of their embrace of the hippie aesthetic more generally.

“Play with Fire,” a song recorded and released in early 1965 as the B side to “The Last Time,” illustrates an early instance of the Stones engaging the hippie aesthetic, though not yet psychedelia. The lyrics deal with a complicated relationship, moving well beyond teen romance, and the music is set in an acoustic folk style, perhaps suggesting Dylan’s influence.5 The song is in a simple verse form, with four verses of twelve measures consisting of three four-bar phrases, the last of which is a refrain.6 While the first eight measures of each verse employ a backing of acoustic guitar, bass, and tambourine, the refrains add harpsichord.7 Since the lyrics deal with aristocracy, it is possible to view the harpsichord as a timbral reference to high society, but it is not used here in an ironic or critical manner; it is employed rather as a text-painting device. “As Tears Go By” offers another interesting early example. This song had been written by Jagger and Richards (with some help from Oldham and perhaps Lionel Bart) in early 1964 and given to Marianne Faithfull to record, whose version was released in mid-1964 and enjoyed chart success, especially in the UK. While orchestral instruments are employed on Faithfull’s version of this song, their use does not especially suggest classical music and the musical ambition that might be associated with it. The strings instead provide the kind of soft pop orchestral backing so prevalent in early 1960s pop.8 In late 1965, the Stones recorded their own version of “As Tears Go By,” very much under the influence of the Beatles’ “Yesterday” (which had been released and become a hit that fall) and employing a much more classically inflected string arrangement.9 Referring to Jagger’s lyrics, Marianne Faithfull has remarked that “it’s an absolutely astonishing thing for a boy of twenty to have written – a song about a woman looking back nostalgically on her life.”10 The lyrics in the sixteen-bar verses of this simple verse form (with refrain) certainly move beyond teen romance and provide one of the earliest instances of a British Invasion song that engages a philosophical topic.11 The band’s use of classical music along with more ambitious lyrics in these two tracks, at a time when the Stones were still recording a lot of versions, signals the band’s early steps on the way to psychedelia. According to Charlie Watts, “that music was the very, very beginning of flower power.”12

As the Rolling Stones move from late 1965 into 1966 and the release of Aftermath in the summer, their music continues to grow in musical and artistic ambition. “Paint It, Black” explores new instrumental sounds, featuring Brian Jones on the sitar, while the lyrics engage the existential topic of death and loss – the singer’s heart, a red door, is painted black. The song concludes in a bombastic frenzy, evoking a sense of ritual. Like “Play with Fire,” this song employs a simple verse form, though here without a refrain, and presents five consecutive sixteen-bar verses before relaxing somewhat into a chanted section that then leads to the frantic coda. While the stylistic references here are not to classical music but rather to something vaguely exotic, the use of a non-rock instrument in an earnest manner – as with the harpsichord in “Play with Fire” – privileges the artist approach over the craftsmanly one.13 “Lady Jane” also employs simple verse form, and its four sixteen-bar verses (with refrain) are set in what Keith Richards has described as “‘Elizabethan’ style.”14 Aside from the quasi-Shakespearian character of its lyrics, however, “Lady Jane” is a traditional love song, with the singer pledging his romantic fidelity. The accompaniment features acoustic guitar and bass, but also the dulcimer, played by Brian Jones. After an introduction that evokes traditional folk music in general and Simon and Garfunkel’s “The Sound of Silence” (which had been a hit in late 1965/early 1966) in particular, the melody, harmony, and arrangement also make strong references to classical music. Jones’ dulcimer lines echo Jagger’s vocal phrases in the first half of the verses and the use of first-inversion harmonies in the second half creates a markedly “learned” reference. The entrance of Jack Nitzsche on the harpsichord during the instrumental third verse further reinforces the classical references.

Recorded during the second half of 1966 and released in early 1967, Between the Buttons further extends the band’s engagement with the hippie aesthetic. Bill Wyman has remarked that this album “was the first studio session at which we concentrated on an album as a finished product.”15 “Cool, Calm and Collected” finds the Stones exploring approaches to musical form. While the song is in contrasting verse-chorus form, the verse and chorus contrast especially strongly, making this song distinctive in this regard.16 The verse employs an energetic music-hall style, while the chorus is much calmer, with Brian Jones once again playing the dulcimer, but here in a very sitar-like manner. The revved-up bacchanal finale is reminiscent of the end of “Paint It, Black,” though the addition of studio reverb and echo create a sense that the track does not so much conclude but rather implodes. Another album track, “Yesterday’s Papers,” is noteworthy as well for its use of vibraphone, played by Brian Jones, further suggesting that Jones was a driving force in the band’s cultivation of new instrumental combinations. The arrangement also includes harpsichord, played once again by Jack Nitzsche. The innovative approach to form, the reference to Indian music, and the use of classical harpsichord all mark the Stones’ continued push towards what would become psychedelia.

“Ruby Tuesday,” a song largely composed by Brian Jones, was recorded during the same period as the Between the Buttons album tracks but was released as a single. The song is cast in contrasting verse-chorus form, combining a sixteen-bar verse with an eight-measure chorus. The verses once again make strong references to classical music – Jagger suggested that it sounded “like Chopin in parts” – with Brian Jones playing a melodic accompaniment to Jagger’s vocal on the recorder.17 Jack Nitzsche is now on piano, Keith Richards on acoustic guitar, Bill Wyman plays bowed upright bass on the verses (with occasional buzzes that are reminiscent of the sitar) and electric bass on the choruses, while Charlie Watts backs it all up on drums. The lyrics describe a free-spirited young woman and though they might represent any number of women the Stones had known, Keith Richards claims the woman he had in mind was ex-girlfriend Linda Keith.18 The four-bar coda that ends this track may be the most classical ending the Stones ever recorded. The flipside of this single was “Let’s Spend the Night Together,” a track driven by an energetic piano lick. The song employs a compound AABA design, with the A sections based loosely on a contrasting sixteen-bar verse and eight-bar chorus pair. The contrasting B section, however, features a Beach Boys-inspired contrapuntal vocal arrangement, making it a Stones blues rocker with a bit of “Good Vibrations” for contrast.19 My discussion will return to this blend of lick-driven rock with more ambitious musical features in the consideration of “Jumpin’ Jack Flash” below. The examples presented thus far, however, support the idea that the Stones’ music became gradually and increasingly ambitious as they approached 1967. The band’s music is not yet psychedelic but can be seen to progressively engage aspects of the hippie aesthetic. The Stones’ subsequent turn to psychedelia, understood in the context of their stylistic development in the years preceding Their Satanic Majesties Request, constitutes a next logical step.

Psychedelia, 1967, and Their Satanic Majesties Request

After the release of Between the Buttons in early 1967, the Stones devoted the rest of the year to recording their next album and a handful of singles. As mentioned briefly above, the band’s work during the year was disrupted by serious brushes with the law that saw Jagger, Richards, and Jones arrested and convicted on drug charges. In the summer of 1967, while the Stones were trying to record amid legal proceedings, psychedelia arose out of underground scenes in San Francisco and London and into mainstream culture, most visibly represented by the Monterey Pop Festival in June, which was attended by Brian Jones. Flower Power, it suddenly seemed, was everywhere and the Summer of Love was in full bloom.20 While psychedelia manifested itself in lifestyle (fashion, language, behavior, and attitudes), it is worth considering how the music itself – thought of apart from these other aspects of culture – participated in this cultural shift. Elsewhere I have discussed how music can be psychedelic, placing emphasis not only on aspects of the hippie aesthetic (especially musical ambition) but also on the influence of drug use.21 Certain sonic features are clear markers of the psychedelic style, such as reversed tape effects, drones (heard most often in the bass) that underpin the music, melodic figures that evoke Indian music, and lyrics that engage philosophical, transcendental, spiritual, or political issues. These elements, however, are only part of psychedelia, though in some ways they are the most obvious features. At its core, psychedelic music is about the trip. Psychedelic music can either enhance a drug trip (and be designed to do so, as in the case of Country Joe and the Fish’s Electric Music for the Mind and Body), or it can itself provide a kind of trip (as the concept album was thought to do).22 In musical terms, this focus on the trip reinforces and fuels the hippie aesthetic, as bands work to create music that transports their listeners to new places using novel sounds, innovative recording techniques, and a broad range of musical styles.

Released in December 1967, Their Satanic Majesties Request is the Rolling Stones’ most pronounced engagement with psychedelia. The elaborate cover, featuring the band dressed as colorful wizards and troubadours, is clearly inspired by the Beatles’ Sgt. Pepper’s Lonely Hearts Club Band cover.23 This emphasis on album packaging is not new with either album, however. One can trace an attention to album art in the Beatles’ music back at least as far as Rubber Soul, and in the Stones’ releases as far back as the 12 × 5 cover and subsequent ones shot by both David Bailey and Gered Mankowitz. But both Pepper and Majesties especially draw attention to their packaging. Both albums also use reprise to organize the tracks into a larger whole. With Pepper, the opening title track returns just before the end of side two, announcing the end of the “show” and leading to “A Day in the Life.” Majesties begins side one with “Sing This All Together,” which then returns to close that side of the album. Both albums suggest a kind of musical trip, enhanced by the segue of certain tracks and very much in keeping with psychedelic practice.

The individual Majesties tracks continue to extend the musical ambition and innovation of the band’s previous work. “She’s a Rainbow,” for instance, picks up once more with the use of classical idioms.24 The song employs a contrasting verse-chorus form, but in a very interesting and novel way. The first three times the eight-bar verse occurs it is played instrumentally, with emphasis on a classical piano figuration (here played by Nicky Hopkins); it is thus not clear initially that this section is functioning as a verse in the form. A ten-bar sung chorus then follows each instrumental verse except the third (where the chorus is also instrumental), and it is not until Jagger enters singing this verse on its fourth appearance that the listener understands that what might have been heard previously as an interlude has actually been a verse all along. The use of chamber strings and harpsichord further reinforce the reference to classical music established by the piano part.25 If “She’s a Rainbow” invokes eighteenth- and nineteenth-century classical music, “2000 Light Years From Home” draws more on avant-garde classical elements. Beginning with an eerie introduction making use of electronic sounds and atonal, atmospheric piano and then a menacing guitar riff accompanied by Brian Jones’ mysterious lines on the Mellotron, the track sets the stage for lyrics describing a space journey that ultimately arrives on the distant star Aldebaran – the singer’s space journey takes him 100, 600, 1,000, and finally 2,000 light years from home.26 The Stones may have been inspired in this instance by Pink Floyd’s “Interstellar Overdrive” or “Astronomy Domine,” which were staples of the Floyd’s live show and appeared on their album The Piper at the Gates of Dawn in the late summer of 1967 (a live version of “Astronomy Domine” appears on the group’s 1969 double LP Ummagumma). But the electronic sounds on “2000 Light Years From Home” are perhaps also reminiscent of an EP released in 1960 by legendary British producer Joe Meek entitled I Hear a New World: An Outer Space Music Fantasy. Meek’s EP is filled with otherworldly electronic “space” sounds.27 In any case, the Stones, the Pink Floyd, and Joe Meek were all engaging practices that were current in the avant-garde electronic and tape music of the time.

“We Love You,” a single recorded during the Majesties sessions, perhaps provides the best example of the psychedelic peace-and-love ethos influencing Stones lyrics. The tune was recorded at the height of the Jagger and Richards legal proceedings during the summer of 1967; correspondingly, the song opens with the sound of a prison door slamming before introducing a driving piano figure played by Nicky Hopkins. Featuring help on background vocals from John Lennon and Paul McCartney, the song declares love in the face of persecution. Employing AABA form without reprise, the track ends with an extended coda, blending various music-textural layers together into a sonic collage reminiscent of “All You Need Is Love,” though “We Love You” is more menacing than the Beatles’ single. These kinds of sonic collages were made possible to a significant degree by advances in recording technology, which allowed for parts to be layered over one another. With “We Love You,” one can see the Stones taking full advantage of this technology. “Dandelion” appeared as the flipside to “We Love You” and, like the choral interlude in “Let’s Spend the Night Together,” suggests a Beach Boys influence. The harpsichord once more appears on this Stones track, while Brian Jones plays both Mellotron and saxophone.28 The lyrics are inspired by nursery rhymes and seem to suggest that when one gets hung up on the pressures of adult life, remember the dandelion, which is able to go wherever the breeze takes it with seeming unconcern. The song’s compound AABA form employs a verse-chorus pair, each eight measures in length. The contrasting B section, however is seven bars, making for an interesting though not uncommon asymmetry. “We Love You” and “Dandelion” provide distinct examples of the whimsical elements of psychedelia that the Stones would soon reject, while also including important elements that would remain in the group’s music for years to come.

Promotional videos directed by Peter Whitehead were made for “Let’s Spend the Night Together” and “We Love You.” Whitehead’s engagement with the band began with his film of the group’s first tour to Ireland in 1965, Charlie Is My Darling, and he also directed videos for “Have You Seen Your Mother, Baby, Standing in the Shadow,” and “Lady Jane.” Michael Lindsay-Hogg directed videos of “2000 Light Years From Home” and “She’s a Rainbow.”29 Whitehead’s video for “We Love You” is at least partially conceptual: Making reference to the Jagger and Richards trials, it casts band members and Marianne Faithfull as figures in the famous indecency trial of Oscar Wilde, and was subsequently banned from viewing by Top of the Pops.30 Of the videos by Lindsay-Hogg, only the one for “2000 Light Years From Home” is available. The Stones appear performing the tune in psychedelic garb, with Jagger in a hood and wearing face make-up. The use of images nicely captures the mysterious and otherworldly atmosphere of the song without adding any additional narrative. Along with the album art, these videos underscore the growing importance to musicians concerning how the music is presented. Rock musicians increasingly began to think of their music as including more than just the recording: The music began to become conceptual in its various modes of presentation.

Surveying the Majesties period, it is clear that the hippie aesthetic is in full force for the Stones in 1967 (see Figure 3.1). The album art and video presentations expand our understanding of the music beyond the actual recordings themselves, the lyrics and music are ambitious, there is increasing use of non-rock instrumentation as well as studio effects and sonic experimentation, and there are numerous and substantial earnest references to classical music, a characteristic that – in the 1960s at least – increases the sense of artistic seriousness of the music. It is also clear that the album is meant to produce a kind of musical trip (though it is equally obvious that many fans may have used it to enhance a trip). The psychedelic aspect of this music is difficult to separate from its engagement with – and even extension of – the hippie aesthetic, and especially since that engagement begins with music by the Stones that is not generally considered to be psychedelic. The Majesties music is a logical progression according to a stylistic trajectory the Stones had followed since 1964. The album itself is psychedelic, but the hippie aesthetic is a constant element present both before and after Majesties.

Figure 3.1 The Rolling Stones, 1967.

Courtesy HIP/Art Resource, NY.
The New Sound, “Jumpin’ Jack,” and Beggars Banquet

We can now return to “Jumpin’ Jack Flash” and the important shift this track signaled in rejecting the psychedelia of Majesties and marking a new way forward.31 Clearly the opening guitar riff drives “Jumpin’ Jack” in a visceral way, and as the drums, bass, and additional guitars enter, the song rocks forward in a manner more grounded in the band’s blues-rock roots than in their recent ambitious experimentation.32 There are two aspects of this track, however, that continue the band’s psychedelic practice. The first is the way that “Jumpin’ Jack” ends: After the compound AABA form of the main song is presented, a longish coda occurs. These last forty-five seconds of the song feature a harmonically static texture made up of layers of music: guitar lines, organ chords and then melody, bass, drums – all combining into a kaleidoscopic swirl of sound that recalls the last ninety seconds of “We Love You” (or “All You Need Is Love”). Of course, the Stones had retained the long ending of “Goin’ Home” on Aftermath, but these later psychedelic endings are of a different kind – they do not dramatically drive the song forward so much as simply float, encouraging the listener to relish an expanded moment of musical stasis. A second psychedelic aspect of “Jumpin’ Jack Flash” concerns certain elements in one of the two promotional videos made for this track; for clarity, these are sometimes distinguished as the “make-up” and “no make-up” videos.33 In the “make-up” version, the band performs on a dimly lit stage, with a barefoot Jagger wearing a sort of “war paint” on his face while sporting a circular watch medallion painted on his bare chest and stomach. Watts and Wyman also wear make-up, though theirs seems more androgynous, perhaps recalling the cover photo for “Have You Seen Your Mother, Baby, Standing in the Shadow.” Jones wears bright green sunglasses and orange lipstick, while Richards wears dark glasses and a richly embroidered tunic. The overall look of this video is not as markedly psychedelic as the one for “2000 Light Years From Home,” but it is also clear that director Michael Lindsay-Hogg has not rejected the psychedelic elements of the Majesties video in this one for “Jumpin’ Jack Flash.” While the static quality of the song’s ending employs a psychedelic musical texture, the video retains psychedelic images and fashion.

“Child of the Moon” appears on the flipside of the “Jumpin’ Jack Flash” single and it has its beginnings in the recording sessions for Majesties. It is perhaps not surprising, then, that “Child of the Moon” also retains elements from the band’s most psychedelic LP. In fact, the static nature of the harmony and vocal harmonies of its verses is not only reminiscent of “We Love You,” but also of the Beatles’ “Rain,” making this song seem perhaps more indebted to 1966 than 1967. As he has done before, Brian Jones performs on a new instrument, this time the soprano saxophone. The lyrics once again describe a free-spirited woman, as in “Ruby Tuesday” (Richards’ lyric) or “She’s a Rainbow.” The Lindsay-Hogg directed video, like the one Whitehead directed for “We Love You,” is conceptual – even if the exact concept is difficult to discern. The video opens with Jagger perched in a tree, as other band members stand along a country road. Later Jones will be shown peering out from behind another tree. Three women in turn approach the spot where the rather menacing-looking band is positioned along the road: a young girl (holding an apple), who stops and seems unafraid, but scurries back into the bushes; a young woman, who stops and turns back; and an elderly woman, who stops for a moment but then walks directly past the men. The theme of the video suggests that there are different choices one makes (or perhaps threats one perceives) at various stages of life, though a more precise meaning would be difficult to support. The precise interpretation of the video, however, is not important in this case; it is far more significant that the video seeks to explore a serious and philosophical question: in so doing it directly engages the hippie aesthetic.34

Like “Child of the Moon,” the genesis of “Street Fighting Man” reaches back to 1967, perhaps even to late 1966. According to Richards, he had the music for the song but not the lyrics; these would be supplied by Jagger and prove to be quite controversial.35 The track employs a contrasting verse-chorus form. Each ten-bar verse is driven by Richards’ layers of guitars and keeps squarely within the blues-rock style. The choruses, however, open onto a slightly more exotic soundscape, as Brian Jones enters with the drone of the Indian tambura and Nicky Hopkins’ acoustic piano helps push the song forward.36 When the chorus appears a third time, the tambura is absent, though it reappears in the coda that follows, along with a sitar (also played by Jones) and an Indian horn called the shehnai, played in this instance by guitarist Dave Mason. The result is an expansion of the chorus that results in forty seconds of the same kind of static, psychedelic swirl that appears at the end of “Jumpin’ Jack Flash” and “We Love You.” Jagger’s provocative lyrics arose from his political feelings of the time: He had attended an anti-Vietnam War rally in London’s Grosvenor Square in March 1968 and was inspired to make his own statement, placing special emphasis on the idea of revolution. Released as a single in the USA at the end of the turbulent summer of 1968, the song was banned by some radio stations, who worried it might incite even more political violence.37 “Street Fighting Man,” therefore, brings together lyrics on a serious theme with extended moments of psychedelic music-textural stasis.

“Sympathy for the Devil” was perhaps the most ambitious track the Stones had recorded thus far and much of the ambition of the song is centered on the lyrics. Jagger assumes the persona of Lucifer as he moves through two thousand years of history, from the crucifixion of Jesus and the Hundred Years War to the Russian Revolution and the assassinations of John and Robert Kennedy. Jagger’s devil is a wealthy and refined man; and the key to this master of deception’s diabolical success is the obscuring of right and wrong, making one seem like the other and driving humankind to evil, history-defining deeds. Jagger seems to have crafted his particular angle on Satan after reading Mikhail Bulgakov’s novel The Master and Margarita, and the idea of creating an extended track (more than six minutes) based on history, religion, and literature is deeply sympathetic with the hippie aesthetic.38 The actual recording of the track in May, 1968 was captured by director Jean-Luc Godard as part of a film engaging revolutionary politics. Ultimately released under the title Sympathy for the Devil (1970/2003), the film provides a rare glimpse into the transformation that can occur as a song is developed from its incipient creative idea into the finished product. The recorded version is in contrasting verse-chorus form, with five appearances of the seventeen-bar verses, each followed by an eight-bar chorus.39 The accompaniment to Jagger’s vocal is fairly straightforward, with Richards once again on bass, as well as lead guitar, Hopkins at the piano, Watts on the drums, and Wyman on the shekere, a West African percussion instrument. Rocky Dijon provides the distinctive conga part, while the Stones, three of their girlfriends (including Marianne Faithfull), and engineer Glyn Johns sing the back-up “devil’s chorus” (“woo-woo”) beginning with the third verse.40 The track ends with almost two minutes of coda, but this is not the static psychedelic swirl found in “We Love You,” “Jumpin’ Jack Flash,” or “Street Fighting Man.” Instead, “Sympathy for the Devil” employs the kind of rhythm and blues extensions that can be found on Stones versions such as Otis Redding’s “That’s How Strong My Love Is” from Out of Our Heads. About the only aspect of the accompaniment to Jagger’s lead vocals on this track that resonates with psychedelia is the persistence of the music: The repetitive forward push of the rhythm suggests a ritual, with the group chant of the back-up vocals supporting the voice of the devil as he sings.

In terms of the music alone, “Sympathy for the Devil” – aside from its ambitious lyrics – does not suggest much lingering psychedelia. The performance of this track, however, brings with it a new dimension. In late 1968, the Stones filmed a television broadcast entitled The Rolling Stones Rock and Roll Circus.41 This project was a continuation of the band’s previous work with director Michael Lindsay-Hogg and featured a line-up including the Stones, the Who, Jethro Tull, Marianne Faithfull, Taj Mahal, and the Dirty Mac (John Lennon, Eric Clapton, Mitch Mitchell, Keith Richards, and Yoko Ono). The Stones’ set consists of “Jumpin’ Jack Flash,” “Parachute Woman,” “No Expectations,” “You Can’t Always Get What You Want” (without choir), and finally “Sympathy for the Devil” as the set closer.42 Throughout the performance Jagger has been clad in maroon pants and a red shirt and this is how he performs most of “Devil.” When the band gets to the song’s extended coda, here lengthened to four minutes in comparison with the album version, Jagger goes down on his stomach and then to his knees facing the crowd, placing the microphone between his legs and bending down to the floor to sing improvised phrases. He then bends his head all the way down to the floor and begins to remove his shirt. The crowd reacts, expecting that he will emerge shirtless. When he does stand up, it is immediately clear that this is not merely a gesture of rock and roll sexuality: Perhaps shockingly, he has tattoos of Lucifer painted on each arm and across his chest.43 This dramatic bit of theater, intimately bound up with the theme of the lyrics, is a clear extension into the live performance realm of the conceptual approach that had previously been a key element in the “We Love You,” “2000 Light Years From Home,” and “Jumpin’ Jack Flash” videos. While this performance is not in itself psychedelic, it extends an approach to performance developed in the band’s psychedelic music. Of course, the circus setting of this television program already leans in the direction of psychedelia; there is, after all, a circus parade, trapeze artists, and a fire eater, and plenty of bright hippie clothing. The Stones’ performance of the “Sympathy for the Devil” finale further reinforces that psychedelic inclination while simultaneously extending the band’s own engagement with its recent psychedelic past.44

As mentioned above, the album cover design for Majesties had been markedly psychedelic. The initial design for the Beggars cover, by contrast, was thoroughly existential and transparently provocative.45 When the record company rejected the initial images of a filthy toilet and graffiti-filled walls, the replacement design was one imitating an invitation to a formal banquet. The black-and-white simplicity of the replacement Beggars cover, like the original restroom design, might seem a rejection of the excessively colorful sleeve for Majesties. As a consequence, the Beggars cover might constitute a rejection of psychedelia in general. But both designs for the Beggars cover, in fact, are markedly conceptual, and their content is much more integrated with the music on the album than is the case with Majesties. The Beggars cover, then, is actually more faithful to the hippie aesthetic than the cover for Majesties, even if it is less psychedelic in its use of color and image.

Surveying these examples from Beggars Banquet, it is clear that there is a much more pronounced aspect of continuity with Majesties (and the band’s earlier music) than is often acknowledged. That continuity is primarily driven by the hippie aesthetic, which as we have seen can be traced back to 1964 and finds its most obvious expression in the psychedelia of 1967. But it is not only the hippie aesthetic that continues to play a role in the band’s “new sound.” Specific psychedelic features recur in the band’s music from 1968: the static endings of “Jumpin’ Jack Flash” and “Street Fighting Man,” the sitar, tambura, and shehnai of “Street Fighting Man,” the trippiness of the “Child of the Moon” video, the performances of “Jumpin’ Jack Flash” and “Sympathy for the Devil” – all of these suggest that psychedelia, while no longer the focus of the band’s music, remained within its stylistic palette.

Psychedelia Continues to Linger

Elements of the hippie aesthetic – and thus, in a certain sense, psychedelic elements – also recur in the albums that follow Beggars Banquet. In some ways “Gimme Shelter,” from Let It Bleed, is a reworking of “Sympathy for the Devil,” though this time constituting an ambitious track originating from Keith Richards.46 “You Can’t Always Get What You Want,” from the same album, employs a concert choir, continuing the use of classical features in Stones music.47 The extended jam that makes up the second half of “Can’t You Hear Me Knocking” – with virtuosic solos from Bobby Keys and Mick Taylor – shows that as late as Sticky Fingers aspects of the hippie aesthetic were still a part of the band’s musical approach. The strings on “Moonlight Mile” add a classical touch, and the last ninety seconds are static, atmospheric, and trippy, perhaps meant to suggest the quiet of a late-night bus or train ride to the next show (and perhaps even recalling the quiet sections of “Cool, Calm and Collected”).

The recurrence of some aspects of the hippie aesthetic in the Rolling Stones’ music after Beggars Banquet further reinforces the idea that, while 1968 saw a significant change in the band’s stylistic emphases, it did not mark a rejection of the group’s previous work, nor all aspects of Their Satanic Majesties Request. In retrospect, there is more continuity in the band’s development than discontinuity. Majesties may have been a moment of maximum experimentation and experimental looseness, but it was only one stop on a road that led forward to the band’s music in the 1970s and beyond. Elements of psychedelia indeed lingered long after the wizard and troubadour costumes had been discarded.

4 Exile, America, and the Theater of the Rolling Stones, 1968–1972

Victor Coelho

I have wandered through almost every region to which this tongue of ours extends, a stranger, almost a beggar …

Dante, Il Convivio, I, 3

The lyrics range from scriptural verses about Lucifer and the Prodigal Son to stories of beggars, sinners, prowlers, addicts, transients, outcasts, Black militants, groupies, and road-weary troubadours; the web of musical influences is spun with multi-colored threads of urban and rural blues, country, calypso, R&B, rock and roll, folk, gospel, and even the English choral tradition. The four albums released by the Rolling Stones between 1968 and 1972 – Beggars Banquet, Let It Bleed, Sticky Fingers, and Exile on Main Street – constitute for critics, fans, and historians the core identity of the group and the lasting, canonical repertory that has defined the Stones’ musical, historical, and cultural legacy.1 As Jack Hamilton has written in a recent study of the group, the band’s years from 1968 to Exile amount to “one of the great sustained creative peaks in all of popular music.”2 An insider’s perspective on the moment when the Rolling Stones were guaranteed a place of distinction in the history of music is offered by Rolling Stone founder Jann Wenner. As the group finally extricated itself from the management of Allen Klein and ABKCO in 1970, Wenner implored Mo Ostin of Warner Bros to sign the group without delay:

Dear Mo, The Rolling Stones contract with London/Decca is now up, or shortly about to be. They are not renewing. They are looking for a new label and company in the USA, but not their own label. They have two LP’s now in the can almost ready for release: Live in the USA [Get Yer Ya-Ya’s Out!], and the one they are [finishing] or have finished from Muscle Shoals [Sticky Fingers].

Mick Jagger is the one who will make the decision on who is their new label. It’s worth everything you’ve got to get this contract, even to lose money on it. The label that gets the Stones will be one of the winners in the 70’s.

Contact Mick directly in London at MAY 5856, 46A Maddox Street, W1. [followed by in red pen] NOW.3

The critical reception of these albums, documented extensively in both published and video accounts since their release half a century ago, has only affirmed their historical relevance within the political and generational tensions of the late 1960s and early 1970s.4 Let It Bleed – “Gimme Shelter” in particular (both the song and the film) – has been immortalized as a live broadcast of the abrupt shift from utopian Woodstock ideals of July, 1969 to the crushing dystopian reality – the “Pearl Harbor to the Woodstock Nation”5 – of the Altamont tragedy only five months later. Sticky Fingers is seen as a poetic but dark chronicle of addiction, obsession, dependency, and refuge; and “Sympathy for the Devil,” from Beggars Banquet, is the ubiquitous point of reference for any discussion of the volatile activism, assassinations, and racial tensions in 1968 America, a country inextricably mired in the Vietnam War and its related protests. Godard’s 1968 observational film One Plus One [Sympathy for the Devil] was remarkably prescient through its resolute focus on the slow evolution of “Sympathy for the Devil” as a metaphor for Marxist anarchy brewing in the streets, a premonition shared even by Jagger: “There’s no doubt there’s a cyclic change,” he says in a May, 1968 interview during the anti-Vietnam protests in Grosvenor Square in London, just prior to the student riots in Paris; “a VAST cyclic change on top of a lot of smaller ones. I can imagine America becoming just ablaze, just being ruined …”6 Finally, Exile on Main Street, while breaking no new ground stylistically, frames for posterity the permanent identity of the Stones through the album’s themes of both poetic and living geographical exile. It is a summation of the musical diversity introduced by the previous albums in which the deep roots of their style are laid bare in the present: There is no old and there is no new in the musical vocabulary of Exile. As Janovitz writes in his study of the album, “[Exile] seems to revel in self-imposed limitations. In fact, it sometimes sounds ancient. Other times it sounds completely current and modern. It sounds, at various points, underground and a little experimental, and at others, classic and even nostalgic.”7

These four releases are not the most popular-selling albums by the Stones, nor do the 57 songs they contain – out of an entire catalog of around 400 – amount to an unusually large concentration of material within any five-year period of their recording history; there is far more music recorded before 1968 and after 1972.8 But beginning with Beggars Banquet of 1968 we see a profound deepening of the vernacular dialects of rock and roll as the group traveled from metropole concerns of urban blues, Mod London, and the middle-class audiences of the Ed Sullivan show on to a new landscape of a vast America and its “distant” traditions of Delta Blues, rural country, and older texts. They infused these genres and their lyrical themes with the raw exilic qualities of distance and authenticity as metaphors for a contemporary culture they saw as revolutionary, disruptive, and teeming with racial and generational strife. Like exiles before them, they were stuck at the crossroads of participation and reflection. While the group recognized deep societal violence and struggle, it remained disengaged from the action at a critical, poetic distance, offering commentary, not combat. As Jon Landau wrote in Rolling Stone,

the most startling songs on the album are the ones that deal with the Stones’ environment: “Salt of the Earth,” “Street Fighting Man,” and “Sympathy for the Devil.” Each is characterized lyrically by a schizoid ambiguity. The Stones are cognizant of the explosions of youthful energy that are going on all around them. They recognize the violence inherent in these struggles. They see them as movements for fundamental change and are deeply sympathetic. Yet they are too cynical to really go along themselves.9

Symbols of moral and political upheaval abound in the lyrics: a “man of wealth and taste,” Lucifer in “Sympathy for the Devil” cavorts among guests at a dinner party but kills both Kennedys; in “Stray Cat Blues” an underage daughter runs away and is raped, but the justification is that it’s “no capital crime”; there are marches in the streets; sinners are saints, cops are criminals. At the same time, the Stones’ voices are somewhere else: The lyrical and musical Impressionism of “No Expectations” and pentatonic Orientalism of “Moonlight Mile” are reflections, memories, and dreams, not actions; the “Street Fighting Man” is actually uncommitted to the struggle, and the Prodigal Son can’t make it on his own, even with his inheritance. So much talk, so little action. In many ways, the only songs offering unequivocal, unambiguous themes are the proletarian tributes “Factory Girl” and “Salt of the Earth.” In short, the albums beginning with Beggars and ending with Exile painted the authentic musical portrait of the Stones that established their most recognizable and durable image, even if it is often contradictory. For fans, every phase of the band since then is a variation on this basic master narrative.

What is this narrative? It might be defined as follows: an exilic and itinerant sense of being – one largely shaped by Keith Richards – derived from the migratory aspects of the blues, and a fearless, ever-deepening search for musical roots of all kinds; a tough, unyielding attitude – again, Richards – that was revolutionary but devoid of overt politics or constituency; a sharp intuition – shaped here mainly by Mick Jagger – about the largely uncharted and fluid sexual and gender boundaries of the day that played out metaphorically and physically in song lyrics, performance, and wardrobe;10 a deep-seated subversion powered by their reverential identification with African-American and rural idioms; and, importantly, an obsession with the exiled, with Blackness, and culture at the margins, exposing “fantasies of low life and life below the stairs.”11 By the time of Exile on Main Street, the Stones, all but Bill Wyman not yet thirty years of age, themselves became the road-tested bluesmen whose deep oral and recorded repertories narrating travel, loss, hopes, lust, and judgement comprised the rich vocabulary of their period in exile.

The period from Beggars through Exile further coincides with important developments with the band that, in turn, initiated several future directions. 1969 witnessed the first major personnel change as a result of Brian Jones’ death in 1968 and the subsequent joining of Mick Taylor, ushering in a period when, musically, the group has never been stronger. Taylor, a young, skilled guitarist whose musical education was formed in the long blues corridors of the John Mayall Band, was a virtuoso bottleneck player, and provided the Stones with their first true “lead” guitarist, resulting in an expansion of their song forms, particularly in live performance, through sections of brilliant solos, distinct tone, and improvisation. 1969 also marks their critical return to touring, following a hiatus from the road of almost two and a half years that was dominated by fighting various drug busts – mainly the well-documented “Redlands Scandal” – and increasing financial distress.12 The aggregate problems of economic and legal persecution ultimately led to their move in 1971 to the South of France as vrai tax exiles. But these years also reveal a new songwriting process in which the system of recording songs for imminent album release is abandoned in favor of longer gestation periods and revision. Much of the material on the Beggars through Exile albums was, in fact, conceived simultaneously, the composition of many songs begun years before their eventual release – a chronology that is not present prior to Beggars. The earliest takes of “You Can’t Always Get What You Want” and “Sister Morphine,” released in 1969 and 1971, respectively, can already be found in May and November, 1968. Many songs that would appear on Sticky Fingers (1971) and Exile on Main Street (1972) have their origins already in 1969, including “Brown Sugar,” “You Gotta Move,” “Wild Horses,” “Dead Flowers,” “Loving Cup,” and “All Down the Line.” Similarly, the origins of “Stop Breaking Down,” “Sweet Virginia,” and “Hip Shake” are found in 1970, prior to the band’s move to France and two years before release. This chronology testifies to the musical affinities and common sessions between the four albums that form a distinctive and cohesive creative phase in the history of the Rolling Stones.

Figure 4.1 Poster for the 1972 “Exile on Main St” American tour.

Grybowski Collection, Library and Archives, Rock and Roll Hall of Fame Museum.
Exiles and the Tent Show Queen

No good, can’t speak, wound up, no sleep.
Skydiver inside her, slip rope, stunt flyer.
Wounded lover, got no time on hand.
One last cycle.
Thrill freak, Uncle Sam.
All for business, no, you understand?
Judge and jury walk out hand in hand.
Dietrich movies, close-up boogies,
kissing cunt in Cannes.
Protest music, million dollar sad.
“Casino Boogie,” from Exile on Main Street (1972)

The subversive language of “Casino Boogie” is syntactically exclusive to the Stones, and serves to identify and ally the outsider, who is the exile, peering in, and his encounter with others along his journey. Here, it is the characteristic voice of the exile firing cryptic assaults on establishment, convention, and hippie idealism by using the decoys of rich, American gamblers squandering millions in the luxury slum of Monte Carlo’s casinos. Indeed, according to Janovitz, the song’s lyrics depict “casual disdain for authority, drug-bust martyrdom, and the band’s pressure to ‘exile’ themselves,” with the last two lines “captu[ring] the essence of Exile on Main St: surreal rock & roll, jet-set sexuality, decadence, and boredom with the tired themes of the 1960s.”13 As a punitive means, exile was imposed on those who could do the most harm, and it recognizes high standing. But exile is also self-imposed, for it is within the “sanctuary” of exile that writers find a powerful voice that is the product of roaming and resistance. It is at once the voice of banishment, homelessness, and encounter with a new world. Linguistically it draws on forms, accents, and syntax that bridge high and low, and finds power and inspiration in dialect and popular forms.

In 1971 the Stones, debt-ridden, literally went into self-exile in the south of France, due to the high taxation laws in the UK that left the group unable to meet their income tax responsibilities. Their exile was also the conclusion to years of systematic arrests by the police on often-fabricated drug and indecency charges that are widely believed to have been part of a particular vendetta against the group. The qualities of exile described above appear throughout Sticky Fingers, in which the poetic squalor of practically all of the songs suggests distance and travel. Musically, they call out from elsewhere through an intentional stylistic apartness: the orientalism of “Moonlight Mile”; the long instrumental jam, unique in the Stones’ output, at the end of “Can’t You Hear Me Knocking”; the Stax-influenced “I’ve Got the Blues”; and, as noted earlier, the solitary withdrawal of the victim in “Sister Morphine.” With Exile on Main Street, conceived amidst the rich opulence of the French Riviera, the group moves on to employ a variety of musical styles that take the form of “dialects” that are effectively used to speak in code while simultaneously asserting the Stones’ personalities as Others and transients. Within this multi-vocal setting, the Stones employ gospel as a way to mask sex songs (“Let It Loose,” “Loving Cup”), country influences to tap into the deep American roots songbook that became more authentic – in tone and technique – through the influence of Gram Parsons, Calypso for a protest song about Black militant Angela Davis (“Sweet Black Angel,”, sung in “Caribbean” dialect), and blues for traditional attacks on high-class pastimes.

Exiles and the Circus

Satan was the first exile (Revelation 12.7), followed across the ages by Odysseus, the Holy Family, Dante, Solzhenitsyn, the Dalai Lama, Marvin Gaye, and … the Rolling Stones. Historically, the condition of exile is associated with banishment – both real and imagined – the exiler becoming a verbal target for reprisal, cryptic assault, and condemnation by the exiled. Whether the result of intense political opposition (Dante) or tax evasion (Gaye, the Stones), the sentence of exile amplifies displacement and protest through the use of vernacular dialects, subversive themes, and ancient texts. Nostalgia, mobility, alienation, linguistic variation, encounters with Others, religious themes, and recourse to Scripture are recurring exilic themes. With the Stones, references to the outsider, the use of different voices, vocal delivery, genre, choice of lyrics, stylistic diversity, and sound contribute to this autobiographical notion of exile. Even their recording conditions, in the form of a mobile studio (see Figure 4.2) beginning with the Exile sessions, are critical to the decentralized, “exilic” sound and songwriting strategies of the Stones during this period, as they create their own rural musical space in the image of the legendary studios of the American south like Muscle Shoals and Stax.

Figure 4.2 Author in front of the 24-track Helios console inside the Rolling Stones Mobile studio, 2016.

National Music Centre, Calgary, Alberta (photo by Tom Knowles).

Reflecting on the end of the group’s first American tour in 1964, Keith Richards wrote that he thought the group had “blown it”: “We’d been consigned to the status of medicine shows and circus freaks with long hair.”14 Ironically, the image of the circus act is a recurring image in the group’s music and overall self-perception between 1968 and 1972. Although the Stones’ period of exile is a physical reality in 1971 with their move from England to France, the roots of their displacement can be found at the beginning of this period of creativity, most visibly in the Rock and Roll Circus of 1968, a fully realized project intended as a BBC television special that was eventually shelved until its official release on videocassette in 1996.15 Using the backdrop of a “big top” circus tent (with Mod accents, to be sure), the project features performances by many of the most popular and emerging British rock and pop acts of the day – the Who, Jethro Tull, the “Dirty Mac” supergroup with John Lennon, Eric Clapton, Keith Richards, and Mitch Mitchell, along with appearances by Marianne Faithfull and Yoko Ono – interspersed with conventional acrobatic routines by authentic circus acts (funambulists, fire breathers, lion tamers, etc.). Intentionally or not, the Stones project here the idea of the rock concert as a circus, its performers likened to trained acts to play before audiences seeking their own vicarious thrills, living perilously on the edge of success and failure, and marginalized – as Richards recounts from the 1964 tour – as a circus act.

Indeed, the circus performer is a classic “exile,” especially if in the sideshow. Classified as “misfits,” humans with physical deformities, unusual physical abilities, biological difference, and birth defects were leveraged as circus acts alongside other sideshow performers of specious authenticity. The connection between these circus performers and the Stones comes full circle with Robert Frank’s cover for the Exile on Main Street album, which, taken from photographs he had shot for his legendary book The Americans, and in close collaboration with Jagger about the design, featured black and white photos of various circus performers exhibiting their unusual abilities, with some images used individually to promote the 1972 tour (see Figure 4.1).16 As Richards remembers, “Exile was a double album. And because it’s a double album you’re going to be hitting different areas, including D for Down, and the Stones really felt like exiles.”17

Sacred Exiles

Sacred references are frequent in the Stones’ music from these years, as they are in Delta blues, not only through allusion or quotes from Scripture, but in the use of sacred sound and style. In the song “Far Away Eyes” from Some Girls of 1978, the media-driven tele-evangelical movement in America is cleverly (and acutely) parodied through Jagger’s drawl, the mimicry of the radio preacher seeking $10 tithes, and the signature pedal steel parts played by Ronnie Wood, but there is nothing really sacred about the song.18 Earlier, however, the allusions were more sober, probing, and authentic. The Stones incorporate sacred idioms from sources as diverse as the English choral tradition, American gospel, and the small-town Salvation Army funeral procession, that, drawing on the emotional arc of the gospel service, provide climactic and conclusive moments within the songs.

“Prodigal Son” (text drawn from Luke 15:11–32), on Beggars Banquet, is a moralizing story, a version – calling it a “cover” does not do the song justice – of Rev. Robert Tim Wilkins’ “That’s No Way to Get Along” that he originally recorded in Memphis in 1929 but later (and after having renounced the life of a bluesman and joined the church) rerecorded as “The Prodigal Son” in 1964.19 It is this latter version that draws specifically on the story given in Luke and is the immediate influence, both in the guitar work and the lyrics, for the version by the Stones. Appearing on an album whose opening track recounts the destructive history of Satan (“Sympathy for the Devil” [BB]) and his contemporaneous killing of the Kennedys, “Prodigal Son” reaches back to the rural style of its author, Jagger mimicking the old bluesman’s voice and Richards patterning his strumming in E-tuning after Wilkins, against a duo of harmonicas and a clutter of makeshift-sounding percussion. The effect is that of a street-corner performance somewhere in the Delta for a retelling of the best known of Jesus’ three parables, this one foregrounding the themes of greed, reconciliation, family, and ultimately forgiveness. In the end, the song is unlike any other original blues arranged anew by the Stones due to its raw, rural sound, as if one were suddenly listening to one of Alan Lomax’s important field recordings of southern Blues.

It is the American gospel tradition, though, that is the most pervasive influence on the Stones in this period. Gospel techniques create call-and-response textures (heard, for example, on “Tumbling Dice” [EMS]), they reference gospel’s musical progeny, R&B, and they further create climactic moments that recall the rapturous conclusion of gospel church services, heard at the ends of “Salt of the Earth” (BB), “You Can’t Always Get What You Want” (LB), and “Shine a Light” (EMS). But the exhilarating crescendos of heavenly gospel textures are also used to celebrate sex (“Loving Cup” [EMS]) and, more darkly, sexual surrender (“Let It Loose” [EMS]). At a formal level, the fact that “Salt of the Earth” and “You Can’t Always Get What You Want” – the final songs of Beggars Banquet and Let It Bleed, respectively – both conclude with high-energy gospel choruses, suggests that the organization of the albums themselves draws on the plan and rhythm of the gospel service in which confession and community are ultimate themes. Thematically, both albums begin by a stark acknowledgment of evil and tragedy, but they eventually conclude with the same choral exhilaration that accompanies the arrival in the gospel church of the Holy Ghost. In “Sympathy for the Devil” (BB) Satan introduces himself by immediately speaking over the macabre, samba-like rhythm of a Totentanz, while in “Gimme Shelter” (LB) the distant howling (vocalized by Merry Clayton) in the foreboding introduction and relentless three-chord descending progression underlie the premonition of storms, rape, and murder. Halfway through Beggars we hear a “sermon” about the Prodigal Son and the lesson of forgiveness; in the case of the much darker Let It Bleed, it is rather the grisly fulfillment of the foretold rape and murder by the appearance, halfway through the album, of the Midnight Rambler. In the end, however, both albums banish their evils musically and textually by uplifting gospel choruses.

“Salt of the Earth” (BB) – a song that was powerfully revived by Jagger and Richards at the Concert for New York City following the 9/11 attack – begins, as its title suggests, like a boozy, closing-time song in a worker’s pub, in which everyone, arms around each other, eventually joins in. It continues the proletarian theme, already introduced by “Factory Girl,” to raise a glass to the working class and “lowly of birth” – socialist folk sentiments persuasive enough for Joan Baez to decide to record her own version of this song a few years later. It is often said that those looking for actionable messages in Beggars Banquet will not find them. “Street Fighting Man,” which would seem to be the most incendiary of the songs on this album, with its megaphone, front-of-the-pack vocal charge, and the driving march of the IV–I chords, recedes into apathy: “But what can a poor boy do/but sing in a rock and roll band?” “Salt of the Earth,” too, seems to give a pass to those watching on the sideline: “Spare a thought for the stay-at-home voter/His empty eyes gaze at strange beauty shows/And a parade of gray suited grafters/A choice of cancer or polio.” After verses sung individually and together by Jagger and Richards, the song builds to a climax through short, pungent bursts of slide guitar (similar to what takes place in “Jigsaw Puzzle” [BB]), until the Watts Street Gospel Choir of Los Angeles enters at the end of the second refrain. Taking over the chorus sung by Jagger and Richards, the choir suddenly (and characteristically gospel) kicks the tempo into double time for a foot-stomping, sway-in-the-aisle conclusion. “Salt of the Earth” is an exile commentary about honoring “workers” over the owners, and it could just as easily be a rant against the record industry, the “workers” being the artists under contract.

The Theater of Exile

Richards has cleverly described the song “Midnight Rambler” (LB) as an unintentional “blues opera,” with its Boston Strangler libretto – many lyrics were taken literally from the confession of the actual Boston Strangler, Albert DeSalvo20 – and the horrifying, still, recitative section in the middle of the song where the killer, in a whisper punctuated by thrusts of the knife, torments his victim. This kind of dramatic presentation pervades other pieces of the period, as the Stones become more adept at “staging” their songs almost as small one-acts. In “You Can’t Always Get What You Want” (LB), they employ gospel and sacred sound to force multiple contrasts: the present against the past, England vs. America, black vs. white rhythm, and the black vs. the white church, all theatrically mounted on a sonic “stage” for this seven-minute-plus finale to Let It Bleed. The nostalgic opening of the song is one of the most beautifully written moments the Stones ever produced. The curtain is raised with an Anglican-style “hymn” sung by the London Bach Choir, that, despite some rather awkward text setting (the two-note descending figures given to the one-syllable words “hand” and “man,” for example), opens up a spacious and sonorous dimension of time, distance, and memory. As sung by the choir, the scored hymn section provides the day’s lesson in an authoritative, didactic fashion. Emerging out of the final note of this first choral refrain is the I–IV strummed riff of Richards’ E-tuned capo’d acoustic that appears from yet another seemingly distant part of the space, coupled with Al Kooper’s French horn solo sounding, too, as if from the distance, like the off-stage horns we hear in Mahler. Thomas Peattie has written about “distant sound” in Mahler’s works as being part of a theatrical moment in which instrumental music becomes linked with opera.21 When the conclusive words (“You get what you need!”) of the refrain return after Jagger’s first verse (2:01), the transformation is complete: The Anglican choir now gives way to the gospel singers for a joyous community celebration. The refrain, first sung ex cathedra, is now familiarized stylistically for the vox populi. But, more importantly, it signifies a deepening, a celebration, even the primacy of African-American idioms in the Stones’ music – an influence that was present at the beginning (the name of the band, of course, comes from the title of a Muddy Waters song), but is now dramatized with a narrative that invites commentary about the Stones and race. Returning to the song, for the next two verses the Bach Choir is silent, but following the bridge section (4:17) the exciting coda unites both the Bach and gospel choirs in an ecstatic gospel ending that is propelled – as we heard in “Salt of the Earth” – into the fadeout by shifting into a quick two-beat double-time rhythm.

The spiritual “You Gotta Move” (SF), a group arrangement of bluesman Mississippi Fred McDowell’s song of the same name (an earlier version he may have known is the Original Blind Boys of Alabama’s recording of 1953), is another excellent example of the theatrical imagination of the Stones and how they brilliantly conceive a dramatic and historical narrative out of an acoustic blues. McDowell’s riveting performance, recorded in 1965 at the end of the folk/blues revival, features him doubling his vocal line on slide guitar and adding instrumental breaks between the vocal verses, suggesting many adaptable options for the Stones, now with Mick Taylor comfortably integrated into the group. The exilic, dialect vernacular of spirituals is made for the Stones. Spirituals contain irresistible hooks, and many popular R&B songs like Sam Cooke’s “A Change is Gonna Come” and Curtis Mayfield’s “People Get Ready” were written in the mold of spirituals and freedom songs, as was much of the work of Aretha Franklin and others. That this music became the soundtrack of the civil rights movement was understood by the Stones well before 1971, and other selections on Sticky Fingers, like the Otis Redding-inspired “I’ve Got the Blues,” with its signature Stax 6/8 meter, crisp rhythmic shots, “sad” doppler-effect horns, shift to the minor subdominant key for Billy Preston’s organ solo, and “pleading” outro, are homages to the classic R&B tradition.22 Jagger is no Otis Redding, to be sure. But this is no longer a mere cover, as on the early Stones albums, but a new song executed with the authenticity, techniques, and above all performance of the classic R&B tradition.

Equally attractive to the Stones in “You Gotta Move” is the Lord’s egalitarian judgement: “You may be high/You may be low/You may be rich, child/You may be poor/But when the Lord gets ready/You gotta move.” It is God who decides when your time is up, and you can’t pay for your seat in heaven as did the corrupt “kings and queens” during the Great Schism who “fought for decades/for the Gods they made” referenced in “Sympathy for the Devil.” But the most interesting part of the song is the theatrical setting they construct for it. Where McDowell’s version is rendered in the venerable Delta manner of a solo guitarist singing the blues, the Stones make the song into a Salvation Army funeral procession marching down Main Street of Small Town, USA. With McDowell’s original riffs in tow, played here on a twelve-string, improvised harmonies are added on the spot, as are other, spontaneous vocalizations. As the song – and the procession – progresses, more and more instruments are added: A bass drum and clapped hi-hat provide the slow beat of the funeral march as it makes its way, along with the wail of Mick Taylor’s electric slide parts (on a vintage 1954 Telecaster, no less) that bring to mind the lacrimose emotions of witnesses to the funeral.

Another excellent example of a staged song drawing on historical references is “Can’t You Hear Me Knocking” (SF), a loud retelling of the troubadour alba in which the exiled poet arrives at the foot of the castle tower for his rendezvous at dawn with his lover. Here, however, he is outside the house trying to smash his way in, weaponized by one of the highest-caliber riffs in Richards’ arsenal coupled with Jagger’s six-beat window- and door-pounding refrain: “Can’t you hear me KNOCK-ing?” With the song’s long, suggestive instrumental coda of solos by Mick Taylor and saxophonist Bobby Keys – at times rhythmic and funky, elsewhere bluesy and dreamy – it becomes clear that our troubadour succeeded in entering through the window … and stayed awhile.

The final, and most creative example of the dramatic, historical settings the Stones can mount of a Delta acoustic blues is with their staging of Robert Johnson’s “Love in Vain Blues,” a song recorded twice by Johnson in his only recording session in 1937. Johnson’s original, like all of his surviving recorded works, features only him singing and playing. After a short introduction and characteristic chromatic turnaround, Johnson sings three verses without an instrumental break (which he rarely takes on these recordings anyway), followed by a final verse that is vocalized. His guitar accompaniment draws heavily from country blues traditions, with the chord shapes and fingerpicking style, as well as the accented “walking” tempo, emphasizing a light shuffle beat along with a percussive accompaniment achieved through his right-hand strumming and muting technique. The harmonies do not stray from a conventional I–IV–I–V blues scheme, and overall it is one of the most restrained songs, technically and vocally, of Johnson’s recorded output. His vocal delivery, perhaps because of the sorrow implicit in the lyrics, is not, like many of his other works, prone to extremes of pitch, shouting, or the use of different “voices.” In all, it is a beautiful though sedate song by Johnson, showing off his more lyrical rather than demonic side.

The Rolling Stones make the song into something much different, enhancing it dramatically on many levels. While retaining essential features of Johnson’s original, they incorporate country, R&B, and even classical influences, creating a small staged piece of musical theater to evoke the images of travel, loss, and sorrow embedded in the lyrics. Johnson’s words are some of the most beautiful in his output, and there is reason to believe that they are autobiographical. In John Hammond Jr.’s 1991 documentary The Search for Robert Johnson (UK, Iambic Productions), among several informants who had been in supposed contact with Robert Johnson, Hammond interviews an elderly woman named Willie Mae Powell, who stated that she was Johnson’s girlfriend in the 1930s. She must be the “Willie Mae” whose name one can hear Johnson sing off-mic in the final vocalization verse of the recording.

The song opens in the first person with Johnson, carrying a suitcase, following his girlfriend to the train station. Is it her bag that she will take with her when she boards the train, or is it his suitcase because he intends to follow her? We don’t know. The second verse opens with the train arriving into the station, and Johnson, sensing that this may be his last chance to patch things up, “looks her [straight] in the eye.” Concluding the verse with this line, but offering no resolution, Johnson brings us to the emotional climax of the song within an imagined clamor of steel and brakes as the train stops. In the final texted verse, it is Johnson who stands alone on the platform watching the train depart from the station, taking account of the two lights of the caboose, one blue, the other red, fading into the distance. The verse ends with Johnson musing that the blue light was “my blues” but the “red light was my mind.” The final, untexted, verse featuring Johnson vocalizing (and moaning the name “Willie Mae”) thus achieves significance as the narrator weeping, shouting, or otherwise emotionally distraught and unable to speak. The whole story, all told in only six individual lines, exemplifies the power of the blues lyric and its well-known themes of travel and loss.

For the Stones, the sentimentality of the verse, its ambiguity, and the rural imagery all inspired a country approach to the piece. Like Johnson, they begin with an introduction on guitar, but instead of the 2/4 shuffle rhythm of Johnson’s original, Richards shifts the tempo to a 6/8 rhythm, like a classic R&B ballad, though in this case tilting more towards country music. In addition, his introduction moves beyond the three chords of Johnson’s conventional twelve-bar blues setting by adding a minor vi chord before the turnaround (the Stones’ version is up a minor third). The addition of the vi chord is a stroke of genius (the progression actually relates to a standard country two-beat scheme of I–vi–IV–V–I), that opens a window “outside” the standard twelve-bar I–IV–V–I progression, similar to the way “Wild Horses” (SF) begins on an “unexpected” B-minor chord in the key of G. As verse one begins, using just guitars and voice, we begin to hear the distant train whistles as played on a slide guitar by Keith Richards. The train’s arrival into the station in verse two is captured musically by the entrance of the rhythm section, while the train whistles (slide guitar) get louder and more frequent. The Stones’ penchant for theatricality is no more apparent than in what happens next: Interrupting the second and third verses, they add an instrumental verse featuring a mandolin solo, played by Ry Cooder, with Jagger singing verse snippets in the background. Although this section is basically instrumental, it provides a crucial explanation to the story. The mandolin is traditionally related to serenades and balcony scenes in Italian opera and usually played by the male lover or seducer: In the seduction aria, “Deh vieni alla finestra” in Mozart’s Don Giovanni, for example, the Don accompanies himself on mandolin (though modern productions usually have someone in the orchestra to play it). Its use here, in the train station, at the point where Johnson’s lover is about to board the train, is a clever adoption of an historical tradition, and it further carves out dramatic action in the absence of words. In the third verse, the full band, including mandolin, accompanies Jagger, who alters a few words (“blues” to “baby”), and the final vocalized verse concludes with a departing train whistle in the distance.

***

By 1973 the group had reached the end of their exile, their narrative of travel, distance, and plurality of voices singularized into language of the city. Their next album, Goats Head Soup, recorded back at Olympic Studios in London, revealed fissures that became increasingly visible over the next decade. “There was just this feeling through Goats Head Soup that the whole thing was falling to pieces,” recounted producer and drummer Jimmy Miller; “It was no longer Mick and Keith’s song – it was Mick’s song or Keith’s song.”23 The 1972 tour barreled across America – Jagger in a jumpsuit and on the cover of Life (see Figure 4.3), doing anything and having everything – the basement sessions and their exilic voices that were made far away in Nellcôte now being sung to thousands of fans. The tour exhausted the conceptual period of exile for the Stones; the coarseness around the edges of the tour, as documented in Cocksucker Blues, now giving a preview of the group’s next phase, in which the landscape of New York City emerges in both theme and sound. The new album initiated a distinct urban period, as the Stones moved from the stories of exile and the redemption of gospel to an often vulgar and more immediate commentary of urban America and its decadence. Wah-wah pedals, increased guitar distortion, the sounds of Leslies, phase shifters, electric clavinet, and blasphemous takes on the innocence of ’50s rock (“Star Star”) are the new sonic expressions for songs about street shootings, overdoses, and groupies “givin’ head to Steve McQueen.”24 The New York of Some Girls was coming into focus, while the memories of California – the metaphor for paradise in Mick Taylor’s elegiac song, “Winter,” that closes Goats Head Soup – receded into the distance.

Figure 4.3 Cover of Life magazine (July 14, 1972) published during the 1972 tour.

Grybowski Collection, Library and Archives, Rock and Roll Hall of Fame Museum.

5 Post Exile: The Rolling Stones in a Disco-Punk World, 1975–1983

Paul Harris

How, in the 1970s, did a generation whose motto was “never trust anyone over thirty” come to grips with an iconic 1960s rock band whose members were entering their mid-thirties? On the whole, not very well. Mick Jagger, in an unguarded moment, wistfully observed: “I’m afraid rock and roll has no future … It’s only recycled past.”1 The mid-1970s was a time of considerable turmoil and transition for the Stones, and for rock music in general.2 The music industry was still sorting itself out after the breakup of the Beatles at the very beginning of the 1970s. Historically, the spread of the bucolic culture envisioned by Woodstock already seemed in rot. The 1970s were riven with crises – Vietnam, Watergate, labor strife in Britain, the Troubles in Northern Ireland, global concerns about pollution and overpopulation, the energy crisis, planned obsolescence, the Munich Olympic massacre, the Biafran War, the India-Pakistan War, and the Yom Kippur War, are only a few of the most important calamities that mark the decade. Amidst this turbulence – often simplistically chronicled in rock history by contrasting the Stones’ dystopian concert at Altamont with the utopian ideals of Woodstock – the Rolling Stones faced a novel predicament: how to remain at the forefront of rock while entering a stage of life more traditionally associated with conventional adulthood.

By the mid-1970s, the individual Stones were approaching their early to mid-thirties (see Figure 5.1), with the exception of Bill Wyman who would reach the age of forty in 1976. No other iconic refugees of sixties rock had survived more or less intact to this point, and it was not at all clear where the band should be headed musically, or whether they remained relevant, given the “now conventional charges of geriatric redundancy.”3 The Beatles had very messily gone their separate ways, and had already become (literally) figures in the wax museum of Madame Tussaud.4 The “King of Rock and Roll,” Elvis Presley – much further down the road to rock decrepitude, having turned forty in 1975 – was midway through his Las Vegas period, offering increasingly gaudy, louche shows for audiences not much younger than he. Most fans of sixties rock already considered him outdated, and his untimely, undignified death at age forty-two in August 1977 – the apogee of British punk – cemented his status as a tabloid staple and figure of mixed veneration and ridicule.5 Today, rock artists in their fifties, sixties, and beyond have become commonplace, many living comfortably on their back catalog with a large and appreciative classic-rock fan base in tow. But they were at risk of becoming self-satirists in the seventies – it was utterly uncharted territory. In David Bowie’s “All the Young Dudes,” written for Mott the Hoople in 1972, the generational divide is laid bare: “And my brother’s back at home/with his Beatles and his Stones/We never got it off on that revolution stuff/What a drag/too many snags.” The Stones were acutely aware that remaining relevant might be their greatest challenge.

Figure 5.1 Atlantic Records promotional photo of the Rolling Stones (1978).

Jeff Gold Collection, Library and Archives, Rock and Roll Hall of Fame Museum.

How a given music fan experienced, categorized, and evaluated rock music in the early 1970s varied enormously depending on the individual’s demographic and geographic situation. Neither Paul McCartney and Wings, nor John Lennon as a solo artist were likely to be considered potential heirs to the predominance of the Beatles in the 1960s; critic Lester Bangs was emphatic about that from his own perspective, describing McCartney’s latest works as “Muzak’s finest hour” and Lennon as an “infantile” bandwagoner.6 On a local AM rock station, one could easily hear Tony Orlando and Dawn, Billy Preston, Roberta Flack, Wings, Helen Reddy, Three Dog Night, War, Chicago, the Carpenters, and Sly and the Family Stone cheek to jowl. And, at least for a few months in 1975, the Bay City Rollers were touted as the “Next Big Thing” in a popular press that remained focused on anointing an heir to the Beatles. Against this background, the Rolling Stones were involuntarily saddled with the principal responsibility for extending the legacy of the Golden Age of Rock into the 1970s. In his review of Goats Head Soup for Creem, Allen Crowley began: “Sure, I was as full of nervous anticipation as you were. Every new Stones album has to plow through such expectations that the Second Coming would flop first hearing … the album isn’t ABOUT much. The Stones are still consummate entertainers, but somewhere along the line we began to expect something more than entertainment from them.”7 Faced with such an obligation, the Beatles were fortunate to have disbanded.

The Stones in the Mid-1970s

Their early albums from the 1970s, Sticky Fingers and Exile on Main Street, are often cited as their finest works, concluding the “core” quartet of albums that began with Beggars Banquet and Let It Bleed. The albums immediately following are held in much lower esteem. Rolling Stone founder and Stones confidant Jann Wenner, in a lengthy interview with Jagger in 1995, pointed to a string of weak albums, namely Goats Head Soup (1973), the generally uneven It’s Only Rock ’n Roll (1974), the compilation package Made in the Shade (1975) released to coincide with their 1975 tour, and Black and Blue (1976). Asked about the state of the band in this period, Jagger observed:

General malaise. I think we got a bit carried away with our own popularity and so on. It was a bit of a holiday period [laughs] … we cared, but we didn’t care as much as we had. Not really concentrating on the creative process, and we had such money problems. We had been so messed around by Allen Klein and the British Revenue. We were really in a very bad way.8

While recording Goats Head Soup, Richards recalls being generally upbeat but becoming “exhausted. You get busted. For a long stretch, I was either on trial or had a case pending, or we were going through visa problems. That was always the backdrop. It was sheer pleasure to get in the studio and lose yourself.”9

Music critics in the 1970s were preoccupied with the aging of the Stones and their ability to remain relevant, frequently lamenting that they once “meant” something (although often failing to explain what it meant to “mean” something). Lester Bangs, after musing on whether Goats Head Soup would be received as “their latest triumph or the epitaph of old men,” posed the following question for Stones fans: “Q: What if the Stones no longer pay off? A#1: You desert ’em. After all, they’re justa buncha old men. A#2: What kind of friend are you? You grew up with these cats! Christ, are there no values left in this lousy culchuh?”10 He continues, “There is a sadness about the Stones now, because they amount to such an enormous So what?,” taking several shots at other emerging rock royalty and declaring his disillusionment with mid-seventies rock in general: “Bowie is a style collector with almost no ideas of his own, Reed’s basically just reworking his old Velvets ideas, people like Elton John are reaching back into nostalgia but that’s a blind alley, and everybody else is playing the blues. So unless we get the Rolling Stones off their asses IT’S THE END OF ROCK ‘N’ ROLL.”11 Again there is the notion of the Stones as survivors charged with the burden of continuing the rock legacy of the 1960s. He was similarly dismissive of 1974’s It’s Only Rock ’n Roll: “The Stones have become oblique in their old age … This album is false. Numb.”12 Bangs’ hyperbolic reference to “old age” pointedly illuminates how rock culture was struggling to contextualize rockers over thirty as anything other than nostalgia acts.

The next album, Black and Blue, was recorded piecemeal for more than a year between late 1974 and late 1975, and released in April, 1976. Between financial and other business complications, the unexpected departure of guitarist Mick Taylor, the band members living in diverse locales, and Richards’ heroin addiction, the group was in disarray. Former Faces guitarist Ronnie Wood, who the Stones all knew well from various side projects, joined the band full time, signaling a new era for the Stones. Critical reception was mixed, but, not unexpectedly, Lester Bangs was disappointed, citing two things to be said: “one is that they are still perfectly in tune with the times (a.k.a., sometimes, trendies) and the other is that the heat’s off, because it’s all over, they really don’t matter anymore or stand for anything, which is certainly lucky for both them and us. I mean, it was a heavy weight to carry for all concerned. This is the first meaningless Rolling Stones album.”13 Again, the rhetoric emphasizes the Stones’ apparent obligation to somehow encapsulate the times as they were perceived to have done in the 1960s, indicating, perhaps, that the problem was not so much the Rolling Stones as it was the “times,” insofar as Bangs acknowledges that they remain perfectly in tune with the era.

Albums were not the only concern. Stones concerts after the 1972 (Exile) tour were often rambling affairs, usually starting very late, plagued by bad sound and desultory stage presence, but compensating with stage props and lighting. Melody Maker describes one concert from the tour accompanying Black and Blue, which saw the band reach into their repertoire of older songs and blues covers, as utterly lacking energy or commitment: “[they were] unable to produce a version of ‘Route 66’ with half as much vitality as the bands then playing the pub circuit.”14 To top things off, Richards’ heroin use landed him on New Musical Express’ top-ten list of rock stars most likely to die, a position he proudly held for ten years.15

Some Girls

By October 1977, the Stones were more than ready to get back to the studio. Richards describes the sessions for Some Girls as having a “following wind” from the beginning, a “rejuvenation, surprisingly for such a dark moment, when it was possible that I would go to jail and the Stones would dissolve.”16 Wood describes the album as “a celebration of getting Keith back,” as Richards was taking steps to manage his heroin addiction.17 They moved into the Pathé Marconi studios in Paris with nothing prepared. No other musicians were on hand either; that would all be added later. “It had an echo of Beggars Banquet about it – a long period of silence and then coming back with a bang and a new sound.”18

This was their first album produced by Chris Kimsey, though Kimsey had prior experience with the Stones as assistant engineer to Andy Johns for most of the Sticky Fingers sessions of 1969 and 1970.19 Richards recalls that “We had to pull something out – not make another Stones-in-the-doldrums album. He wanted to get a live sound back and move away from the clean and clinical-sounding recordings we’d slipped into.”20 They recorded in the smaller, less sophisticated rehearsal studio with a 1960s-style, 16-track console (the same board EMI had designed for Abbey Road).

That Some Girls is an urban, “New York” album is widely acknowledged. The city was on the verge of bankruptcy in the mid-1970s, with crime, poverty, and political dysfunction at their peak. Jagger observed twenty years later:

I’d moved to New York at that point. The inspiration for the record was really based in New York and the ways of the town. I think that gave it an extra spur and hardness. And then, of course, there was the punk thing that had started in 1976. Punk and disco were going on at the same time, so it was quite an interesting period. New York and London, too. Paris – there was punk there. Lots of dance music. Paris and New York had all this Latin dance music, which was really quite wonderful. Much more interesting than the stuff that came afterward.21

Richards has said that he believed that Jagger was interested in recording a disco album, a claim Jagger emphatically denies.22 “I just had one song that had a dance groove: “Miss You.” But I didn’t want to make a disco album. I wrote all these songs – like “Respectable,” “Lies,” “When the Whip Comes Down.”23

Punk and Disco on Some Girls

Both the Stones and their critics repeatedly acknowledge Some Girls’ obvious stylistic affinity with disco and punk, two prominent genres of pop music in the mid-to-late 1970s centered in New York. However, these were emergent and rather mutually exclusive styles and subcultures which were likely not representative of average listening tastes. The Stones unanimously deny adopting these styles strategically, but rather suggest that they were “in the air” and absorbed naturally. Watts reports that he and Jagger frequented discos at the time and constantly encountered the four-on-the-floor groove of the kick drum marking all four beats in a measure.24 Similarly, Wood recalls that the English punk scene was unavoidable as it was “on the news all the time” (although the quote begins with the words “Those punk songs were our message to those boys,” thus somewhat negating the lack of intent).25 Richards claims he was less interested than Jagger in following contemporary pop styles but concedes that disco and punk created “an intriguing juxtaposition.”26

“Miss You” is typically cited as the Stones’ interpretation of disco. It was entirely a Jagger creation, with an early rendition played with Billy Preston in Toronto’s El Mocambo ballroom during the period of Richards’ drug problems in Canada.27 According to Jagger, “‘Miss You’ really caught the moment, because that was the deal at the time. And that’s what made that record take off. It was a really great record.”28 Richards agrees, calling it “one of the best disco records of all time.”29

Simplicity and repetition might reasonably be offered as watchwords for “Miss You,” but its formal irregularity and compelling bass line, first climbing and then descending in octaves, give it the quality of an adaptable jam over an insistent i–iv progression organized symmetrically in phrases of 2 + 2. However, while some song components, particularly verses, unfold in classic eight-measure phrases, others are organized into twelve-measure phrases, making this an easy song to mess up – or modify – in live performance unless everyone is paying attention. Richards’ opening seven-note riff, duplicated by Jagger’s first sung line, is a decorated tonic pitch (indicated with bold text), beginning on an upbeat (“I’ve been”) with melodic interest provided by a sus-4 pitch (all caps) on the downbeat (HOLD-ing out so long). This is the hook for the entire song (except the eight-measure bridge), including the ghostly falsetto gang-vocal sections that almost function as choruses (0:44), as they become the signature sound for the song (similar to the “doo-doo”s comprising the hook to “Hang Fire” from 1981’s Tattoo You, although first demoed during the Some Girls sessions). Jagger’s lead vocal alternates between verses that are sung and others that are recited.

The only disruption of the tonic-subdominant oscillation is the textbook “middle eight” bridge shifting to VI (F major, 1:55) and passing stepwise through E minor to two measures of D minor, but the last measure of the second phrase is the dominant, E major, setting up a strong, traditional harmonic return to tonic A minor. However, this middle eight concludes at almost exactly the midpoint of the song, making its appearance feel, perhaps, a bit premature, especially given that it is followed by a four-measure reduced-texture interlude that basically treads water before a twelve-measure whispered verse that sounds improvisatory and mysterious, as Jagger takes us “off the street” into the shadows of Central Park.

The bass line came from a jam recorded about a year earlier with Billy Preston playing bass after Wyman had already gone home from a recording session. However, when they returned to the song many months later, Wyman took inspiration from the demo, crediting Preston with the basic idea, most likely the octave figuration.30 The interplay between Wyman and Watts on “Miss You” and the “crisp” production of the drums are noted by numerous critics, not only on Some Girls, but on all Stones albums from this point forward. The groove on the record is impeccable. Wyman’s bass is prominent, as is essential in disco, and features the disco style of octave leaps on the offbeat, particularly over the D minor chord where he often walks up or down the pitches D–E–F–E over the iv chord (such as at 1:41).

At the other end of the disco-punk spectrum, “Respectable” is routinely cited as the Stones’ nod to punk. Even Jagger confirms its “edgy punk ethos.”31 Charlie Watts, while describing Jagger as a great “flavor-of-the-month person,” recalls the broader stylistic challenges of playing a disco groove and then “trying to be Johnny Rotten, who was trying to be us, in a way. That’s fine with me, because it’s really all the same thing.”32 This casual observation problematizes the popular understanding of punk: How can punk reasonably be considered an aesthetic negation of mainstream rock and roll when it so closely resembles it? For example, Tony James, a former bandmate of the Clash’s Mick Jones, confirms the debt to early sixties rock during their stint together in the proto-punk London SS, relying heavily on typical medium-tempo covers of the early Stones and early Who until they heard the manic speed of the Ramones’ début album in 1976, after which all the British punks “doubled speed overnight.”33

“Respectable” is a fast, gritty, guitar-driven song, but it is also a traditional modified twelve-bar blues chock full of the Chuck Berry riffs so venerated by Richards. The introduction chugs on a basic two-string boogie pattern on the tonic A major for two measures before two measures of the IV chord (D major), brought in with a massive fill by Watts. The progression returns to I, and then two measures of V (E major) return in full verse texture to the tonic. Jagger starts the verse after only two measures of tonic, making the intro a somewhat irregular ten measures. From this point on, the song unfolds in four-measure phrases following the basic progression of a twelve-bar blues. However, as was the case for “Miss You,” some of the song’s appeal may stem from its formal irregularity in that the verses and choruses are four measures longer than the standard twelve-bar blues because the concluding phrase (“Get out of my life …”) is repeated. Jagger sings the lead vocal against Richards’ upper harmony which mostly alternates between two pitches creating a variety of intervals with Jagger, but tending to highlight a perfect fifth, for example on the text “we’re re-spect-able.” Basically, this is rockabilly. The next year, the Clash would release London Calling, featuring an album cover paying obvious homage to that of Elvis Presley’s rockabilly-heavy début album; yet “Respectable” is much closer to rockabilly than anything from London Calling. The Clash actually have a twelve-bar blues song, “Brand New Cadillac,” on London Calling, but it sounds nothing like “Respectable,” mostly because of Joe Strummer’s shouted, Cockney vocals. The difference between the two is, obviously, not structural, nor is there any real difference in musical materials, but the timbres are completely different. Similarly, the Sex Pistols are not even remotely rockabilly, but guitarist Steve Jones often employs a subtonic figure on power chords reminiscent of Eddie Cochrane’s “Summertime Blues” riff. The waters are further muddied when one considers a rather crude-sounding band like the Damned, whose first single (and, arguably, the first punk single ever) “New Rose” is as far from rockabilly as possible – but the record was produced by British rockabilly revivalist Nick Lowe, whose fingerprints are all over early punk and post-punk, particularly with Elvis Costello. So, while punk and rockabilly share very little in terms of sound or “performance style,” there is arguably a link at the level of stripped-down aesthetics.

Marxist rock historian Peter Wicke suggests that the widely held view of punks as rebels against the Establishment is pure romanticism, and, extending the work of pop sociologist Simon Frith, argues that the punks were not expressing their disaffection through music, but were merely reflecting the hopelessness and boredom that defined their existence – they weren’t trying to change anything. The punk subculture provided a sense of community and (pre)occupation.34 Sociologist Ruth Adams, on the other hand, negates the conventional definition of punks as nihilist and anti-British by focusing on how they reflected traditional English working-class values of satirical dissent against their social “betters.” Rotten himself said that he considered Never Mind the Bollocks to be “hilarious, from start to finish – pointed, but hilarious, and therefore useful.”35 Adams claims that the punks are, in fact, quintessentially British, discussing them in terms of characters as diverse as the Shakespearean version of Richard III (Rotten rolls his “r’s” as he proclaims “Rrrright, now” in “Anarchy in the UK”), through to Dickens’ Artful Dodger, a resourceful lower-class pickpocket (the Pistols’ manager Malcolm McLaren’s comparison). She further links the Pistols’ music to the tradition of English Music Hall, a version of vaudeville originating in London, where the lower classes could safely poke fun at their situation through song and skits.36 In this respect, Wicke and Adams perhaps find some common ground given the inherent ambiguity of precisely when mere “reflection” of one’s situation crosses over to “expression” of that situation for the purpose of effecting change. While the punks never stormed Parliament with pointed sticks, Rotten claimed that he sang about situations that affected him and people he cared about, which is undeniably an act of expression. Other scholarship, acknowledging the diversity of punk musical styles and subcultural variants, suggests that the unifying philosophy of punk rock is not defiance, but merely deviance.37

Thus, from a perspective of deviance, “Respectable” succeeds with its imagery of “talking heroin with the President,” and the unnamed “queen of porn” who is the “easiest lay on the White House lawn,” but it evokes deviance at an élite social level quite foreign to the English punks. Similarly, mirroring Rotten’s take on Never Mind the Bollocks as pointed satire, Jagger has said that “Respectable” and “Some Girls,” both of which generated negative reactions over the misogynistic and racist lyrics, were intended to be funny and not any kind of profound commentary.38 Arguably, the Stones are reflecting the insouciant culture of the late 1970s, rooting their social protest in satire rather than in the more obvious urgency of “Gimme Shelter” (1969), “Sweet Black Angel” (1972), “Doo Doo Doo Doo Doo (Heartbreaker)” (1973), and serious songs of longing, such as the hit “Angie” (1973).

If “Respectable” is a punk song, then so are “When the Whip Comes Down” and “Shattered.” “Whip” is a compound simple verse form comprised almost exclusively of alternating measures of I and IV in regular eight-measure phrases, at least at first. Like many songs on Some Girls, the casual listener might recall several iterations of verse-chorus complexes broken by a contrasting bridge in classic AABA form, but it is not that simple. Like “Miss You,” this would be an easy song to mess up in concert. Two symmetrical verse-chorus complexes separated by a well-behaved four-measure interlude – a spacer section where the band plays the instrumental track without vocal – make up the first two A sections. However, a third verse seems to begin (1:21), but after only two measures the chorus hook “when the whip comes down” is sung over the next two measures, followed by another four-measure interlude. This equals eight measures, like any verse, but it contains elements of verse, chorus, and interlude. Following this is a normal eight-measure verse (1:36), but the next chorus (1:51) is truncated at only four measures – and then it gets really strange: Another verse seems to begin, but is again cut off by the chorus after only two measures, although this time the chorus section continues for four measures. Finally, rather late in the song, after four (or four and a half?) A sections, a contrasting bridge begins (3:09) alternating between single measures each of VII (G) and IV (D), which, if one considers this to be a modulation to D major, is yet another I–IV progression. However, this bridge, featuring twangy country guitar licks, is not a traditional middle eight, lasting only six measures before a full chorus returns. A guitar solo over verse-chorus music begins at this point (2:34), sounding for all the world like a coda – which it essentially is – but there are two false verses, two distinct changes of texture, and irregular iterations of the chorus still in store. In essence, shortly after the one-minute mark, the song becomes very unpredictable, which is one way the Stones are able to maintain interest over musically static material.

The (Very) Mixed Reception of Some Girls

The rock scene around the time that Some Girls neared completion in summer 1978 was focused on several stylistically diverse artists, reflecting the multiplicity of popular genres toward the end of the decade. Melody Maker, the UK’s premier weekly rock music newspaper in the late 1970s, was scarcely able to release an issue that year that didn’t have a short teaser or announcement related to Bob Dylan or Bruce Springsteen.39 With Some Girls representing the Stones’ first major product in over a year and a half, they ramped up the publicity in the trade magazines. Melody Maker of June 3, 1978 featured consecutive full-page ads for the group’s pre-album-release single, “Miss You,” and its B side, “Far Away Eyes.”40 The other full-page ads went to Springsteen’s just-released and bound-for-glory Darkness on the Edge of Town, the Alan Parsons Project’s Pyramid, and Hall and OatesLivetime – a rather eclectic mix of genres, likely more reflective of the advertising budgets of their respective labels than any true barometer of scattered public taste. However, the next week’s issue was dominated by the Stones to coordinate with the album’s June 9th release. In addition to Chris Brazier’s guardedly optimistic feature review of the record, there was a small teaser that the Stones might do a few intimate “surprise” concerts at the Rainbow Theatre in London (where Hendrix had first set a Stratocaster alight ten years earlier), and other surprise gigs in the UK between American concerts scheduled to begin June 17th. Melody Maker’s weekly charts listed “Miss You” at number seventeen, behind Boney M’s number one “Rivers of Babylon,” Olivia Newton-John and John Travolta’s number two “You’re the One that I Want,” Darts’ number three cover of Leiber and Stoller’s “Boy from New York City,” and the Bee Gees’ number five “Night Fever.” The disco groove of “Miss You” was therefore in good company amongst these dance-pop numbers, even if its lurking malevolence comes from somewhere else. Toward the end of the issue, the “What’s New” singles column featured “Miss You” as the first of its list of twenty releases, ahead of new work by Springsteen, the Boomtown Rats, Dusty Springfield, Maria Muldaur, Jackson Browne, and Dolly Parton. Similarly, the adjacent “What’s New” albums list had Some Girls in second position behind the post-punk stylings of Magazine’s Real Life – even if the post-punk label itself was still some years in the future. In short, there was considerable rock-industry buzz surrounding the highly anticipated appearance of a new Stones album at the apogee of disco, and the brief flourishing of punk.

Nonetheless, Melody Maker’s review was lukewarm. “When the Whip Comes Down,” “Lies,” and “Respectable” were described as typical Stones “brag and strut,” with some interesting guitar-play between Wood and Richards, but the album as a whole was burdened by excessive repetition, absence of melody, and Jagger so low in the mix that his lyrics were inaudible. “The only track which brings Jagger and his lyrics upfront is the title-track, which is of musical interest only for the spit ‘n’ spite of the first guitar solo and for the hint of blossom in the chorus.”41 However, Brazier calls out Jagger for his “increasingly ridiculous preoccupation” with his jet-set persona, and for the overt racism – which led to public protests of the album (see Figure 5.2) – of stereotypically sexualizing African-Americans. On a more positive note, the review singled out “Miss You,” “Shattered,” and “Far Away Eyes” as tracks signaling that it was too early to “write off the Stones,” thus making Some Girls “worthy of investigation.”42 Ironically, these are the three songs that stray furthest from the governing “policy change” of Some Girls, namely returning to a classic Stones style.

Figure 5.2 African-American protestors of Some Girls outside Warner Communications, New York City, 1978.

Jeff Gold Collection, Library and Archives, Rock and Roll Hall of Fame and Museum.

Some of the repetitiveness that Brazier and other critics sensed on Some Girls may come from structural characteristics influenced by the rawness of contemporary punk. Several songs are comprised of verses that alternate between symmetrical iterations of I and IV, which tends to blanch harmonic interest. Jeff Beck alludes to this when, unbeknownst to him, he was auditioning to be Mick Taylor’s replacement – without anyone else from the band present – by laying down some demo tracks, allegedly stating that, “in two hours I got to play three chords – I need a little more energy than that.”43 The first four songs, “Miss You,” “When the Whip Comes Down,” a cover of the Temptations’ “Just My Imagination,” and “Some Girls,” are almost exclusively alternations between the tonic and the subdominant, two very closely related sonorities which, depending on one’s music-theoretical inclinations, might amount to an essentially static tonic harmony decorated with two upper neighbor tones. A well-known example of this is the opening riff to “Start Me Up” from Tattoo You, which began as a reggae number during the 1975 Black and Blue sessions in Munich.44 The Stones could not make it work despite “forty or fifty takes. We would be nagging at it again two years later [Some Girls], then four years after that – the slow birth of a song whose perfect non-reggae nature we had discovered in one passing take without realizing it, even forgetting we’d done it.”45 However, this is absolutely standard R&B and lends itself to explorations of groove, an element that text-oriented critics often undervalue.

Paul Nelson’s feature review in Rolling Stone was also tepid. It opens with the usual litany of the Stones’ advancing age, rock music’s creeping state of decline, and the suggestion that the Stones bear an ill-defined obligation to do something to reverse this:

With Bob Dylan no longer bringing it all back home, Elvis Presley dead and the Beatles already harmlessly cloned in the wax-museum nostalgia of a Broadway musical, it’s no wonder the Rolling Stones decided to make a serious record. Not particularly ambitious, mind you, but serious. These guys aren’t dumb, and when the handwriting on the wall starts to smell like formaldehyde and that age-old claim, “the greatest rock & roll band in the world,” suddenly sounds less laudatory than laughable – well, if you want to survive the Seventies and enter the Eighties with something more than your bankbook and dignity intact, you’d better dredge up your leftover pride, bite the bullet and try like hell to sweat out some good music. Which is exactly what the Stones have done. Though time may not exactly be on their side, with Some Girls they’ve at least managed to stop the clock for a while.46

He later suggests that Some Girls is to Exile what a made-for-TV version of Rebel Without a Cause without James Dean would be to the original. The mixed metaphor of handwriting on the wall smelling like formaldehyde (used to preserve corpses), the references to wax museums and leftover pride, as well as a hackneyed reference to the Stones’ 1964 cover of “Time Is on My Side,” are typical of Nelson’s reviews in that they are literary, evocative, and provocative, but often do not make much literal sense. Nonetheless, it is clear that these established critics expect the Stones to do something about the state of rock. He continues, acknowledging that there was widespread agreement that this was a return of sorts to classic Stones style, but that it lacked the “passion, power and near-awesome completeness” of Exile: “Gone is the black and white murk, and the vocals are way up in a nicely messy but pastel mix … Some Girls is like a marriage of convenience: when it works – which is often – it can be meaningful, memorable and quite moving, but it rarely sends the arrow straight through the heart.”47

Nelson’s penchant for metaphor begs the question of how to reconcile his perception of the vocals “way up” with that of Brazier in Melody Maker, who found the vocals too buried, save for “Some Girls.” Despite the stripped-down instrumental forces, it seems that seasoned Stones listeners were a bit baffled by the soundscape of Some Girls. Elsewhere, Jagger addressed the vocal mix, observing, “With a song like ‘Shattered,’ however, I thought we had to hear the words a bit, so … it’s not really just a question of loudness, it has to do with clarity of diction – whether I enunciate properly. And if I don’t, you have to have it louder, and even then people don’t understand what you’re saying.”48 The vocals on “When the Whip Comes Down,” however, are clearly difficult to discern, and they are indeed buried in the mix. Ultimately, one wonders how much time various critics spent actually listening to the album.

Jagger was so incensed by Nelson’s review that the Stones revoked the press credential for Rolling Stone’s tour reporter.49 To smooth things over, Jann Wenner penned a glowing review of the album and associated concerts in pointed rebuttal to his fellow Rolling Stone journalist Paul Nelson (and likewise Dave Marsh regarding Bob Dylan). He proclaims Some Girls “a masterpiece,” and much of the review suggests that the senior critics are subconsciously blaming sixties icons for the loss of the sixties themselves.

Ironically, one of the reasons why Greil Marcus, Dave Marsh and Paul Nelson panned Bob Dylan and the Rolling Stones with such invective is because these critics care so much – not only about Dylan and the Stones but about the entire spectrum of rock & roll. They grew up with it in the Sixties, so maybe it’s now necessary for them to slay their figurative fathers and look for new heroes.50

Wenner further criticizes them for calling punk the music of the seventies, presciently predicting that the genre will not make it to the eighties, which it arguably does not, at least in the musical mainstream, being superseded by New Wave and post-punk. Having nurtured a very close, but ultimately complicated relationship with Jagger, Wenner defends the group, concluding that “Critical discussions – historical, social, moral – that ultimately revolve around the point of things not being what they used to be are useless. To argue otherwise is to deny the aging of the observer and the observed and to ignore the fact of change.”51

The 1978 Tour

The American tour supporting Some Girls began on June 10, 1978, comprising twenty-five shows in forty-six days in venues as small as 2,000-seat theatres, to hockey arenas and outdoor football stadiums. They rehearsed rather haphazardly – mostly jamming – in Newark for thirteen days before launching the tour in Orlando, billed as “The Great Southeast Stoned-Out Wrestling Champs,” with tickets priced at $10.00. Wyman remembers the set as being “not great,” but that they gained momentum throughout the summer.52 They played a mostly post-Exile selection including eight consecutive songs from Some Girls in the middle of the seventy-five-minute set.

Some of the large stadium shows were problematic. On June 17, 1978, the Stones played the fifth show of the tour, and the first in a large venue, in the cavernous JFK Stadium in Philadelphia to an estimated 100,000 people. Unfortunately, the sound was poor, and the band were reduced to specks for many in attendance.53 Furthermore, because Jagger was ailing with ’flu, the group played a shorter set than usual, and disgruntled fans, who had sat through many hours of drizzle, began throwing objects on the stage after the Stones disappeared without an encore, a policy strictly followed for the entire tour. It was revealed later that Jagger had performed against doctor’s orders with a temperature of 101.54

Two nights later, veteran rock journalist Chris Welch reviewed a “surprise” performance at New York’s 3,386-seat Palladium Theatre; attendees received tickets via a lottery from WNEW-FM, knowing neither the date nor location. Welch asserts that the eighty-minute show silenced critics, and “reaffirmed faith in the Rolling Stones’ ability to rise above the snobbery, the social gossip and the heavy weight of the past …” He mentions an unnamed Rolling Stone journalist seated next to him who complained, “They’re just tired old men,” echoing the sentiments that Welch reports were made to him the night before by up-and-coming British rocker Tom Robinson, who believed the Stones “should break up and were no longer valid.”55 Welch, however, describes the show in superlative terms, claiming that Jagger, who reportedly had very little stage presence in Philadelphia two nights earlier, “lolled, sidled, wriggled, slumped, rolled over, spun around, leapt through the air and twitched with such violence as to shed teeth, hair and fingernails.”56 Outstanding new songs were “Respectable” and – “the first natural successor” to “Satisfaction” – “When the Whip Comes Down.” Welch lauds the move away from the “somewhat ramshackle sound” of the “Honky Tonk Women” days, and describes the rhythm section as “perked up and modernized.” Again, we see the divide between critics who bemoan the Stones’ loss of relevance and urgency, and those who perceive overall musical growth and adaptation. He claims that his colleague from Rolling Stone remained quiet after the show, perhaps unwilling to admit “the old group hadn’t been so bad after all,” while the rest of the crowd spilled out into the sweltering evening, many singing the falsetto hook from “Miss You.” John Rockwell of the New York Times agreed that the concert “triumphantly reaffirmed the greatness of rock’s most exciting performing band.” He echoes Welch, claiming that the new material really ignited the set, particularly a “fierce and desperate account” of “Miss You,” and that Jagger performed with a “sense of personal involvement that was always compelling and sometimes almost frightening in its intensity.”57

Indeed, Jagger’s increasing role as a rhythm guitarist changed both the Stones’ live sound and their stage show (although he had played guitar on a song or two in concerts starting in 1975). According to Jagger, this gave Richards and Wood more opportunity to solo simultaneously while still supported by Jagger’s rhythm guitar, and it permitted any combination of the three guitars to set up counter-rhythms thus more accurately reproducing the textures that Richards had constructed on the records.58 Jagger claimed that donning a guitar did not inhibit his stage antics as they were now using wireless transmitters.

Postlude: Emotional Rescue, Tattoo You and Undercover

After releasing Some Girls in June, 1978, the Stones were in the studio off and on throughout autumn 1978 to early 1980. In that period, they recorded approximately forty songs, actually finishing twenty-five – more than enough for a new album – and ultimately selecting ten for Emotional Rescue.59 By 1980, Jagger’s take on New Wave and punk was that they were no longer new. Referring to the Police and the Clash, respectively, he said: “The music isn’t new. It sounds very old … I quite like the Clash … but they really sound old fashioned … London Calling’s a great album. But I prefer Elvis Costello’s songwriting.”60 Jagger describes his and Richards’ songwriting as following no set pattern in terms of who contributes what. In some cases, the songs are written quite separately, whereas in others they are collaborations in highly variable proportions, but all are credited equally. The older tendency for Richards to arrange and Jagger to write lyrics had largely broken down as well. In cases where other members made a significant contribution, such as Wood to “Dance,” a co-writing credit was added.61 When asked by Jann Wenner whether Emotional Rescue has “a lot of resonance,” Jagger responds that it does not, and that many of the songs were leftovers from Some Girls.62

The (Less) Mixed Reception of Emotional Rescue

Upon its release, the album received generally lukewarm reviews. However, as with Some Girls, critical reception has softened over the years, suggesting that both albums might be “growers.” On the other hand, the reviews of these releases might simply betray critics’ desire for successive albums to be simultaneously groundbreaking yet familiar. Ariel Swartley’s Rolling Stone review of Emotional Rescue was less than effusive.63 “As far as the music goes, familiar is an understatement. There’s hardly a melody here you haven’t heard from the Stones before. But then that’s nothing new. Me, I’d rather be reminded of Between the Buttons by the venal, high-speed whine of ‘She’s So Cold’ than revisit ‘Miss You’ outtakes by way of the interminable ‘Dance (Pt. 1),’ but there are plenty of rooms available at the current memory motel.”64 Swartley rightly implies that Emotional Rescue is heavily informed by cast-offs from Some Girls, although it is unclear how aware of this anyone outside the Stones milieu might have been. Swartley makes cunning reference to the ballad “Memory Motel” from Black and Blue, which Lester Bangs called the best song on the album, but one that he believed essentially transformed the Stones into an updated Barry Manilow.65 With prose purple enough to please even Bangs, Swartley waxes poetic, or perhaps metaphysically – if somewhat vaguely – over the role played by the Stones, and rock and roll in general, in their glory years: “With each new album, you had the sense that they were looking over your shoulder, pointing an ironic finger at your most private fantasies. This was what made that devil pose so convincing, even to non-hallucinating brains. The Stones really did seem to have foreknowledge of our causes and concerns. And the mystique of their precognition made rock & roll seem – for a while – to be the intellectual and emotional collectivism that would rule the world.”66 Interestingly, Swartley finds several instances where Emotional Rescue fails to live up to Some Girls, thus admitting the latter into the rock canon: “One thing’s for sure: Emotional Rescue isn’t the newsbreak that 1978’s Some Girls was.”67

Michael Watts’ review in Melody Maker echoed some of Swartley’s sentiments, but he found a little more to like. Nonetheless, the review begins with yet another consideration of whether the Stones, now averaging about age thirty-seven (with Wyman already a grizzled forty-three), might be planning to pack it in soon, while pointing out (without evidence) that this is a question rarely asked of Paul McCartney, Roger Daltrey, or even forty-eight-year-old Chuck Berry. He continues: “The public’s idée fixe of the Stones as ageing enfants terrible [sic] is a problem Jagger seems to slyly acknowledge in ‘Dance,’ the first track of Emotional Rescue when he sings ‘I think the time’s come to get up, get out – out into something new.’ The joke – implicit in the sheer bounce of the music – is that the Stones patently have no intention of doing any such thing.”68 Like many seasoned critics, Watts prefaces the review with a discussion of his own diminished expectations – “Like, I suspect, many other long-time Stones fans, I no longer have great expectations” – and points out that there were a few good songs on the post-Exile albums, and even half a dozen on Some Girls, but that the Stones were now “hostages to their own celebrity, lacking genuine rapport (and, therefore, social context) with a younger audience … [so that] the Stones now make music whose overall mood is playful and ironic where once its effect was urgent and cutting.”69

Michael Watts roots the Stones’ malaise in Jagger, namely his penchant for the fashionable (which explains the disco of “Miss You” and “Emotional Rescue”) plus his campy, “dumb,” throwaway humor (to which Watts alludes for Jagger’s switching from falsetto to detached spoken passages in “Emotional Rescue” – “the dumbest Stones number since ‘Fool to Cry’” – and the “spoof reggae” of “Send it to Me”). He particularly dislikes “She’s So Cold,” where Jagger “sings and acts as if he were hugging himself whilst locked inside a refrigerating room” (clearly referring to the icy, white-tiled setting for the music video). Jack Nitzsche’s horn arrangement for “Indian Girl” comes under fire (“or should it be Kitsche?”), and Jagger’s “fake peon voice of revolution in Nicaragua” is mocked as well – “Along this way lies parody, not merely pastiche.”70

Watts suggests that the rootsy interplay between Richards and the rhythm section typically provides the tension for the Stones, making it ironic that Richards’ vulnerability is highlighted on his solo, “All About You.” However, Watts’ five best tracks from the album, including “She’s So Cold,” despite his reservations about Jagger, all feature this classic Stones rhythmic dynamic: “Dance,” with its Zeppelinesque riff (recalling “Trampled Underfoot” from Physical Graffiti) and Latin elements; the rockabilly “Let Me Go”; the “likeably banal” “Summer Romance,” which recalls Eddie Cochrane’s “Summertime Blues”; and “Down in the Hole,” enlivened by Sugar Blue’s harp. While acknowledging that five good tracks out of ten is not a bad average, “it’s inescapable that they rarely approach the drive and brio of the best newer bands like Graham Parker’s or Costello’s. Like Chuck Berry, their early mentor, they’ve become an institution which one may either rail against or draw comfort from. Keeping the ghosts and critics at bay may yet occupy them for years to come.”71 The reference to Graham Parker and the Rumour is interesting, as most North American listeners will never have heard of this solid roots-New Wave hybrid, but the reference does underscore much British criticism in the early eighties that was understandably heavily focused on up-and-coming acts, possibly betraying Melody Maker’s desire to court a more youthful audience which tended to favor the New Musical Express.

A contrary opinion was provided by the respected reviewer for the New York Times, Robert Palmer, who blended interview with review when invited to Stones HQ in New York City to hear the soon-to-be-released album. Palmer, at thirty-five, was only a year or two junior to Jagger and Richards, and reviews the album as much from their perspective as his own. He notes that the album relies less on outside contributions than any album in the last decade, and that it reflects the meticulousness of Richards’ post-production efforts and mixing – a process Jagger claims to have almost completely avoided. When asked by Palmer about the “minutiae of instrumental balance and other mixing details,” Jagger admits that he “gets bored. That’s Keith”; to which Richards answered, “He would say that wouldn’t he? Well, I would say that at the moment it feels real natural to be producing the records again.”72 Jagger admits that the entire album is about women, to the point that even a quasi-political song like “Indian Girl,” about Central American rebellions, is mostly about the girl. However, he pins this on being a musician in the early 1960s when it seemed that a pop song pretty much had to be about a girl: “But it’s very limiting. Basically, it’s adolescent fantasizing. I’ve got to reach for some other things. At my age, I do have experiences to draw on other than picking up waitresses in diners.”73 Palmer acknowledges that the lyrical content has been amply explored in the past, but observes that the “power and originality of the music” more than compensate, and that the detailed work of Richards, both in playing multiple guitar parts on most tracks and in mixing the album, signals his full return to the band. He also praises Jagger’s expansion of his timbral variety and voice effects, from the guttural vocal of “Down in the Hole” to the full range displayed on “Emotional Rescue,” which includes falsetto and the “playful voodoo hokum of Screamin’ Jay Hawkins.”74 However, he believes that the “most effectively sustained emotional resonance” is Richards’ lead vocal on the final track, “All About You,” described by Jagger as a love-hate song, “plaintively asking ‘so why am I still in love with you?’”75

The Stones in the Early 1980s

By the early 1980s, the Rolling Stones were all turning at least forty, and the dread surrounding plus-thirty hippies was already moot. The problem, of course, was that the first wave of Stones fans and critics were aging at an identical pace and, perhaps, were coming to see the aging process in a more forgiving light. Anthony DeCurtis shrewdly points out that the Stones albums of the late sixties and early seventies reflected the waning of the Utopian vision of hippie culture. New York, popularly perceived to be in its debt-driven death throes, provided a salient background to the mid-seventies when New Yorkers responded to their plight with a flourishing of urban culture, namely disco and punk.76 Similarly, Robert Palmer suggests that the Stones in the sixties were more than a rock band – they were news, and they reflected the concerns and aspirations of their generation. But by the late seventies, rock music fans were no longer such an indivisible taste or age cohort, and the Stones were finally able to shed the responsibility foisted upon them by critics of the 1960s and early 1970s.

Critical reception began to turn a corner at the same time. Tattoo You (1981) was described by several critics as a triumphant return to form, but with a perspective more suitable to grown men. Writing for Rolling Stone, Debra Rae Cohen opined that the Stones of the 1970s dealt with the responsibility of their longevity by adopting a cynical distance to their subjects, and characterizes the punk and disco styles as “grafting unwarranted au courant attitudes onto the dependable drive of the rhythm section.”77 While acknowledging that many of the songs from Tattoo You had their roots in the 1970s, she perceives greater maturity and vulnerability in songs like “Waiting on a Friend” and the opening track “Start Me Up,” where Jagger proclaims “You make a grown man cry” – although she fails to mention the slightly less mature “You make a dead man cum” near the end of the song. Specifically addressing their age, she concludes: “the Stones have settled magnificently into middle age, and … such an adjustment has given them back a power they long ago relinquished.”78 Similarly, Robert Palmer praises their return to basic rock and roll – eschewing the fashion of disco and the affectations of reggae – and the foregrounding of guitar and vocal, enlivened by crisper, brighter production by Richards and Jagger, engineered by Bob Clearmountain and Chris Kimsey. Echoing Cohen, he concludes: “On earlier albums, the Stones played the role of aging adolescents; they boasted, they swaggered, they portrayed themselves as down-and-out rebels even when they were living in luxury. On ‘Tattoo You’ they are playing themselves; they have grown up.”79

The Rolling Stone review for 1983’s Undercover began: “By now, the Rolling Stones have assumed something of the status of the blues in popular music – a vital force beyond time and fashion. Undercover … reassembles, in the manner of mature masters of every art, familiar elements into exciting new forms.”80 For once, the aged Stones were turning the corner as figures of veneration rather than ridicule. This canonization was doubtless contextualized by processes as diverse as the martyrdom of John Lennon in 1980, the passage of many seventies acts, such as the Eagles, Fleetwood Mac, and the Sex Pistols, well into their thirties, and the radio- and video-driven smoothing out of punk into New Wave and post-punk. Some of the earlier punk artists, such as Joe Strummer (1952–2002) and Chrissie Hynde (b. 1951), were older than most of the first-wave punks – not to mention Patti Smith, Elvis Costello, and the Police, who weren’t really punk – and were already past thirty.

Over the ensuing decades the Stones, and innumerable contemporaries, younger and older (but mostly younger), continued as recording and touring acts. Older artists were gradually acquiring guru status to the point that country icon Johnny Cash lends a peculiar gravitas to U2’s 1993 Zooropa album as vocalist on the concluding track, while Neil Young tutors grunge gods Pearl Jam in joint gigs in the early nineties, ultimately inducting them into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame in 2017, like a proud parent (or grandparent). Meanwhile, the seventy-year-old Stones and Paul McCartney, and fifty-somethings U2 and Madonna, had some of the largest-grossing world tours in the second decade of the twenty-first century. “Rock music,” however one might define it, is increasingly associated with “old” artists, as younger people now display musical allegiance to genres that strain under the label “rock.” The tragic deaths of David Bowie (69), Prince (57), and Tom Petty (66) within twenty months in 2016–17 provoked widespread grief, as they were still active, and considered “too young to die.” Elvis, on the other hand, was only 42 in 1977, but considered moribund and obsolete. If he had held on for another decade it might have been different.

The Rolling Stones, however, are very much alive and remain active. Richards says: “I’ll still be playing rock and roll when I’m in a wheelchair.”81

Footnotes

1 The Rolling Stones: Albums and Singles, 1963–1974

2 Guitar Slingers and Hired Guns: The Musicians of the Rolling Stones

3 The Rolling Stones in 1968: In Defense of Lingering Psychedelia

4 Exile, America, and the Theater of the Rolling Stones, 1968–1972

5 Post Exile: The Rolling Stones in a Disco-Punk World, 1975–1983

Figure 0

Table 1.1 Rolling Stones singles, 1963–65

Figure 1

Table 1.2 Early Jagger/Richards songs

Figure 2

Table 1.3 Rolling Stones album projects, 1964–68

Figure 3

Table 1.4 Versions on the first four album projects (original artists)

Figure 4

Table 1.5 Rolling Stones singles, 1966–67

Figure 5

Table 1.6 Rolling Stones singles, 1968–74

Figure 6

Table 1.7 Rolling Stones albums, 1968–74

Figure 7

Figure 2.1 Mick Jagger with Billy Preston, Plaza Monumental, Barcelona, 1976.

Album/Francesc Fàbregas/Art Resource, NY.
Figure 8

Figure 3.1 The Rolling Stones, 1967.

Courtesy HIP/Art Resource, NY.
Figure 9

Figure 4.2 Author in front of the 24-track Helios console inside the Rolling Stones Mobile studio, 2016.

National Music Centre, Calgary, Alberta (photo by Tom Knowles).
Figure 10

Figure 4.3 Cover of Life magazine (July 14, 1972) published during the 1972 tour.

Grybowski Collection, Library and Archives, Rock and Roll Hall of Fame Museum.
Figure 11

Figure 5.2 African-American protestors of Some Girls outside Warner Communications, New York City, 1978.

Jeff Gold Collection, Library and Archives, Rock and Roll Hall of Fame and Museum.

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