Hostname: page-component-745bb68f8f-cphqk Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2025-02-11T07:56:14.724Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Rescue, Stewardship, and Return of the Lysi Frescoes by the Menil Foundation

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 October 2015

Derek Fincham*
Affiliation:
Associate Professor, South Texas College of Law. Email: dfincham@stcl.edu
Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract:

The return of works of art by museums to nations of origin has generated considerable scholarly response, yet there has been little engagement with the potential role museums could have as responsible stewards for works of art that are at risk. One important example can be seen in the actions of the Menil Foundation. The Menil, with the permission of the Church of Cyprus, conserved a series of frescoes and created a purpose-built gallery on the Menil campus in Houston to safely house them. It was a novel solution to the problems caused by the situation in Cyprus. Acquiring and saving these thirteenth century frescoes gives an important template for the rescue and conservation of works of art that are at risk, but also exposes similarly-situated actors to the moral dilemma of purchasing looted art with the consent of the original owner.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © International Cultural Property Society 2015 

INTRODUCTION

The Menil Foundation and its benefactor Dominique de Menil set an innovative precedent when in 1983 they were offered a decontextualized group of Byzantine-era frescoes. Rather than avoiding the difficult question of how these thirty-eight fragments were removed from their context, Dominique de Menil and the Menil Foundation (referred to as the Menil for brevity sake throughout this article) aggressively sought out their owner and secured permission from the Orthodox Church of Cyprus for the provisional acquisition and conservation of the frescoes. These frescoes depict Christ the pantokrator (“all sovereign”), surrounded by twelve angels, along with the Virgin Mary and St. John the Baptist (Figure 1). The thirteenth century murals decorated the dome and apse of a small chapel near Lysi, on the island of Cyprus. But none of this history was given to the Menil when the objects were offered for sale. Confronted with these objects in pieces, with only rough black and white photographs to reveal a hint of their original condition, the Menil started a process which created a nearly thirty-year relationship with the Church of Cyprus. The amicable arrangement between the Church of Cyprus and the Menil signals a different way of viewing material cultural heritage. Instead of permanent accession into a collection, which has been the dominant museum paradigm, the Menil’s temporary acquisition and stewardship offers another kind of relationship for museums and collectors to create with nations and source communities.

Figure 1. Interior view of the Byzantine Fresco Chapel showing dome fresco depicting Christ Pantokrator. Courtesy the Menil Collection, Houston. Photo: Paul Warchol.

The Menil, a neighborhood museum located in Houston, Texas was the work of Dominique de Menil and her husband Jean de Menil. The couple were at first avid collectors of African, Surrealist, and ancient works of art. They commissioned in 1964 a small octagonal chapel with 14 interior panels to be completed by Mark Rothko. Finished in 1971, the chapel was the first of a series of important religious and cultural contributions the de Menils would make to the city of Houston. The Menil ultimately established a gray museum on Sul Ross designed by Renzo Piano, with a specially designed Cy Twombly gallery to follow. The collection of religious and artistic works of art forms the context for the introduction of the Byzantine frescoes from Lysi.Footnote 1

Looking at heritage disputes of the last thirty years, we can see that museums have changed their relationships with nations of origin in some fundamental ways.Footnote 2 More and more museums are doing what the Menil did and have built longer-lasting relationships with nations of origin.Footnote 3 But the relationship to the Church of Cyprus and the Menil is now seemingly finished. The frescoes were returned, and there is no ongoing dialog, or indeed no more even temporary exhibition of material. If we contrast this with the Metropolitan Museum of Art, the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, or the Getty, we can see that the Menil has gotten an unfortunate result in some ways.Footnote 4 These other institutions all bought illegal and illicit material, but have crafted ongoing temporary arrangements with Italy and other nations of origin. This article hopes to put the actions of the Menil in context. First it establishes the dilemma facing Cypriot heritage by describing briefly the history of Cyprus and its cultural heritage before and after the 1974 Turkish invasion. Next it describes the acquisition of the Byzantine frescoes by the Menil, and highlights the diligent search conducted to ascertain the proper owner of the frescoes. Finally it concludes by arguing the Menil has not really received the credit it should have for this innovative arrangement with the Church of Cyprus.

CYPRUS AND THE CHAPEL OF ST. THEMANIANOS

An in-depth discussion of Cyprus and its partition during the twentieth century falls outside the scope of this article. Yet a few words describing the armed conflict, invasion, and history of protection of cultural objects there will inform the discussion which follows. Cyprus is an island nation resting in the Eastern Mediterranean. Owing to its position as a maritime crossroads, a number of cultures and ethnic groups have moved through and settled there, leaving behind an impressive array of material cultural heritage. Cyprus was an important part of the Byzantine empire from 395 – 1191 A.D.; during this time and after a number of churches were built and were elaborately decorated with frescoes and mosaics. In 1571 the island became a part of the Ottoman Empire, lasting until 1878 when the Ottomans relinquished control over Cyprus, and the island became an English colony. In 1950 the Cypriot Church organized a popular vote to determine the future of the island, with one option to unite with Greece. In 1960, the United Kingdom, Turkey, and Greece all agreed to safeguard and respect the independence of Cyprus, which created the Republic of Cyprus and marks the date of independence for the Republic.Footnote 5

There are two main groups in Cyprus: the minority Turkish-Cypriots and the majority Greek-Cypriots.Footnote 6 At present, Turkey controls the northern portion of the island, while the Republic of Cyprus controls the southern area. There is a United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus which was established in 1964 after internal violence occurred in 1963. This force patrols a “green line” which divides the Northern third of the island from the South. The peacekeeping force became necessary when the Greek military, assisted by Cypriot forces, executed a coup d’état against the first elected President of Cyprus, Archbishop Makarios. In response, on July 20, 1974 Turkey invaded the northern part of the island on the grounds that they needed to protect the minority Turkish-Cypriot community. As a result of this invasion then, 200,000 Greek-Cypriots were forced to leave their home in the Northern part of the island. In 1983 a Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TNRC) was unilaterally declared, though the United Nations in 1983 and 1984 twice refused to recognize the government.Footnote 7 With this invasion, subsequent arrangements transferred Greek populations to the south of the island, and the Turkish and Muslim populations were relocated to the north. This meant that a number of churches in the north, and mosques in the south were abandoned and were left vulnerable.Footnote 8 In 2001 the European Court of Human Rights found Turkey responsible for 14 violations of the European Convention of Human Rights and its Protocols. The main violations related to the disappearance of 1,485 Greek Cypriots, and the treatment of Greek Cypriots living in occupied areas of the island.Footnote 9 In May of 2014 the European Court of Human Rights ordered Turkey to pay 90 million Euros in total to Cyprus and to the relatives of the missing.Footnote 10

The system of cultural heritage protection evolved along with the shifting control of the island. During Ottoman control of Cyprus, there had been a system of protection of cultural sites from the eighteenth century. Excavations of material had been licensed since the nineteenth century.Footnote 11 While a British colony, Cyprus had comprehensive legislation protecting sites and works of art. Despite this, “pillaging of historic sites and unlicensed excavation of archaeological sites persisted” even before the Turkish invasion in 1974.Footnote 12 After the invasion, the looting became more prevalent, particularly in the Northern Turkish-controlled areas of the island, especially as communities were displaced during the Turkish invasion. One of the first prominent objects from Cyprus which surfaced after the invasion was the series of frescoes from the Church of Themanianos in Lysi which were acquired by the Menil.

During the Turkish military invasion and the many years of occupation, a number of important archaeological and religious sites have sustained theft and looting.Footnote 13 The destruction of archaeological and religious sites is a devastating loss to any nation. Given the political and military unrest in Cyprus, and the ongoing division of the island, the looting of sites and transfer of illicit material abroad further damages the social and cultural fabric of Cyprus. A report prepared by UNESCO in 1984 noted that:

Unfortunately, in the area occupied by the Turkish army, museums and monuments have been pillaged or destroyed. The [Cypriot Government] has repeatedly applied to UNESCO and asked the mission of observers to report on the condition of the monuments. So far, this mission has met with the refusal of the Turkish ‘authorities’.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs for Cyprus estimates that more than 550 Greek Orthodox churches and religious buildings have been pillaged or destroyed. Churches have been converted to mosques, storehouses, and even barns. The Cypriot Police estimate that since the 1974 invasion as many as 60,000 cultural objects have been illegally removed and sent abroad.Footnote 14 It was in this context that a series of murals were removed from a small chapel dedicated to St. Themanianos in the Northern, Turkish-occupied part of the island.

ACQUISITION, PRESERVATION, AND DISPLAY OF THE FRESCOES

In 1983, the Menil was presented with an opportunity to purchase a series of thirteenth century Byzantine mural fragments. These fragments had been stripped from the Church of Themanianos near Lysi. When the objects were offered to the Menil, the true origin of the murals was not given. The seller was a Turkish art dealer based in Munich named Aydin Dikmen.Footnote 15 Dikmen organized a team of looters who systematically robbed churches of their gospels, icons, and other artifacts. He has been estimated to be the “most active and influential international operator” in Northern Cyprus during the Turkish occupation.Footnote 16 In 1988 it was Dikmen, working with Michel van Rijn, who sold sixth-century mosaics looted from a separate Church in Cyprus to Peg Goldberg, which resulted in the Autocephalous Church of Cyprus successfully filing suit in Federal Court in Indiana to secure the return of the mosaics to Cyprus.Footnote 17 Van Rijn, a former dealer in stolen art who in the past has worked with law enforcement, described the methods used by Dikmen and his associates. They would allegedly “cover the delicate frescoes with gauze and plaster which would be backed with stiff material, cut them into sections, removing them from the walls of the chapel. Each section would then lie on a bed of cotton in a shallow box, like a slice of dried salt fish in a souk.”Footnote 18 Dikmen employed a number of looters, including agents who would pick up the looted pieces and scout sites, men who carried the looting materials needed to strip frescoes and mosaics, and a retired policeman who served as a lookout.

Dikmen oversaw the smuggling from Cyprus to the Turkish mainland, and the objects were then taken to Munich, where they were stored in apartments. Dikmen’s efforts to craft histories for his objects relied on fabricated stories of “rescuing” objects from churches and buildings which were about to be destroyed or bulldozed. He would prepare the stolen artifacts for eventual sale by removing any identifiable marks from icons. According to an interview by historian Michael Jansen of van Rijn, Dikmen “did a certain amount of restoration on large icons which had been sawn into two or four pieces for shipment. To disguise well-known icons, he occasionally converted them into holy doors by fixing them to elaborately carved wooden frames.”Footnote 19 The chief conservator in charge of restoring the murals for the Menil, Laurence J. Morrocco, was able to visit the small Church at Lysi late in the conservation process. He offers an account of the damage done to these churches:

It was very strange for me to see the place where the frescoes had come from. It was as if it had just happened: the saw cuts were still visible in the plaster left behind when the fragments were ripped off. I could see how the thieves had cut crudely around the circumference of the base of the dome, leaving the angels’ ankles and feet on the wall. Small pieces of the fresco lay scattered around the floor amidst dirt, straw, and sheep droppings. The whole interior was whitewashed, except where the frescoes had been; obviously the whitewashing had occurred before their removal.Footnote 20

But again, none of this context was readily apparent to the Menil when the frescoes were offered for sale.

In 1983 Bertrand Davezac, the first director of the Menil, was approached with an offer to purchase the fresco fragments.Footnote 21 He met with a dealer named Yiannis Petsopoulos. Petsopoulos met with Davezac in England and showed him black and white photos of the fresco fragments, including one of a dome which depicted Christ the pantokrator. Then a subsequent meeting was arranged with Dominique de Menil and others from the Menil in Munich. Officials from the Menil, Dominique de Menil, and Petsopoulos and Dikmen, all met at a run-down Munich apartment and saw fragments of the frescoes lit only by candlelight, owing apparently to the fact that power had not been turned on at the apartment. These frescoes had been carved up into many small sections.Footnote 22

Remarking later Dominique de Menil described their condition during this meeting in Munich: “The pieces were too much chopped up to derive any impression of beauty,” comparing them to “a miserable human being that has to be brought to the hospital.”Footnote 23 Dikmen told them a contractor in southern Anatolia came across the derelict church and found these murals buried under rubble. He also had freehand drawings of a church and a forged Turkish export permit. At the conclusion of the meeting, Dominique de Menil agreed to pay Dikmen a small sum to secure the right to acquire the frescoes at some point in the future.

Many have called for an increase in the level of diligence required of purchasers of works of art and antiquities.Footnote 24 The standard set by the Menil with respect to these frescoes offers a useful paradigm for a robust and diligent investigation when cultural material is presented for sale. Rather than do a cursory investigation into the history of the objects, Dominique de Menil hired a former U.S. Attorney General who served under President Eisenhower, Herbert Brownell, to negotiate the acquisition of the frescoes.Footnote 25 Brownell was initially dissatisfied with the history of the objects. He recalled telling Dominique de Menil that acquiring the frescoes would pose a risk due to “the uncertain state of the law applying to the purchase of art from a dealer who could not establish a credible provenance for the art.” He also stressed the importance of the “UNESCO convention setting rules for recovery by a nation,” which “set forth certain modern standards for countries of origin to recover physically their national treasures when they were found in another country.”Footnote 26 He sent a letter and photographs of the murals to nine countries which had been part of the Byzantine Empire. The letter laid out the case for acquisition: “While our clients have no reason to believe that there is any impediment to the purchase of these paintings, given their present location in Western Europe, they feel that the importance and quality of the material is such that it would be appropriate and correct to approach the relevant authorities in all the countries that might be concerned, in order that any possible claims to these paintings could come to light.”Footnote 27 Turkey, Lebanon and Cyprus all responded, claiming the frescoes. But only Cyprus provided documentary evidence of the location of the St. Themanianos Church, in Lysi.

Dominique de Menil now knew that the frescoes had been stolen from the Church of St. Themanianos near Lysi, and that the Autocephalous Church of Cyprus was the rightful owner. Faced with a difficult decision over whether to approach law enforcement officials in Munich, Cyprus, or the United States, Dominique de Menil decided that the risk to these frescoes was too great, and that Dikmen would either sell the pieces immediately, or even destroy them if he feared an arrest was imminent. Cyprus’ ambassador to the United States, Andreas Jacovides recalls the difficult time: “We faced the difficult decision of whether to say, ‘Wait, it’s stolen property’—in which case we would run the risk of having the frescoes go underground—or making some kind of arrangement . . . It was felt at the time that it would be better, for the sake of preserving the frescoes, to have the arrangement.”Footnote 28 She decided to pay the head of this looting network, Dikmen, knowing perhaps that he would continue looting and pillaging other sites and rural churches in Cyprus and Turkey. The purchase price was near $520,000 for the murals.Footnote 29

Yet before the purchase, Dominique de Menil negotiated with the Department of Antiquities of Cyprus and the original owner of the fresco fragments, the Autocephalous Church of Cyprus. She gained their assent before moving forward with any purchase. The murals were transferred from Munich to London in January of 1984, with a series of negotiations between the Autocephalous Church of Cyprus and the Menil culminating in 1987 with an agreement that allowed the Menil to act as custodians of the frescoes for an initial period of fifteen years, and in exchange the Menil would conserve the murals, and display them on the Menil campus in Houston.Footnote 30 This negotiation bears many similarities to other efforts made to safeguard cultural material under threat. In particular, the “Guidelines for the Establishment and Conduct of Safe Havens for Cultural Material” adopted by the International Law Association.Footnote 31 The Guidelines provide a model for creating a safe haven for cultural objects rescued from armed conflict and other threats. Article 4 of the Guidelines require the return of cultural objects when the “established owner or other established source of the material so requests, provided that the safe haven is satisfied with the conditions for safekeeping and preserving the material by the requesting state or entity.” There have been other examples of stewardship of objects at risk as well. Objects from the National Museum of Afghanistan were housed in a museum-in-exile in Switzerland from 1999 until 2007 during unrest in Afghanistan. The Museum-in-Exile in Bubendorf, Switzerland housed the objects and received as many as 50,000 visitors while it was open.Footnote 32 The example set by the Menil though stands apart, as the construction of a purpose-built chapel, and considerable expense to restore the frescoes meant not only that the frescoes were given safe haven, but that they were restored back to exceptional condition, and displayed in Houston where they were able to act as cultural ambassadors showcasing the impressive history of Cyprus.

Before these murals could be displayed though, a considerable amount of restoration work was required. The murals had been separated into 38 pieces. The conservator in charge, Laurence J. Morrocco, was forced to put the 26 pieces of the dome back together without the benefit of seeing the original chapel for most of the restoration process, given its position in the Turkish occupied part of the island. Michel van Rijn has claimed that Dikmen ironically was used as an adviser for the new chapel, so as to provide the original layout of the church in Lysi where the frescos were stripped. Morrocco describes the state of the fragments when he first examined them in London in 1984, “to my horror, I realized that the original curvature had been lost. We had no measurements except or the dubious ones supplied by the smugglers, and I now realized that we had not even an idea of the original curvature of the parts.”Footnote 33 The fragments had been covered with cloth facings which had been crudely glued on in an attempt to protect the layers of paint while the frescoes were being transported. The conservation techniques used by Morocco and his team in London were groundbreaking, and were, ultimately, able to undo the damage. But the considerable time, expense, and new techniques were all steps that the Menil was able to contribute to the project, expending an estimated $500,000 during the entire restoration process.Footnote 34 This sum was given despite the knowledge that these frescoes would only be temporarily a part of the Menil collection in Houston. They would, per the agreement with the Autocephalous Church, be returning to Cyprus at some future date.

The frescoes were on public display in Houston for fifteen years, which echoes the initial loan term agreed to by the Menil and the Church of Cyprus. To house them a $3 million dollar Byzantine Chapel Museum was specially designed and constructed. Writing a review soon after the Chapel opened, architecture critic Paul Goldberger noted: “the attitude this building represents can only be called refreshing, for here is true authenticity, both of this time and of the past.”Footnote 35 The Byzantine Chapel Museum was constructed a few hundred yards from the Rothko Chapel. The outside of the building is composed of rough stone walls, a small pool introduces visitors to the chapel. Inside the darkened inner room was a frosted glass outline of the original church in Lysi, where the frescoes were displayed in an architectural setting which mirrored the original context, and also were able to showcase the beauty of the frescoes, and the impressive conservation done to them. This was surely a stark contrast to the initial viewing experience Dominique de Menil and the other representatives of the Menil would have had when they first encountered the fragments in a dingy Munich apartment in 1983.

PURCHASING ILLICIT ART WITH THE OWNER’S PERMISSION

With so many other institutions in the United States returning works of art to nations of origin, the Menil worked with the original owner, the Church of Cyprus, to restore the frescoes, display them, and ultimately return them. When confronted with looted art, Dominique de Menil and the Menil administration made the decision to preserve these works with the permission of the original owner. The temporary nature of this arrangement between the Church and the Menil offers a different way of viewing material cultural heritage. Rather than a permanent aspect of the collection, the Menil made the decision to conserve the objects knowing they would remain at the Houston campus for a limited period of time. This acquisition differed from the permanent ownership paradigm that many other art-acquiring museums were pursuing during the 1980s. The frescoes were displayed for fifteen years in Houston, and were a unique and much appreciated part of the collection at the Menil. In 2012 the frescoes were returned to Cyprus. They are now, at the time of writing, on display at the Byzantine Museum in Nicosia. The Byzantine Chapel Museum now has only a simple sign referencing the end of the loan agreement to reflect the time that the Menil held them, and currently houses year-long art installations.Footnote 36

Both the Autocephalous Church of Cyprus and the Menil should be congratulated for the result in this case. The Menil recognized the ownership interest of the Church, restoring these works at a great expense, knowing they would be returned to Cyprus eventually. The small chapel, still called the “Byzantine Fresco Chapel,” which was built to house the frescoes stands as a reminder of the historic agreement which has resulted in the true rescue of a series of at-risk objects. But rather than insist on permanent possession of these objects. The Menil offered a model for how museums and source communities can relate to one another. This relationship demonstrates the tremendous benefits which can accrue when actors at both ends of the art market work in harmony. It is remarkable that in a time when so many other institutions were asking so little when confronted with unprovenanced art that Brownell and Dominique de Menil thoroughly vetted the history of the frescoes, and were able to discern their original location and owner. Their due diligence was far more aggressive and targeted than was the norm, particularly in 1983—a time when a number of other art-acquiring museums were eagerly acquiring other objects with limited history.

But we should also leaven at least some of this praise, as the Menil was not so rigorous in all of its acquisitions. One connection to the illicit antiquities trade has been made to date. In 1993 a mosaic was uncovered in Southern Turkey which had been partially looted. Some of the fragments had been acquired by the Menil and they were ultimately returned to Turkey. The mosaics originated from the Zeugma region of Turkey. Two Roman cities, Seleucia and Apamea were the home to a number of ancient ruins and well-preserved Roman mosaics owing to the crossing of a narrowing of the Euphrates where the Silk Road crossed from Mesopotamia into Anatolia. The sites there have been looted and ransacked since the nineteenth century.Footnote 37 Development projects in the region, which include the construction of hydroelectric dams, have prompted both rapid looting of sites, and also resulted in emergency archaeological studies to find and remove any important remains before inundation. In 1993 archaeologists discovered a mosaic floor which had been partly looted. This led to a link, made by Sheila Campbell, between the recently-studied sections and two mosaic sections in the Menil Collection. These mosaics were returned to Turkey and are now on display at the Gaziantep museum in Turkey.Footnote 38 So though the Menil certainly set a new standard with respect to the Lysi frescoes, it was not able to maintain the same diligent acquisition practice for its entire collection. And we can certainly criticize the Menil for not exercising consistent and rigorous investigations into the histories of unprovenanced objects, just as other institutions in North America which were growing their collections of antiquities at this time should be criticized. Whether it was the unsavory nature of Dikmen and his sale of the frescoes to the Menil which raised their suspicions or the deep devotion to her religious faith that caused Dominique de Menil to take such a courageous decision remains unknown.

There are other antiquities collections at the Menil. The collection includes the kind of material often associated with the illicit antiquities trade from the 1980s, including Cycladic figurinesFootnote 39 and red-figure vases.Footnote 40 The author is unaware of any direct illicit connection or illegal activity involving these objects in the Menil’s collection. Yet owing to the objectives of the Menil, to let the objects tell their own story, these other objects were displayed in a radically different way than the Byzantine frescoes from St. Themanianos. One of the core goals of the Menil is to present art in its pure form, wiping away any distracting didactic material or explanatory text. The viewer is encouraged to make their own connection with the works of art on display. But this approach was modified when it came to the way the Menil displayed the frescoes. When the author visited the frescoes at the Byzantine chapel there was a great deal of context for the objects. The frosted glass mimicked the original architecture of the church in Lysi; there were books and photographs in the entryway which told the history of the acquisition; and the whole experience as a visitor told the story of the damage done to Northern Cyprus and how the Menil rescued these objects from the antiquities market.

It must be acknowledged as well that Dikmen was paid for stealing the frescoes. His looting network supplied the Menil with the material and the network was paid for the looting of the church. He operated freely as a result of the peculiar circumstances surrounding Northern Cyprus, which saw the Turkish military take insufficient steps to safeguard the heritage there, and the fact that the local population was removed from the site. There was no possibility of any local outrage as the church-goers who may have lived in Lysi were no longer there. In 1998 after a lengthy sting operation, Munich police were able to recover a number of looted Cypriot artworks in Dikmen’s Munich apartment. These were eventually returned to Cyprus. Though the objects were returned, Dikmen was not convicted of any serious crimes because Michel van Rijn refused to testify at trial, though he had cooperated with police during the investigation, on the grounds that he was receiving death threats. So Dikmen and his looting network were ultimately apprehended and targeted by German police. Whether they would have been stopped from looting more sites had Dominique de Menil gone to authorities is an open question.Footnote 41 The Menil bought illicit material, and Dikmen’s looting network profited.

CONCLUSION

At least one art historian has argued that the frescoes are objects to be admired, but in comparison to the frescoes in the nearby larger churches, they are beautiful, but do not perhaps approach their quality.Footnote 42 Which raises an important question. Would we know or understand the story of these works had they been sold to another buyer? And would they have received attention had they not been looted and conserved by such an important supporter of the arts? The Menil was uniquely placed not only to acquire the objects, but also to conserve them, and raise their profile considerably owing to their fifteen year display in the Montrose neighborhood of Houston. And it is a sad fact that the theft or looting of art and sites often raises the profile of objects. We can consider the repatriated art tour of the so-called Nostoi (named after the returned ancient Greek warriors) works returned to Italy and Greece from North American Museums as one example.Footnote 43 In the end, the Menil created a unique relationship with the source community of these frescoes. It is a relationship that put into practice Professor John Henry Merryman’s triad of truth, preservation, and access.Footnote 44 These frescoes were the only Byzantine murals of this kind in the United States, and they were wonderfully cared for and conserved after their initial damage and removal from the church in Lysi. Perhaps the most important takeaway from the Menil’s stewardship of these frescoes was how it gave life to the ideals of the 1970 UNESCO Convention. In that sense Dominique de Menil stands apart from another buyer of Cypriot antiquities at this time, Peg Goldberg. Rather than doing the minimum amount of diligence as Ms. Goldberg did, the Menil was able to thoroughly research the frescoes, and come to an arrangement with the Church of Cyprus. And in so doing the Menil set a precedent for how Museums interact with nations of origin in the post-UNESCO Convention era, when Museums are no longer just treasure houses, but instead have crafted relationships and legacies which extend beyond just the display of works of art.

Footnotes

1 See Smart Reference Smart2011.

4 See Brodie and Proulx Reference Brodie and Proulx2013; Gill and Chippindale Reference Gill and Chippindale2006; Wolkoff Reference Wolkoff2009.

5 Treaty of Guarantee. Signed at Nicosia on 16 August 1960, http://www.mfa.gr/images/docs/kypriako/treaty_of_guarantee.pdf (accessed 22 June 2015).

6 Chrysostomides Reference Chrysostomides2000; Hardy Reference Hardy2014, 460–61.

7 S.C. Res. 541, U.N. Doc. S/RES/541 (Nov. 18, 1983), http://www.mfa.gr/images/docs/kypriako/un_sc_resolution_541_1983.pdf (accessed 22 June 2015), and S.C. Res. 550, U.N. Doc. S/RES/541 (May 11, 1984), http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/RESOLUTION/GEN/NR0/487/80/IMG/NR048780.pdf?OpenElement (accessed 22 June 2015).

9 Cyprus v. Turkey, Appl. No. 25781/94 (European Court of Human Rights 2001).

10 Cyprus v. Turkey, Just Satisfaction, Appl. No. 25781/94 (European Court of Human Rights 2014).

12 Hardy Reference Hardy2014, 461.

13 Chotzakoglou Reference Chotzakoglou2008, 28–29.

14 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Cyprus, “Destruction of Cultural Heritage” 2006, http://www.mfa.gov.cy/mfa/mfa2006.nsf/cyprus07_en/cyprus07_en?OpenDocument (accessed 22 June 2015).

15 Hofstadter Reference Hofstadter1994, 227–28.

16 Jansen 2005, 20.

17 Autocephalous Church v. Goldberg & Feldman Arts, 917 F. 2d 278 (Court of Appeals, 7th Circuit 1990); Autocephalous Greek-Orthodox Church v. Goldberg, 717 F. Supp. 1374 (Dist. Court, S.D. Indiana 1989).

18 Jansen 2005, 20.

19 Ibid., 35.

20 Carr and Morocco Reference Carr and Morocco1991, 147–48.

21 Ibid., 6.

22 Ibid., 7–8.

24 See Hawkins, Rothman, and Goldstein Reference Hawkins, Rothman and Goldstein1995; Fincham Reference Fincham2010.

25 Leventhal and Daniels Reference Leventhal and Daniels2012.

28 Ibid.

31 Siehr and Bauer Reference Siehr and Bauer2009.

32 Cornu and Renold Reference Cornu and Renold2010; Associated Press 2007.

33 Carr and Morocco Reference Carr and Morocco1991, 126.

38 Ibid.

39 Gill and Chippindale Reference Gill and Chippindale1993.

42 Dabrowska Reference Dabrowska2008, 23–24.

References

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Acar, Özgen. 2000. “Mosaics and Heads of Statues Plundered from Zeugma.” Culture Without Context 7: 5.Google Scholar
Acar, Özgen. 2000b. “Troubled Waters.” Archaeology 53, no. 5: 4043.Google Scholar
Associated Press. 2007. “Afghan Artifacts Returned to Kabul Museum.” Los Angeles Times, March 18, http://articles.latimes.com/2007/mar/18/world/fg-afghan18 (accessed 22 June 2015).Google Scholar
Atwood, Roger. 2006. Stealing History: Tomb Raiders, Smugglers, and the Looting of the Ancient World. New York: St. Martin’s Press.Google Scholar
Beltrametti, Silvia. 2013. “Museum Strategies: Leasing Antiquities.” Columbia Journal of Law & the Arts 36, no. 2: 203.Google Scholar
Brodie, Neil, and Proulx, Blythe Bowman. 2013. “Museum Malpractice as Corporate Crime? The Case of the J. Paul Getty Museum.” Journal of Crime and Justice 37, no. 3: 399421.Google Scholar
Carr, Annemarie Weyl, and Morocco, Laurence J.. 1991. A Byzantine Masterpiece Recovered: The Thirteenth-Century Murals of Lysi, Cyprus. Austin: University of Texas Press.Google Scholar
Chotzakoglou, Charalampos G. 2008. Religious Monuments in Turkish-Occupied Cyprus: Evidence and Acts of Continuous Destruction. Studies on Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Archaeology and History of Art, no. 3. Cyprus: Museum of the Holy Monastery of Kykkos.Google Scholar
Chrysostomides, Kypros. 2000. Developments in International Law Vol. 35: The Republic of Cyprus, a Study in International Law. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill-Nijhoff/The Hague Academy of International Law.Google Scholar
Cornu, Marie, and Renold, Marc-André. 2010. “New Developments in the Restitution of Cultural Property: Alternative Means of Dispute Resolution.” International Journal of Cultural Property 17, no. 1: 131.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dabrowska, Malgorzata. 2008. “Byzantine Frescoes from Lusignan Cyprus in Houston.” Ikonotheka 21: 2132.Google Scholar
Davezac, Bertrand. 1991. “Introduction.” In A Byzantine Masterpiece Recovered: The Thirteenth-Century Murals of Lysi, Cyprus, edited by Weyl Carr, Annemarie and Morocco, Laurence J., 714. Austin: University of Texas Press.Google Scholar
Dodd, Clement. 2010. The History and Politics of the Cyprus Conflict. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Edgers, Geoff. 2011. “Making ‘Herakles’ Whole after All These Years.” Boston.com, July 17, http://www.boston.com/ae/theater_arts/articles/2011/07/17/museum_of_fine_arts_to_return_weary_herakles_statue_to_turkey/ (accessed 22 June 2015).Google Scholar
Elia, Ricardo. 2001. “Analysis of the Looting, Selling, and Collecting of Apulian Red-Figure Vases: A Quantitative Approach.” In Trade in Illicit Antiquities: The Destruction of the World’s Archaeological Heritage, edited by Brodie, Neil, Doole, Jennifer, and Renfrew, Colin, 145–53. Cambridge: University of Cambridge, McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research.Google Scholar
Felch, Jason, and Frammolino, Ralph. 2011. Chasing Aphrodite: The Hunt for Looted Antiquities at the World’s Richest Museum. New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt.Google Scholar
Fincham, Derek. 2010. “Fraud on Our Heritage: Towards a Rigorous Standard for the Good Faith Acquisition of Antiquities.” Syracuse Journal of International Law and Commerce 37, no. 1: 145206.Google Scholar
Gerstenblith, Patty. 2007. “Controlling the International Market in Antiquities: Reducing the Harm, Preserving the Past.” Chicago Journal of International Law 8, no. 1: 169–95.Google Scholar
Gill, David, and Chippindale, Christopher. 1993. “Material and Intellectual Consequences of Esteem for Cycladic Figures.” American Journal of Archaeology 97, no. 4: 601–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gill, David, and Chippindale, Christopher. 2006. “From Boston to Rome: Reflections on Returning Antiquities.” International Journal of Cultural Property 13, no. 3: 311–31.Google Scholar
Gill, David, and Chippindale, Christopher. 2007. “From Malibu to Rome: Further Developments on the Return of Antiquities.” International Journal of Cultural Property 14, no. 2: 205–40.Google Scholar
Glentzer, Molly. 2015. “Menil’s New ‘Infinity’ Exhibit Is a Surreal Space Experience.” Houston Chronicle, January 30, http://www.houstonchronicle.com/entertainment/arts-theater/article/Menil-s-new-Inifinity-exhibit-is-a-great-place-6051563.php (accessed 22 June 2015).Google Scholar
Goldberger, Paul. 1997. “A Modern Building’s Timeless Soul.” The New York Times, February 6, sec. Arts.Google Scholar
Hardy, Samuel Andrew. 2014. “Using Open-Source Data to Identify Participation in the Illicit Antiquities Trade: A Case Study on the Cypriot Civil War.” European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research 20, no. 4: 459–74.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hawkins, Ashton, Rothman, Richard A., and Goldstein, David B.. 1995. “A Tale of Two Innocents: Creating an Equitable Balance between the Rights of Former Owners and Good Faith Purchasers of Stolen Art.” Fordham Law Review 64: 4996.Google Scholar
Hofstadter, Dan. 1994. Goldberg’s Angel: An Adventure in the Antiquities Trade. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux.Google Scholar
Jansen, Michael E. 2005. War and Cultural Heritage: Cyprus after the 1974 Turkish Invasion. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota.Google Scholar
Leventhal, Richard M., and Daniels, Brian I.. 2012. “Orphaned Objects, Ethical Standards, and the Acquisition of Antiquities.” DePaul Journal of Art, Technology and Intellectual Property Law 23: 339–62.Google Scholar
Merryman, John Henry. 1989. “The Public Interest in Cultural Property.” California Law Review 77, no. 2: 339–64.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Povoledo, Elisabetta. 2007. “After Legal Odyssey, Homecoming Show for Looted Antiquities.” New York Times, December 18, sec. Arts / Art & Design.Google Scholar
Povoledo, Elisabetta. 2011. “Menil Collection Is to Return Frescoes to Cyprus.” New York Times, September 23.Google Scholar
Rose, Mark. 1998. “Special Report: Church Treasures of Cyprus.” Archaeology 51, no. 4, http://archive.archaeology.org/9807/etc/special.html (accessed 22 June 2015).Google Scholar
Siehr, Kurt, and Bauer, Alexander, eds. 2009. “Guidelines for the Establishment and Conduct of Safe Havens as Adopted by the International Law Association at Its 73rd Conference Held in Rio De Janeiro, Brazil, 17–21 August 2008.” International Journal of Cultural Property 16, no. 4: 371–78.Google Scholar
Smart, Pamela G. 2011. Sacred Modern: Faith, Activism, and Aesthetics in the Menil Collection. Austin: University of Texas Press.Google Scholar
Thorpe, Helen. 1997. “Whose Art Is It, Anyway?” Texas Monthly, January, http://www.texasmonthly.com/story/whose-art-it-anyway (accessed 22 June 2015).Google Scholar
UNESCO. 1984. Information on the Implementation of the Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict: 1984 Reports, http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0006/000623/062387EB.pdf (accessed 22 June 2015).Google Scholar
Walsh, Michael J. K. 2010. “‘The Vile Embroidery of Ruin’: Historic Famagusta between Ottoman and British Empires in Fin de Siècle Cyprus: 1878–1901.” Journal of Intercultural Studies 31, no. 3: 247–69.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wolkoff, Joshua S. 2009. “Transcending Cultural Nationalist and Internationalist Tendencies: The Case for Mutually Beneficial Repatriation Agreements.” Cardozo Journal of Conflict Resolution 11: 709–38.Google Scholar
Figure 0

Figure 1. Interior view of the Byzantine Fresco Chapel showing dome fresco depicting Christ Pantokrator. Courtesy the Menil Collection, Houston. Photo: Paul Warchol.