With this volume, Greg Poelzer and Ken Coates outline their vision for reconciliation between Aboriginal peoples and newcomers within Canada. Working from the premise that equality of opportunity and well-being should be the focus for reconciliation, the authors argue for “practical, realistic, and affordable solutions” (xvi) to longstanding problems. In doing so they are attempting to find middle ground between “advocates of Aboriginal sovereignty and those who would eliminate Aboriginal rights” (xv), and to encourage all Canadians to take up their responsibilities as treaty peoples.
After first outlining what they see as the major contours framing debates over Aboriginal/settler relations in Canada, Poelzer and Coates discuss a variety of ideas for restructuring the relationship put forth by Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal contributors. They generally categorize ideas as favouring either parallelism, elimination of special status or paternalism, all of which they reject in favour of an equality-of-opportunity and a well-being approach. A discussion of the numerous accomplishments of Aboriginal people and communities follows in the areas of culture and education, business and entrepreneurship, and governance and civic engagement. The purpose here is to counter what they see as the dominant public narrative of crisis and despair when Aboriginal issues are raised and to demonstrate that when opportunities are provided and well-being is the focus, Aboriginal people can and do flourish.
The authors then turn to their ideas for how reconciliation should proceed by examining attempts more broadly, drawing the conclusion that we should move on from frameworks of grievance, guilt and colonialism to “citizenship and partnership” as “equals in Confederation” (188). They subsequently argue for equality of status in the vein of the “citizens plus” concept put forth by Alan Cairns in the 1960s, which would assist in “redefining Canadians as treaty peoples” (204). Their most significant proposal is for the creation of a Commonwealth of Aboriginal Peoples to replace Aboriginal Affairs that would be managed by elected Aboriginal representatives. The Commonwealth would be funded through a share of resource wealth and a percentage of Canadian GDP akin to transfer payments to the province. They suggest that revenue from resource development would satisfy demands from Aboriginal leaders for a share in the resource wealth and the Commonwealth arrangement “would make Aboriginal people responsible for their own future” (218). Coupled with greater proliferation of self-government powers, better service provision and stronger economic integration, Poelzer and Coates make their case that this as an achievable path to reconciliation.
The strength of this book is its attention to the substantial advances of Aboriginal peoples in Canada since their virtually complete marginalization from Canadian society and institutions prior to the 1960s. The authors also make compelling arguments for how significant demands of Indigenous peoples could be and, in some cases already are, accommodated within existing norms of Canadian politics and society. For example, they note that self-government as it already exists constitutes a third order of government that easily fits within the shared authorities of federalism.
However, by dismissing significant factors, such as a focus on nation-to-nation relations, addressing past grievances (including the work of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission) and colonialism as not relevant to contemporary realities, Poelzer and Coates sidestep issues that are clearly at the centre of Aboriginal self-determination struggles. The advances of Aboriginal people outlined by the authors are substantially backed by political activism, including confrontations, court actions and “high politics.” Despite this, the authors suggest Aboriginal peoples should move on, characterizing these actions as counterproductive. The approach of Poelzer and Coates philosophically mirrors that of federal and provincial governments in their attempt to move past, or ignore altogether, Canada's colonial history. Failing to adequately address colonial legacies is more likely to exacerbate than remedy divisions between Aboriginal and newcomer peoples.
For the broader Canadian public, not much is asked in order to further reconciliation beyond Canadian political and economic norms. The solutions, which form part of their suggested course of action, are directed at appeasing those who view Aboriginal peoples as a drain on public expenditures and who would reduce social assistance through community-based workfare, remove any tax exemptions and encourage “property ownership and individual responsibility” (257) on reserves. Although they do pay much attention to the diversity of issues facing Aboriginal communities in both urban and reserve communities and note the importance of Indigenous culture and autonomy, their suggestions largely assume non-Indigenous development standards and depend on goodwill, two factors that have not always served Indigenous communities well.
If there is to be lasting reconciliation, Canada needs to refashion its political and economic arrangements so that they are positive, relevant and have the consent of Aboriginal peoples. That Canada has made some progress on this while continuing to fail in substantial areas, as Poelzer and Coates detail in the book, is certain. But the authors' recommendations for the way forward on reconciliation do little to dismantle the colonial relationship. Instead, their suggestions are limited by what they perceive as readily acceptable solutions to Canadians, in which avoiding “guilt fatigue” (266) or upsetting those who are against Aboriginal rights are significant concerns. This is not likely to produce the sort of “sustainable reconciliation” (265) the authors seek as the expectations of Indigenous peoples for more profound change will remain.
