Introduction
Over recent decades, Men's Sheds have emerged as grassroots community-based organisations for mainly older and retired men to participate together in various workshop and social activities. Men's Sheds are now entrenched within the Australian cultural landscape with more than 100,000 members utilising nearly 1,000 Sheds registered on a regular basis (Cavanagh et al., Reference Cavanagh, Southcombe and Bartram2014; Australian Men's Shed Association (AMSA), 2017). Internationally, Men's Sheds are present in New Zealand, the United Kingdom, Ireland, Europe, Canada and the United States of America (Southcombe et al., Reference Southcombe, Cavanagh and Bartram2015; Nurmi et al., Reference Nurmi, Mackenzie, Roer, Reynolds and Urquhart2018). The growth in Men's Sheds coincides with an increasing population of older men looking for retirement activities, and for men who lose their residential backyard sheds when relocating into aged care or unit-style accommodation (Misan et al., Reference Misan, Haren and Ledo2008). Men are particularly attracted to the male-friendly, community-based environments where they can engage in a variety of Shed activities with other men (Golding, Reference Golding2015). Shed participation is reported to benefit men's overall health through increased physical activities and the acquisition of new workshop skills, improved mental and emotional wellbeing through greater social connectedness, self-esteem, confidence and reduced loneliness (Mackenzie et al., Reference Mackenzie, Roger, Robertson, Oliffe, Nurmi and Urquhart2017; Taylor et al., Reference Taylor, Cole, Kynn and Lowe2017). Shed environments also provide opportunities for older men to redefine their male identities when they retire from work (Milligan et al., Reference Milligan, Payne, Bingley and Cockshot2015).
The size and membership of Australian Men's Sheds vary from place to place. According to a national survey, the profile of Shed members includes older, retired or unemployed men with a median age of 70. Many are from rural and regional areas of Australia, middle to lower socio-economic backgrounds and have trade qualifications. Men often venture into Sheds following significant life events such as the loss of a spouse, retirement, unemployment, illness or changing residential locations (Flood and Blair, Reference Flood and Blair2013; Golding, Reference Golding2015). A growing body of Shed research has examined diverse issues such as ageing and masculinities (Mackenzie et al., Reference Mackenzie, Roger, Robertson, Oliffe, Nurmi and Urquhart2017), Shed leadership (Ang et al., Reference Ang, Cavanagh, Southcombe, Bartram, Marjoribanks and McNeil2015), mentoring opportunities (Cordier et al., Reference Cordier, Wilson, Stancliffe, MacCallum, Vas, Buchanan, Ciccarelli and Falkmer2016), Shed environments for men living with disabilities (Ormsby et al., Reference Ormsby, Stanley and Jaworski2010; Hansji et al., Reference Hansji, Wilson and Cordier2015) and dementia (Abbato, Reference Abbato2014). The emerging theme from this body of research depicts Shed participation with making positive contributions to men's social, physical and mental wellbeing (Ford et al., Reference Ford, Scholz and Lu2015; Moylan et al., Reference Moylan, Carey, Blackburn, Hayes and Robinson2015).
Policy makers recognise and support Men's Sheds to enhance the health and wellbeing of the ageing male population (Wilson et al., Reference Wilson, Cordier, Doma, Misan and Vas2015; Nurmi et al., Reference Nurmi, Mackenzie, Roer, Reynolds and Urquhart2018). The Australian Government's National Male Health Policy promotes Men's Sheds as socially inclusive, male-friendly places, particularly for supporting culturally diverse, marginalised and socially isolated men (Department of Health & Ageing, 2010a, 2010b; Golding, Reference Golding2015; Waling and Fildes, Reference Waling and Fildes2017). Similarly, the AMSA (2015) incorporates an Aboriginal Men's Reference Group and promotes an inclusive policy. Despite the emerging national and international body of Men's Shed research, studies involving Australian Aboriginal men remain sparse (Misan et al., Reference Misan, Haren and Ledo2008; Flood and Blair, Reference Flood and Blair2013; Wilson and Cordier, Reference Wilson and Cordier2013; Golding, Reference Golding2015). Recent studies involving Aboriginal men's participation in Sheds have focused on the utility of Sheds for improving adult learning and literacy (Cavanagh et al., Reference Cavanagh, Shaw and Bartram2016), community capacity building (Southcombe et al., Reference Southcombe, Cavanagh and Bartram2014), health promotion (Ricciardelli et al., Reference Ricciardelli, Mellor, McCabe, Mussap, Hallford and Tyler2012) and spiritual wellbeing (Bulman and Hayes, Reference Bulman and Hayes2011). Despite these initiatives, the available literature remains limited in terms of Aboriginal men's engagement in Men's Sheds (Wilson et al., Reference Wilson, Cordier, Doma, Misan and Vas2015). This is an important gap in knowledge because the health status of Aboriginal men is comparable to Third World nations. Understanding how the ageing Aboriginal male population consider the value of Men's Sheds could provide a useful mechanism to inform policy and effect changes in their health and wellbeing.
The life expectancy rates of Aboriginal men are 11.5 years less than that of other Australian men (Australian Institute of Health & Welfare (AIHW), 2015, 2017). Similarly, the morbidity rates of Aboriginal men are two and a half times higher than non-Indigenous Australian males (McCabe et al., Reference McCabe, Mellor, Ricciardelli, Mussap and Hallford2016; Smith, Reference Smith2016). A complex web of historical and contemporary issues are recognised as major contributors to the poor health of Aboriginal men. These include the ongoing effects of colonisation, dispossession and the loss of traditional male roles, socio-economic marginalisation, racism and ‘the stolen generations’. The term ‘stolen generations’ refers to widespread government-endorsed assimilation policies that resulted in the forcible removal of tens of thousands of Aboriginal children from their families and communities (Smith, Reference Smith2016). Successive Australian government policy responses have made little progress, with the result that Aboriginal men remain overly represented with excessive morbidities and premature mortalities (AIHW, 2017). The health of Aboriginal men is further compromised by social determinants such as inequalities in education, employment and housing, high incarceration rates, and limited access to health care and public health infrastructure (Hampton and Toombs, Reference Hampton and Toombs2013; McCabe et al., Reference McCabe, Mellor, Ricciardelli, Mussap and Hallford2016).
Aboriginal community organisations are taking steps to develop various men's support groups (Department of Health & Ageing, 2010b; Ricciardelli et al., Reference Ricciardelli, Mellor, McCabe, Mussap, Hallford and Tyler2012). These initiatives emphasise holistic notions of men's health that incorporate the social, cultural, physical, mental, emotional and spiritual wellbeing of individuals, families and communities (McCalman et al., Reference McCalman, Tsey, Wenitong, Wilson, McEwan, Cadet James and Whiteside2010; Hampton and Toombs, Reference Hampton and Toombs2013; McCabe et al., Reference McCabe, Mellor, Ricciardelli, Mussap and Hallford2016). These groups seek to improve the wellbeing of Aboriginal men and acknowledge their vital leadership roles as Elders, grandfathers, husbands, fathers, brothers and mentors (Broome, Reference Broome2002; Bulman and Hayes, Reference Bulman and Hayes2011; Tsey et al., Reference Tsey, Chigeza, Holden, Bulman, Gruis and Wenitong2014; McCabe et al., Reference McCabe, Mellor, Ricciardelli, Mussap and Hallford2016). Despite these initiatives, the available literature remains limited in terms of Aboriginal men's engagement in Men's Sheds.
While research has demonstrated the positive social and health benefits for men who participate in Shed activities, few studies have considered Men's Sheds as therapeutic spaces (Golding, Reference Golding2015; Milligan et al., Reference Milligan, Payne, Bingley and Cockshot2015). Therapeutic landscape was developed as a geographic metaphor to represent the relationship between health and place, with environmental, social and individual factors recognised as enhancing health and wellbeing (Gesler, Reference Gesler1992). Recent literature illustrates that particular landscapes represent meaningful and symbolic places that people associate with their identities and sense of belonging. These landscapes can incorporate designated healing places such as hospitals, clinics and health spas, everyday home and community settings, and natural parklands in rural, mountain and coastal locations. Therapeutic landscapes are also recognised to include non-physical, symbolic, spiritual and online spaces (Bignante, Reference Bignante2015; Winchester and McGrath, Reference Winchester and McGrath2017; Bell et al., Reference Bell, Foley, Houghton, Maddrell and Williams2018). Researchers have drawn on therapeutic landscapes as a framework to demonstrate connections between wellness and place for religious pilgrims (Williams, Reference Williams2010), First Nation people (Wilson, Reference Wilson2003), breast cancer survivors (English et al., Reference English, Wilson and Keller-Olaman2008) and the value of community gardens for end-of-life care (Marsh et al., Reference Marsh, Gartell, Egg, Nolan and Cross2017). The approach taken in this article adds to the therapeutic landscape literature by investigating how a cohort of Tasmanian Aboriginal men consider the value of Shed participation.
Methods
The study setting
The study was undertaken in 2016 with members of a discrete Aboriginal community in rural Tasmania, Australia. The local government area supports a population of around 8,000 people, of whom 15.7 per cent identified as Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander people. The region supports agriculture, tourism, forestry and human service industries (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2016). The Aboriginal community acquired the Shed in 2012. The Shed was available two days every week for men to come together and undertake various social activities and workshop projects, including woodwork, furniture restoration, a community garden, school group projects and cultural activities. One project involved restoring a small boat and donating it to the local Scout group. Other more social and communal activities include cooking toast, making coffee, playing cards and talking/yarning around the firepot. On other days, the Shed accommodated several cultural, youth, training and capacity-building programmes.
Project design
This study emerged when Aboriginal community leaders informally approached the first author to discuss how the Men's Shed was contributing to men's wellbeing. This meeting came about from established relationships with the community and a prior project partnership (Cox, Reference Cox2006). The meeting and further community consultation allowed the study to proceed with the guidance of a three-person advisory group involving an Elder, community member and the first author. This group ensured the study maintained focus on the community's concerns and proceeded in a culturally safe manner. The advisory group agreed to use a community-based participatory research methodology because it represented an appropriate and respectful partnership model for local knowledge to inform realistic community development strategies (Kendall et al., Reference Kendall, Sunderland, Barnett, Nalder and Matthews2011; Smith, Reference Smith2016). The methodology was centrally concerned with having Aboriginal people identify their own community health concerns and empower them to contribute throughout the research (Dudgeon et al., Reference Dudgeon, Kelly and Walker2010; Munns et al., Reference Munns, Toye, Hegney, Kickett, Marriot and Walker2017). Fieldwork over a four-month period involved regular visits with Shed members to build rapport and gain a better understanding of Shed interactions. The study was granted full ethics approval by the Human Research Ethics Committee (Tasmania) Network (Ref. H0015301).
Recruitment
Participants were recruited purposively from the cohort of Aboriginal men involved in the local Shed. The Elder initially invited the first author to discuss the project with Shed members, and to then invite them to participate in a series of individual semi-structured interviews. In total, ten Aboriginal men gave their informed consent to contribute towards the study. One participant was 39, another 45 and the other eight men were between 61 and 70 years of age (mean = 62.6 years). The participants had mainly worked in agriculture, forestry, mining and rural service industries. Their education levels ranged between eight and 13 years of study. Five men had retired from the workforce and the remainder were working part-time or described themselves as unemployed.
Interviews
The first author undertook all fieldwork in consultation with the community Elder. The interviews were undertaken at either the Shed, a separate community centre or in their own home, according to each participant's convenience. Each participant was allocated a pseudonym to protect his identity. The semi-structured interviews were audio-recorded and lasted around 45 minutes. They began as informal conversations and merged into discussions on the Men's Shed, men's health and related community concerns. Participants were asked to provide some basic demographic information including their age, education, employment and general health concerns. On the Elder's advice, interview questions were community orientated rather than direct and personal: ‘What are the main men's health issues in the community? What can we do to improve men's health?’ Similarly, Shed participation questions were community focused: ‘What brings men to the Shed? What do men find most valuable [or not] about the Shed?’ Participants responded to these enquiries by sharing their personal and community insights. This local form of ‘yarning’ fostered a respectful and informal interview environment that Aboriginal people consider to be culturally safe (Bessarab and Ng'andu, Reference Bessarab and Ng'andu2010; Walker et al., Reference Walker, Fredericks, Mills and Anderson2014). The informal and semi-structured nature of the interviews provided opportunities to explore men's health and Shed participation issues that were locally relevant to the Aboriginal community.
Analysis
The interviews were transcribed verbatim and coded to represent emerging themes. Thematic analysis involved identifying and comparing the data, developing in vivo and descriptive codes, and collating the codes into representative interview themes (Charmaz, Reference Charmaz2006). The advisory group discussed the emerging themes through the data collection period to ensure Aboriginal community control and representation through each phase of the project. At the completion of the interviews, all participants had the opportunity to read, edit and discuss their own transcripts with the researcher and/or Elder. At the completion of the project, other advisory group members reviewed a draft final report to ensure the findings were focused on the agreed community concerns (Dudgeon et al., Reference Dudgeon, Kelly and Walker2010; Kendall et al., Reference Kendall, Sunderland, Barnett, Nalder and Matthews2011; Munns et al., Reference Munns, Toye, Hegney, Kickett, Marriot and Walker2017). Following this internal review and endorsement, the report was distributed to all participants and made available to community members. Other co-authors provided research advice, in-kind support and contributed to this article.
Findings
The salient finding was that by participating in Shed activities together, these Aboriginal men were creating an informal therapeutic environment that in turn had a positive and mutually beneficial influence on their social, emotional and physical wellbeing. Data sub-themes are represented as four therapeutic domains of belonging, hope, mentoring and shared illness experiences. The first domain of belonging embodies participants affirming their sense of selves and sense of place with other Aboriginal men at the Shed. The domain of hope emerged as a counter to the impact and experience of isolation, despair and self-harm occurring within the Aboriginal community. The domain of hope also represented participants looking forward to meeting together at the Shed. The domain of mentoring captured the value participants placed on sharing their skills and knowledge with one another and with younger members of the community. The fourth domain captured Aboriginal men sharing their health and illness experiences as informal therapeutic resources with other men at the Shed. Collectively, the domains of belonging, hope, mentoring and shared illness experiences combine to represent Aboriginal men constructing the Shed environment as an informal, male-friendly therapeutic landscape.
Domain of belonging
The Shed represented a tangible and symbolic place of belonging for Aboriginal men to affirm and enact their social, gendered and community identities with other men. They described the Shed as ‘our meeting place’ (Wally) and ‘our gathering place’ (Henry) to emphasise its importance and their shared sense of cultural co-ownership. Another participant saw the Shed as his home away from home, saying ‘I could live here’ (Barry). While actual Shed projects were given some importance, the men placed more value on their shared sense of belonging with other men while undertaking Shed activities:
It's a good social get together. When we have a project going on we'll do that, then we'll stop and have a drink and a laugh and joke or whatever all the time. (Toby)
While participants considered the Shed as primarily a social space, some acknowledged their physical limitations when undertaking other activities:
Socialising is the main thing, there's not much work left in us. I was out hoeing the garden the other morning and went to sleep in the chair all afternoon. (Dick)
The Shed was further valued for having a positive impact on men's mental wellbeing:
The social side of it [Shed participation], getting out and about and having a yarn here and there, that's the best way to tackle mental health issues. (Harry)
Toby described the Shed as a place to develop levels of mutual trust and confidence to a point where they disclosed personal issues and health concerns with each other in preference to health professionals:
It is completely different [at the Shed]. You'll talk with your mate [friend] about a lot of things you won't talk to a doctor about.
The informal and age-friendly Shed domain further enhances men's sense of belonging and community identity:
All these old fellas come out for a game of cards, have a coffee, cook their toast and so on, it's absolutely brilliant, and if they want to do something, they do it, fix some stuff, built a few chairs and things. (Wally)
Domain of hope
The domain of hope arose in two key areas: first as a community health concern and second for men to anticipate meeting together for their regular social outings. The Shed represented a place for Aboriginal men to come together and maintain hope. Hope emerged as a way to counter the effects of social isolation, low self-worth, despair and self-harm impacting men in the Aboriginal community. The Shed represented a culturally safe and male-friendly place for Aboriginal men to interact with other Aboriginal men and counter the effects of isolation:
We were talking about it this morning. When we get on our own we start to believe we're no good or hopeless, then we start believing it after a while. But if you get to talk with someone else you don't feel half as bad as you did before. (Dick)
Charlie described how older men in the community tended to normalise isolation and build barriers that further reduced their capacity to engage with other people:
As men get older we tend to isolate ourselves if we haven't got family to get us out and about … We get into that isolation it is hard to get out of it … we get into a routine and live by ourselves … build a wall around ourselves and start to lose our social skills … and social confidence.
George spoke of the alarming number of men in the community who have committed suicide due to relationship breakdowns, unemployment or other life crises. He felt that men get to a point where they foresee their future with despair rather than hope:
We have so many suicides happening with men 25 or younger and over 45s and obviously in that area they've gone through marriage or relationship break-up, or responsible for kids, lost jobs and so forth and they lose hope. We have to keep our finger on the pulse and keep hope alive; whether younger or middle age and even us old guys, we give up hope.
The plea to ‘keep hope alive’ represents a community-level mental health strategy to address social isolation and self-harm trends among Aboriginal men. Some men had lived alone for many years and the Shed was their main source of community engagement. However, all participants eagerly anticipated getting together with other men at the Shed on a regular basis:
I look forward to the Men's Shed every Monday and Tuesday. It does a bloke good to get out with other blokes. (Toby)
Domain of mentoring
Shed mentoring emerged as a further therapeutic domain. Intergenerational mentoring involved older men sharing their workshop skills and cultural knowledge with younger members of the community. Peer mentoring represented men supporting each other at the Shed. Both forms of mentoring contributed to the Shed's therapeutic landscape as the men saw their roles and knowledge recognised and appreciated by younger community members and their peers. However, some men had trouble recognising their value as mentors:
Getting young people at the Shed and mentoring is important. Men don't realise how much value they are, how much that life experience has given them. (George)
George also saw the importance of older men taking on pseudo-grandfather roles at the Shed, particularly for younger community members growing up with limited male role models:
Having an impact into being grandfathers for these kids, showing them right from wrong. These children need this sort of [positive] impact so they can grow up in a reasonable environment and then take some responsibility for their own lives.
Furthermore, the Shed represented a venue for older and younger community members to come together and forge important intergenerational relationships:
Building relationships is one of the main things at the Men's Shed. A lot of kids are from single-parent families who haven't got a dad or haven't got a mum, or the parents are affected by drugs or alcohol. Kids have to learn to trust who they're out there with at the Shed and the older blokes have to learn to trust the kids. (Wally)
For Toby, mentoring young school students was a highlight of his Shed activities:
This is the sort of thing I really liked at the Shed. Groups of local primary school children come out for two, three or four weeks in a row. We help them build billy carts and all sorts of things they wanted to do. We do all the major cutting, the kids do all the painting and putting them together. They come out with their plans and we work it out from there. The kids have a ball and so do we.
Charlie also spoke of mentoring older school students at the Shed:
The [school staff] bring three or four high school kids out here every week just to get them out of that school environment for a few hours. They're building a worm farm. We all have a bit of fun and are getting this worm farm up and going with them.
The Shed represented an opportunity for these men to practise and pass on Aboriginal cultural knowledge. Barry discussed one Shed project that involved:
Building a couple of bark huts … same as they used to [traditional owners] … something for the kids to learn to build and keep the Aboriginal culture in the place.
Peer mentoring provided Shed participants with a supportive, therapeutic environment. Mentoring was characterised as an informal approach of men considering the wellbeing of other men. Actual Shed activities were given secondary importance:
It's about men looking out for each other … that's the main thing. A bit of woodwork and whatever else goes on out at the Shed, that's just a sideline. (Toby)
Charlie illustrated the informal and subtle characteristics of peer mentoring at the Shed that involved men looking out for each other's wellbeing on a regular basis:
When we see our mates once or twice a week we get a better idea of how they are and a chance to have a yarn.
Domain of shared illness experiences
The domain of shared illness experiences captures Aboriginal men developing a valuable therapeutic resource of informal health knowledge at the Shed. The participants frequently discussed their numerous co-morbidities including heart and kidney concerns, cancer, diabetes and mental health issues, as well as their medications, hospital experiences and evaluation of general practitioners, nurses and other health professionals.
George illustrates the key health concerns facing local Aboriginal men and a key barrier for seeking support:
I think mental health is the biggest issue, not knowing what to do, how to do things and confusion, all that type of thing because us Aboriginal people … diabetes is a big one … heart disease comes into it as well … And us guys don't relate to each other very well, we're not very open with each other and so we tend to hide things.
In contrast, Dick was more forthcoming in sharing his long-term mental health status:
I've got anxiety and depression according to the doctors … I've been on anti-depressants for 25–30 odd years … to help me sleep.
Other men were matter-of-fact in considering their health issues as part of ‘normal’ ageing:
From my point of view, diabetes and the normal things that goes on with your body as you get older, I mean prostate … I'm going through that at the moment. (Ken)
Toby was managing diabetes-related complications in partnership with his doctor and diabetes educator. He in turn shared his informal diabetes knowledge at the Shed:
With diabetes comes heart problems, eye, liver, kidney problems … I'm getting information from the doctor but I'm also under a diabetes educator as well. I see her just about every week.
With limited local rural health services, some participants were reliant on patient transport services to access specialist treatment and emergency care. Bernie, for example, travelled to a clinical centre multiple times a week for management of his renal and heart conditions. Each treatment day involved six or seven hours of transport and procedures. However, he spoke with gratitude towards his care and patient transport staff:
I have no complaints at all because they [patient transport staff] take me everywhere. If anything happens they get an ambulance to me and they don't worry about here [local hospital], they'll take me straight to [treatment hospital].
These discussions highlight Aboriginal men's preparedness to utilise the Shed as a place to share their illness experiences, and in doing so, create an informal health resource of knowledge. The informal Shed environment meant that conversations flowed seamlessly between diabetes, cancer treatment, patient transport, medications and blood pressure while restoring furniture, gardening, playing cards, discussing politics or the latest football results.
Discussion
The aim of this study was to examine the benefits of Men's Shed participation from the perspective of Aboriginal men from a rural Tasmanian community. The central findings illustrate the importance of place and belonging for shaping health and wellbeing. In the Shed, Aboriginal men were actively creating an informal, culturally safe and male-friendly therapeutic landscape (Gesler, Reference Gesler1992). They valued the utility of the Shed as a meeting place, a home-away-from-home, workshop, community garden and mentoring location. The participants associated regular Shed participation with their own sense of wellbeing through undertaking social, cultural and workshop activities with other Aboriginal men.
Clearly, the participants made no claims of Shed activities alleviating cancer, diabetes, heart or other health issues. However, these men reported feeling better about themselves at the Shed despite dealing with poor health. The domains of belonging, hope, mentoring and shared illness experiences emerged as key themes to illustrate how the Shed environment translates into a therapeutic landscape. The Shed represents a valuable place of belonging where these men engage with each other as older Aboriginal men, thus affirming their identities and roles as mentors, mates and community members. The domain of hope emerged as a positive response to counter the negative effects of social isolation, despair and self-harm that was affecting Aboriginal people in this community. The participants saw the Shed as a place of hope in looking forward to regular social contact. Shed mentoring represented an important domain for Aboriginal men to utilise and share their knowledge and experiences with younger members of the community and among their peers. The domain of shared illness experiences captured participants creating an informal health resource at the Shed. These domains combine to represent the Shed as a mutually beneficial place where Aboriginal men create a place of belonging, a place of hope, a place of mentoring and a place to share their illness experiences. In doing so, they created a place to enjoy and a place to be socially, emotionally and culturally well, despite dealing with declining health.
The findings reflect many characteristics of previous Men's Shed research, with older and retired men reporting improved social, physical and emotional wellbeing while undertaking meaningful community and workshop activities with other men (Southcombe et al., Reference Southcombe, Cavanagh and Bartram2015; Taylor et al., Reference Taylor, Cole, Kynn and Lowe2017). The functionality of this Shed also aligns with an international survey of Shed typologies, including their use as social places, workshops, mentoring, health promotion and adult learning places (Wilson et al., Reference Wilson, Cordier, Doma, Misan and Vas2015). However, the available literature suggests this research is the first to examine the value of Men's Shed engagement from the perspective of rural Tasmanian Aboriginal men. This study is also among the first to conceptualise the Men's Shed environment as a created therapeutic landscape (Milligan et al., Reference Milligan, Payne, Bingley and Cockshot2015). The findings may indeed reflect the contemporary revival of separate gendered roles with the Shed representing a particular place for older Aboriginal men to nurture and maintain intergenerational connections with other male members of the community (Broome, Reference Broome2002; Tsey et al., Reference Tsey, Chigeza, Holden, Bulman, Gruis and Wenitong2014). Aboriginal societies were traditionally characterised by distinct gender rights, roles and responsibilities. Despite the negative consequences of colonisation, Aboriginal men's groups have emerged in recent decades as culturally supportive ways to empower men to take greater control of their health and reinvigorate the vital roles they play as husbands, fathers, uncles, mentors and Elders (Misan et al., Reference Misan, Haren and Ledo2008; McCalman et al., Reference McCalman, Tsey, Wenitong, Wilson, McEwan, Cadet James and Whiteside2010).
This research contributes to the otherwise limited Men's Shed studies undertaken with Aboriginal men in rural Australia and adds to the growing body of men's health scholarship (Flood and Blair, Reference Flood and Blair2013; Wilson and Cordier, Reference Wilson and Cordier2013; Golding, Reference Golding2015; Smith, Reference Smith2016). While revealing some novel findings, the study has certain limitations. Few studies have considered Men's Sheds as a therapeutic landscape. As a result, the findings represented in this research may not resonate with other men's health or Shed research. The methodology and community-based partnership has resulted in locally representative and meaningful findings derived from a small group of Aboriginal men in one rural community. However, the findings are not generalisable beyond this community. The valuable but limited time spent with community members undertaking this study also means the findings are a mere glimpse into the dynamics of creating a therapeutic Shed environment. The scope of the study also provided little opportunity to examine participants outside the Shed environment.
The findings nevertheless contribute to current scholarship but we acknowledge further research is required to investigate Aboriginal men's understandings of health, ageing and their sense of place in Shed environments. Research should also be sensitive and respectful to the historical and socio-political context in which Aboriginal men have been dealing with the enduring impact of colonisation and ongoing marginalisation (Smith, Reference Smith2016). Aboriginal men may come to Men's Sheds with varying experiences of racism and inequalities in health, employment, education and housing. The level of their engagement may reflect just how welcoming, inclusive and culturally safe these male-orientated community spaces actually are (AMSA, 2015).
Conclusion
This study examined how Aboriginal men from one rural Tasmanian community consider the value of participating in their Men's Shed. The Shed represents a symbolic and mutually beneficial place with Aboriginal men creating a therapeutic landscape, which in turn had positive effects on their health and wellbeing. The study, although small, has important research and policy implications to inform Aboriginal community organisations, researchers, and national and international health stakeholders to consider the value of Men's Sheds as important men's health initiatives. As Men's Sheds grow and evolve to meet the needs of an ageing male population, further research can examine more fully their utility and sustainability as informal community health initiatives for Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal men across national and international communities.
Acknowledgements
The authors acknowledge the Aboriginal participants who generously shared their valuable insights and welcomed us into their community. A special thank you to the community Elder for guidance and support throughout the project.
Financial support
This work was supported by The Centre for Rural Health, as part of the Australian Government's Department of Health Rural Health Multidisciplinary Training Program.
Conflict of interest
The authors declare no conflicts of interest.
Ethical standards
The research was undertaken with formal approval provided by the Human Research Ethics Committee (Tasmania) Network (Ethics Ref. H0015301).
