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SINCE ORPHEUS WAS IN SHORT PANTS: REASSESSING OEAGRUS AT ARISTOPHANES, WASPS 579–80

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 April 2021

Robert Cowan*
Affiliation:
The University of Sydney
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Abstract

In Aristophanes’ Wasps, Philocleon says that he and his fellow jurors do not acquit Oeagrus until he has recited a speech from the Niobe. Scholars have almost universally assumed that this was the name of a contemporary tragic actor, despite its extreme rarity. This article argues that the reference is rather to the father of Orpheus. As a figure from the generation before the archetypal bard, ‘an Oeagrus’ represents the old-fashioned poetry to which Philocleon and his fellow jurors are devoted.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Classical Association

Among the many perks of jury-duty which Philocleon enumerates in Aristophanes’ Wasps is the jurors’ power to extort various forms of entertainment from the defendants. This entertainment includes the titillation of ogling boys’ genitals at their deme-registration dokimasia (578), having a piper pipe them out of the court (581–2) and making a defendant recite a tragic rhēsis (579–80):

κἂν Οἴαγροϲ εἰϲέλθῃ φεύγων, οὐκ ἀποφεύγει πρὶν ἂν ἡμῖν
ἐκ τῆϲ Νιόβηϲ εἴπῃ ῥῆϲιν τὴν καλλίϲτην ἀπολέξαϲ.
And if Oeagrus comes into court as a defendant, he doesn't get off until
he chooses and recites for us the prettiest speech from the Niobe.

Commentators and critics universally follow—or, on the basis of context, tacitly agree with—the assertion of the scholia that Oeagrus was a ‘tragic actor’ (τραγικὸϲ ὑποκριτήϲ).Footnote 1 These lines and the scholium likewise earn him a place in catalogues of actors from antiquity.Footnote 2 His inclusion in lists of known individuals from fifth-century Athens also depends entirely on these two testimonia.Footnote 3 Biles and Olson do strike a note of salutary caution by observing that ‘this is most likely only a deduction from this passage’, but their scepticism seems to be about the scholiast's extratextual knowledge rather than about Oeagrus’ existence or profession.Footnote 4

Greater scepticism is surely justified by the scholia's similar and clearly mistaken assertion that the Aesopus mentioned a little earlier at lines 566–7 was also a tragic actor. Philocleon describes how defendants try to put the jury in a good mood by, among other strategies, saying ‘something funny’ of, by or about Aesopus.Footnote 5 The scholiast clearly noticed the contradiction in a tragic actor's being associated with τι γέλοιον, so he contorted himself to make Aesopus either a ‘ludicrous’ or a paradoxically ‘comical’ one (Αἴϲωποϲ τραγῳδίαϲ ἐγένετο ὑποκριτὴϲ γελοιώδηϲ).Footnote 6 Such contortions are of course unnecessary, since the reference is clearly to the fabulist Aesop, whose fables play so large a part throughout the play, especially in the second half.Footnote 7 A similar guess is made in Clouds, this time assuming that a mythological figure is a contemporary actor. When Strepsiades taunts the second of his lamenting creditors by asking ‘What evil has Tlempolemus ever done you?’ (τί δαί ϲε Τλημπόλεμόϲ ποτ' εἴργαϲται κακόν; Nub. 1266), the scholiast notes that ‘some [say] that Tlepolemus [sic] was a tragic actor who repeatedly acted for Sophocles’ (ἄλλοι δὲ τραγικὸν ὑποκριτὴν εἶναι τὸν Τληπόλεμον, ϲυνεχῶϲ ὑποκρινόμενον Ϲοφοκλεῖ, Σ ENp Ar. Nub. 1266 Holwerda).Footnote 8 Other scholia recognize that it is a quotation of a line from a tragedy by Xenocles, either Tlempolemus or Licymnius. The scholia are thus quite capable of simply guessing that a figure whom they do not recognize is a contemporary tragic actor. With Aesopus and Tlempolemus, they are manifestly wrong, but just because Oeagrus’ identity is a more plausible guess does not mean that it is correct.

Biles and Olson also note of Oeagrus that ‘the name is extremely rare (also once in the late Hellenistic period on Tenos).’Footnote 9 Such rarity is in itself a reason to pause before assuming that the name corresponds straightforwardly to a contemporary individual rather than being chosen for some other reason.Footnote 10 Sometimes, it is even considered grounds for emendation. Euphemius (Εὐφημίου) is the manuscript reading at Vesp. 599, but because it is otherwise unattested in Classical Athens and the -ιοϲ ending is typical of late antique onomastics, it is generally emended to the more common Euphemus (Εὐφήμου) or Euphemides (Εὐφημίδου).Footnote 11 Even names that are attested in Classical Athens, but not associated with prominent, known individuals, may have been chosen for reasons other than that they were borne by someone familiar to the audience at the Lenaea. Ergasion (1201), while far from common, does occur a handful of times in fifth- and fourth-century Attica, but Biles and Olson still reasonably assert that ‘the name has been selected … for the etymological hint that the man in question is a common “worker” rather than an aristocrat’, while Kanavou more cautiously allows that it ‘is likely … that it was not an accidental choice, but was used for its appropriateness to a small farmer’.Footnote 12 Likewise, Philoctemon (1250) is a fairly common name and was held by the prominent fourth-century subject of Isaeus 6, so that Sommerstein has even suggested that the man mentioned in Wasps may have been his grandfather.Footnote 13 However, as the host of a lavish symposium, ‘Possessions-lover’ does not merely ‘sound … appropriate for a rich man’, but ‘the real point is so obviously etymological … that there is no reason to assume a reference to an otherwise unattested contemporary.’Footnote 14 The name Oeagrus is not attested in Classical (or any other period) Athens, but it does have a very obvious and common other significance, as that of the father of Orpheus. The subtle etymological implications of the name Philoctemon are the principal significance that the audience would assign to it, even though they probably knew of several contemporaries of that name. So, a fortiori, the obvious mythological implications of the name Oeagrus would surely make them think of Orpheus’ father, since a name attested nowhere in the fifth century and never in Athens is unlikely to make them think of a real individual.

This is not to say that the figure whom Philocleon describes reciting a rhēsis in a fifth-century Athenian court is to be imagined as literally Oeagrus, the father of Orpheus. Rather the name should be taken metonymically, ‘an Oeagrus’. A clear-cut and unambiguous example of such metonymy occurs in Ecclesiazusae, when the girl expresses concern that the sexual revolution will ‘fill the whole world with Oedipuses’ (τὴν γῆν ἅπαϲαν Οἰδιπόδων ἐμπλήϲετε, 1042).Footnote 15 The plural makes it clear that she means not a specific individual or individuals but rather the type of men who sleep with older women. The indefinite τιν(ά) produces a similar effect at lines 180–1 of Wasps itself, when Bdelycleon, in jest but more truly than he realizes, asks the donkey: ‘Why are you groaning, unless you are carrying an Odysseus?’ (τί στένεις, | εἰ μὴ φέρεις Ὀδυσσέα τιν᾽;).Footnote 16 With a little more complexity, Aristophanes twice uses the name Orestes in a similar way, at Ach. 1167–8 and Av. 712.Footnote 17 On both occasions, the name seems intended to evoke a type figure who in a particular way resembles the Orestes of myth, a madman in Acharnians and a thug in Birds. On both occasions, critics have been tempted to identify a contemporary figure either named or nicknamed Orestes, but with little success. The figure is not Orestes, nor even ‘Orestes’, but ‘an Orestes’, though that type might still correspond to a particular unidentified individual. The same interplay of generalization and particularization can be seen in action as with Oeagrus, the evocation of a type emblematized by a figure from myth but with the invitation to imagine that type as a contemporary individual. What then is ‘an Oeagrus’ and to what type does his mythological characterization correspond?

Oeagrus’ mythology is strictly limited.Footnote 18 He is not simply Orpheus’ father. He is only Orpheus’ father. Indeed, until Late Antiquity, apart from a couple of instances where he is mentioned in a chain of genealogy or in the act of begetting Orpheus, his name occurs only in the genitive (for example υἱὸν Οἰάγρου <δὲ> | Ὀρφέα, Pind. Thren. 3 fr. 128c.11–12 Maehler) or in patronymic form (for example εὐαί]νετον Οἰαγρίδα[ν, Bacchyl. fr. 28.8 Irigoin) to describe or designate his son.Footnote 19 We might compare Laertes, who is similarly defined only as the father of Odysseus and has no mythology of his own, but even he appears, acts and speaks as a character in the Odyssey, if only in a supporting role as father to his protagonist son.Footnote 20 In contrast, Oeagrus does not even appear in his own right in a narrated present but is always thought of in the past, or perhaps rather in the plupast, the time before whatever past exploit of Orpheus is being recounted. It is not until Nonnus’ Dionysiaca at the turn of the fifth century c.e. that Oeagrus has a role of his own, singing in a contest with Erechtheus and performing an aristeia in Dionysus’ battle against the Indians.Footnote 21 Even here he is self-consciously a figure of the plupast, competing with the primaeval Athenian Erechtheus and defined as Orpheus’ father, even paradoxically deriving his musical powers from his son.Footnote 22 He also leaves the baby Orpheus on Calliope's lap, a scene reminiscent of Apollonius’ Chiron showing baby Achilles to Peleus with a similarly self-conscious effect of prolepsis.Footnote 23 In general, then, Oeagrus’ mythological characterization is as ‘earlier than Orpheus’.Footnote 24 Since Orpheus himself, along with Musaeus, was considered one of the earliest singers, if not the earliest, Oeagrus constitutes a hyperbolically pre-originary, plupast, hyperarchaic ne plus ultra of poetic prehistory.Footnote 25 ‘An Oeagrus’, as a type, transplanted into 420s Athens and made to recite a rhēsis from the Niobe, would suggest, with appropriate comic hyperbole, a representative of old-fashioned modes of tragic composition and performance.

Such an old-fashioned mode of tragic composition and performance is, of course, exactly what most appeals to Philocleon and his fellow-jurors in the chorus. As David Konstan puts it, ‘Their old-fashioned cast of mind is indicated by a preference for Phrynichus, and for traditional art forms in general.’Footnote 26 This preference—and its socio-political implications—are repeatedly signalled throughout the play, from Bdelycleon's anticipation that the chorus will warble ‘old-fashioned-honey-sweet-Sidon-style-Phrynichan-lovely lyrics’ (μέλη | ἀρχαιομελιϲιδωνοφρυνιχήρατα, 219–20) through the wasps’ own puzzled observation that Philocleon is usually the first to lead the way ‘singing [a song] of Phrynichus’ (πρῶτοϲ ἡμῶν | ἡγεῖτ' ἂν ᾄδων Φρυνίχου, 268–9) to Philocleon's climactic dance-fight with the modernist sons of Carcinus, including special Phrynichan moves (καὶ τὸ Φρυνίχειον | ἐκλακτιϲάτω τιϲ, 1523–5) and prefaced by Xanthus’ description of the old man, who ‘hasn't for a moment all night stopped dancing those old-fashioned dances with which Thespis used to compete’ (ὀρχούμενοϲ τῆϲ νυκτὸϲ οὐδὲν παύεται | τἀρχαῖ' ἐκεῖν' οἷϲ Θέϲπιϲ ἠγωνίζετο, 1478–9).Footnote 27 Whether we see Philocleon as primarily a paratragic figure, with Farmer, or para-epic (in antithesis to the paratragic Bdelycleon), with Papathanasopoulou, or as transcending genre, with Nelson, he is unquestionably a man who loves song (φιλῳδόϲ, 270) and more specifically one who loves old-fashioned song.Footnote 28 When such a man and his like-minded cronies are sitting as jurors, the ideal person to entertain them is ‘an Oeagrus’, a poet-cum-performer so old-fashioned he could have been composing and singing literally since Orpheus was in short pants.Footnote 29

Footnotes

The idea for this article came to me while teaching Wasps to a Greek Comedy class at the University of Sydney in 2019. I am grateful to the students for such a stimulating class, and to Peter Wilson, Matthew Wright and CQ's anonymous reader for their helpful comments.

References

1 Σ RVΓ Ar. Vesp. 579 Koster. Commentators (all cited ad loc.): D.M. MacDowell (ed.), Aristophanes Wasps (Oxford, 1971): ‘evidently a tragic actor’; A.H. Sommerstein (ed.), Aristophanes Wasps (Warminster, 1983): ‘evidently a tragic actor’; L. Lenz (ed.), Aristophanes Wespen (Berlin, 2014): ‘ein sonst unbekannter Tragödienschauspieler’; K.S. Rothwell, Jr. (ed.), Aristophanes’ Wasps (Oxford, 2019): ‘evidently an actor who had a part in a Niobe’. Critics: J. Vaio, ‘Aristophanes’ Wasps. The relevance of the final scenes’, GRBS 12 (1971), 335–51, at 346: ‘Oeagrus the actor’; M. Wright, ‘Comedy versus tragedy in Wasps’, in E. Bakola, L. Prauscello and M. Telò (edd.), Greek Comedy and the Discourse of Genres (Cambridge, 2013), 205–25, at 218 n. 64: ‘Oeagrus is an actor’; M.C. Farmer, Tragedy on the Comic Stage (Oxford, 2017), 128: ‘when [Philocleon] gets a tragic actor in his courtroom, his obsession leads him to demand a private tragic performance’.

2 O'Connor, J.B., Chapters in the History of Actors and Acting in Ancient Greece (Chicago, 1908), 124Google Scholar, §383; Ghiron-Bistagne, P., Recherches sur les acteurs dans la Grèce antique (Paris, 1976), 349Google Scholar; Stephanis, I.E., Διονυσιακοὶ Τεχνῖται (Heraclion, 1988), 342Google Scholar, §1928; Sommerstein, A.H., ‘How to avoid being a komodoumenos’, CQ 46 (1996), 327–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 349–50.

3 PAA 740540: ‘[A]ctor tragic performing in Niobe, komoidoumenos in Wasps of Aristophanes’. The question mark next to Athens in his entry at LGPN II.348 seems to express doubt about his being Athenian rather than about his existence.

4 Z.P. Biles and S.D. Olson (edd.), Aristophanes Wasps (Oxford, 2015), ad loc. For acceptance of the communis opinio, see Biles, Z.P., ‘Thucydides’ Cleon and the poetics of politics in Aristophanes’ Wasps’, CPh 111 (2016), 117–38Google Scholar, at 122: ‘The tragic actor Oiagros escapes conviction only if he recites a tragic monologue.’

5 οἱ δὲ λέγουϲιν μύθουϲ ἡμῖν, οἱ δ' Αἰϲώπου τι γέλοιον | οἱ δὲ ϲκώπτουϲ', ἵν' ἐγὼ γελάϲω καὶ τὸν θυμὸν καταθῶμαι, 566–7. The genitive is (perhaps deliberately) ambiguous and the ‘something funny’ could be a fable by Aesop or an anecdote about him.

6 Σ VLhAld Ar. Vesp. 566 Koster. Σ VLh ad loc. adds that he was an actor ‘of Aeschylus’ (Αἰϲχύλου δὲ ἦν ὑποκριτήϲ).

7 On Aesop in Wasps, see Rothwell, K.S., ‘Aristophanes’ Wasps and the sociopolitics of Aesop's Fables’, CJ 90 (1995), 233–54Google Scholar; Pertsinidis, S., ‘The fabulist Aristophanes’, Fabula 50 (2009), 208–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Schirru, S., La favola in Aristofane (Berlin, 2009), 5670Google Scholar; Hall, E., ‘The Aesopic in Aristophanes’, in Bakola, E., Prauscello, L. and Telò, M. (edd.), Greek Comedy and the Discourse of Genres (Cambridge, 2013), 277–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 289–94; S. Miles, ‘Cultured animals and wild humans? Talking with the animals in Aristophanes’ Wasps’, in T. Fögen and E. Thomas (edd.), Interactions between Animals and Humans in Graeco-Roman Antiquity (Berlin, 2017), 205–32, at 213–24.

8 Tlempolemus is listed as a tragic actor by Ghiron-Bistagne (n. 2), 359, but Stephanis (n. 2), 429, §2430 designates him a ‘fictional person or of doubtful historicity’ (‘πλαστὰ ἢ ἀμφίβολης ἱστορικότητας πρόσωπα’) and O'Connor (n. 2), 135, §467 assigns him a sceptical question mark.

9 Biles and Olson (n. 4), ad loc. LGPN I.347, citing IG XII(5) 978 and tentatively dating him and it to the second or first century b.c.e.

10 Cf. N. Kanavou, Aristophanes’ Comedy of Names: A Study of Speaking Names in Aristophanes (Berlin, 2011), 98 on Trygaeus in Peace: ‘It is not historically attested and must be the poet's own creation, possibly inspired by similar names attested in neighbouring regions; these were rare, which would have made the etymological significance more noticeable.’

11 Biles and Olson (n. 4), ad loc.; Kanavou (n. 10), 95.

12 Biles and Olson (n. 4), ad loc.; Kanavou (n. 10), 95.

13 Sommerstein (n. 1), ad loc.

14 Kanavou (n. 10), 95 and Biles and Olson (n. 4), ad loc. respectively.

15 Kanavou (n. 10), 181–2.

16 Cf. Biles and Olson (n. 4), ad loc.: ‘lit. “some Odysseus”, i.e. “someone like Odysseus”’. I am indebted to CQ's anonymous reader for this example, though it does fall into a slightly different category, since it refers not to a more generally applicable type, ‘an Odysseus’ (e.g. a trickster), but to the very specific, perhaps unique ‘type’ of men who escape imprisonment by hiding under animals, a type which the joking Bdelycleon does not in fact believe exists. As a further complication, Bdelycleon is unwittingly flagging Aristophanes’ witting parody of Odyssey 9.

17 Kanavou (n. 10), 48, 114–15; S.D. Olson (ed.), Aristophanes Acharnians (Oxford, 2002), ad loc.; N.V. Dunbar (ed.), Aristophanes Birds (Oxford, 1995), ad loc.

18 He has no iconographic presence, either in his own right or even in his capacity as Orpheus’ (mortal) father. See M.-X. Garezou, ‘Orpheus’, LIMC VII.1.81–105, at 81: ‘Les témoignages disparates sur la parenté d'O[rpheus] ne sont pas d'un interêt particulier pour l'analyse iconographique.’

19 Genealogy: Certamen 48. Begetting: Heraclid. Pont. fr. 159 Wehrli; Ap. Rhod. Argon. 1.25. Genitive: Pl. Symp. 179d2; Alcid. fr. 2.126 Avezzù; Hermesian. fr. 7.1 Powell; Ap. Rhod. Argon. 1.570, 2.703, 4.905, 4.1193; Phanocl. fr. 1.1 Powell; Diod. Sic. 3.65.6, 4.25.2; Lucian, Astr. 10. Patronymic: Nic. Ther. 462.

20 Ion of Chios’ mysterious tragedy Laertes may have been the exception that proves the rule.

21 Contest: Nonnus, Dion. 19.61–117; aristeia: 22.168–217, 320–53.

22 δεύτεροϲ αἰόλον ὕμνον ἄναξ Οἴαγροϲ ὑφαίνων, | ὡϲ γενέτηϲ Ὀρφῆοϲ (‘Second, Lord Oeagrus, weaving a varied song, because he was the father of Orpheus’), Nonnus, Dion. 19.100–1. A. Bernabé and R. García-Gasco, ‘Nonnus and Dionysiac-Orphic religion’, in D. Accorinti (ed.), Brill's Companion to Nonnus of Panopolis (Leiden, 2016), 91–110, at 98: ‘This kind of “inverse genetic heritage” works … as a poetic anticipation of the capability that would make Orpheus well known later on.’

23 Nonnus, Dion. 13.428–31. Ap. Rhod. Argon. 1.553–8. On the Apollonian scene's metapoetic implications, see C.J. Ransom, ‘Back to the future: Apollonius’ Argonautica 1.553–58, chronological play and epic succession’, Mnemosyne 67 (2014), 639–45.

24 Aelian may mention an otherwise unattested Oeagrus (or perhaps a different chronology for the same Oeagrus) as post-dating Orpheus and Musaeus and being the first to compose a poem about the Trojan War (Ael. VH 21). However, Οἴαγροϲ is König's conjecture for the manuscripts’ Ϲύαγροϲ and in any case such a minor and probably late variant in the mythological tradition would not outweigh the overwhelming testimony for Oeagrus as Orpheus’ father.

25 E.g. Ar. Ran. 1030–2 ϲκέψαι γὰρ ἀπ’ ἀρχῆϲ | ὡϲ ὠφέλιμοι τῶν ποιητῶν οἱ γενναῖοι γεγένηνται. | Ὀρφεὺϲ μὲν … (‘For think how helpful the noble ones among the poets have been since earliest times. Orpheus …’).

26 D. Konstan, ‘The politics of Aristophanes’ Wasps’, TAPhA 115 (1985), 27–46, at 32. Cf. M. Payne, ‘Teknomajikality and the humanimal in Aristophanes’ Wasps’, in P. Walsh (ed.), Brill's Companion to the Reception of Aristophanes (Leiden, 2016), 129–47, at 141: ‘Their aesthetic preferences are old-fashioned, like Better Argument's untimely preference for old school poetry and old school sex in Clouds.’

27 Cf. the similar artistic and socio-political preferences of Dicaeopolis (especially Ach. 9–11, with Z.P. Biles, ‘Aeschylus’ afterlife: reperformance by decree in 5th c. Athens?’, ICS 31–2 [2006–7], 206–42, at 221–7) and Strepsiades (especially Nub. 1353–79, with M. Wright, The Comedian as Critic [London, 2012], 84).

28 Farmer (n. 1), 117–53; N. Papathanasopoulou, ‘Tragic and epic visions of the oikos in Aristophanes’ Wasps’, CW 112 (2019), 253–78; S. Nelson, Aristophanes and his Tragic Muse: Comedy, Tragedy and the Polis in 5th Century Athens (Leiden, 2016), 165–71; Wright (n. 1), 216: ‘The aged Philocleon and the decrepit jurors, predictably, prefer the archaic tragedy of Phrynichus to that of the more up-to-date younger tragedians.’

29 It is tempting to look for a reason why it is a speech specifically from Niobe that Oeagrus must deliver. However, in marked contrast to Oeagrus, Niobe has multiple associations, with fertility, boasting, impiety, mourning and petrification, which makes it harder to assert the primacy of any single one. Plato has Critias, himself ‘quoting’ Solon, say that she and Phoroneus were the first human beings, pre-dating even Deucalion (Pl. Ti. 22a). This tradition of Niobe's antiquity is also reflected in reports that she was the first mortal woman with whom Zeus had sex (Diod. Sic. 4.14.4, Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1.17.3) and perhaps in Martial's use of her as a mythological exemplum of a sexually repulsive uetula (Mart. 3.32.3, 10.67.2). The audience at the Lenaea in 422 might thus have associated Niobe as well as Oeagrus with extreme antiquity and by analogy with old-fashioned poetry. However, Aristophanes may simply be evoking a famous tragedy by that other archetypally ‘old-fashioned’ poet, Aeschylus (though Sophocles’ play cannot be ruled out), perhaps with a comic paradox that Oeagrus must recite the loveliest rhēsis from a play best known for its protagonist's silence. CQ's anonymous reader makes the further attractive suggestion that such a paradox could characterize Philocleon as a mis-reader of tragedy, like Dionysus in Frogs. On Niobe's silence, including the possible allusion to it in Frogs, see Taplin, O., ‘Aeschylean silences and silences in Aeschylus’, HSPh 76 (1972), 5797Google Scholar, at 57–76; Wright, M., The Lost Plays of Greek Tragedy. Volume 2: Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides (London, 2019), 262–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.