² Agarwood is also known by many other names in English writing and orthography – in the context of discussing East Asian cultures for example, it is called (in English writing and orthography!) jinko, calambac, garoo wood, gaharu, chen hsiang, kinam, and agila wood (among West Asian descendants also oud). These diverse names developed through the intercultural exchange between producers, traders, and consumers over the course of the centuries, and reflect such various aspects as the origin of trade participants, the origin of agarwood products, and the grade of their material quality. Over the course of time, the various names were often adapted into other languages.

However, in my experience, botanical terminology is vague in colloquial language, often making the identity of botanical (sub-)species uncertain. Sometimes, identical names are used for similar substances, or else people are not aware of the scientific identity or taxonomic term of a sample, referring to it “incorrectly” in accordance with local habits. Regional varieties and individual ideas also influence the scientific terminology. Specifically in the case of agarwood, the identification of species is extremely demanding and requires decades of professional in-depth experience. It is unlikely that authors of earlier years and centuries generally had this level of expertise, making also historical sources and bibliographic references somewhat unreliable. In consequence, all botanical indications in the following (concerning English terms as well as Chinese and Japanese characters and transliterated terms which are especially uncertain due to the variable pronunciation and dependence on contextual meanings) should be taken with scholarly caution.

³ Information from perfumery markets in Asian and European countries. Consider also Burfield and Kirkham 2005, no pagination. Of course, the value depends on the particular quality of each specific sample.

Concerning the increasingly global dimensions of the demand for agarwood, consider e.g. the statement by representatives of the international industry, “[. . .] number of [i.e. agarwood]-related launches over the past few months and our prediction is that this ingredient will move from niche to mainstream in the months ahead” (Fragrance Foundation Deutschland e.V. 2011, no pagination).

⁴ Personal field knowledge with local foresters, governmental institutions, traders in Southeast Asia; environmental news; patent register information; industrial media (see also bibliography).

⁵ IUCN 2011 Red List of Threatened Species. The Red List was established by the World Conservation Union (later renamed the International Union for Conversation of Nature), and serves as a primary source for the evaluation of the status of plant and animal species (http://www.iucnredlist.org).

⁶ CITES is an international agreement between governments. Its aim is to ensure that international trade in specimens of wild animals and plants does not threaten their survival (CITES Secretariat 2011). Several agarwood species are listed in Appendix II, meaning international trade is closely controlled. A program has been launched with the aim of establishing an awareness of the threat of agarwood, and discussing possible measurements (http://www.cites.org). The last CITES Agarwood Experts Group Meeting took place in Kuala Lumpur, with the participation of diverse stakeholders from Eastern, Central, Western, and Southeast Asia (TRAFFIC Southeast Asia 2007). The consumption of agarwood in Eastern Asia has been distinctly discussed by TRAFFIC (e.g. Compton and Ishihara, pp. 12–20; Traffic East Asia and Traffic Southeast Asia).

⁷ The Japanese kōdō as such emerged only around 1500 ce (Yamada 1979, p. 70; see also the Chapters III–V.

⁸ Due to the number of current launches and the publications’ frequent non-historical-scholarly character, I do not discuss these further and omit bibliographic references in this article.

⁹ For his encyclopaedic work (1979), Yamada, as the author who wrote the most comprehensive history of East Asian perfumery to this day, relies on about 130 sources, of which roughly one fourth are Chinese, one third Japanese, and the remaining ones Western. The East Asian sources represent pharmaceutical, economic-historical, and geographical works, and usually include references to agarwood; however, no source is dedicated to portraying it exclusively (Yamada 1979, pp. 551–559).

¹⁰ Consider the discussion following Appadurai 1988.

¹¹ To give a few examples, Burfield and Kirkham list merits of agarwood in Asian medical praxis as “warming”, “to relieve [. . .] stuck energy particularly in the digestive [. . .] and respiratory systems,” “to alleviate pain”, and “balancing effects” on “nervous and emotional disorders” (2005, no pagination; referring to diverse medical sources).

¹² The Aquilaria Lam. is a genus of the botanical family Thymelaeaceae Juss., and embraces the prominent species Aquilaria agallochum (Lour.) Roxb. ex Finl., A. crassna Pierre ex Lecomte, and A. sinensis (Lour.) Spreng., among others. In the cases of several species, ‘Gyrinopsis’ is substitute of ‘Aquilaria’. However, it refers to the identical botanical genus (Tropicos.org ‘A World Checklist of Thymelaeaceae’ 2011, no pagination).

The first substantial entry for Aquilaria in western encyclopaedic work was probably written by Burkill, director of the Botanic Gardens in Singapore from 1912–1925. He frequently emphasises the limited botanical knowledge of Aquilaria among western scientists. For example, agarwood “[. . .] is sought eagerly for trading, secretly and rather destructively, so that some of the inadequacy of the herbarium-material has come from the unwillingness of the forest folk, who collect the wood, to part with their secrets. [. . .] Our ignorance is too great” (1966, p. 199). Following the fascinating character of the natural product and the little knowledge about it, agarwood has often become connected with rituals, myths, and magic practices, as scholars liked to emphasise, by alluding to historical Asian sources as well as to contemporary ideas, fascination, and often ignorance about this product in the West at the beginning of the 20th century. “Searchers for Aloes wood [i.e. agarwood] observe taboos upon a few words while they are searching [. . .]”, “[. . .] ceremonial of the hunt [. . .]” (Burkill Reference Burkill1966, p. 202; e.g. Schoff Reference Schoff1922, pp. 172–173, 178, 180, 182, 185). Possibly, Westerners were sometimes told mythical ideas about the origin and production by foreigners or by indigenous people who either did not know better themselves, or else wanted to hide this crucial knowledge so as to preserve their personal source of income.

¹³ Aquilaria trees are evergreen trees that grow in a warm temperate climate and at an altitude of between 0 to 1000 meters (Burfield and Kirkham 2005, no pagination; Council of Scientific & Industrial Research 1985, p. 328). The overall botanical family was native to East India and the narrower Indo-Malayan region, from where it apparently spread to the surroundings over the course of the centuries. Nowadays, trees also grow in such regions as South China and Papua New Guinea (Tropicos.org 2011, no pagination; Needham 1974: p. 137).

¹⁴ Burfield and Kirkham 2005, no pagination. Barden et al. 2. The reasons for the formation of agarwood are still the object of scientific research. Barden et al. quote Ng, Chang, and Kadir with their statement in around 2000: “The ecological interaction between the host tree and the wound and/or the fungi in order to produce agarwood is poorly understood. Other factors such as the age of the tree, differences in the tree caused by seasonal variation, environmental variation and genetic variation of Aquilaria spp. may also play an important role in agarwood formation”. (Barden et al. 2; referring to L. T. Ng, Y. S. Chang, and A. A. Kadir, ‘A review on agar (gaharu) producing Aquilaria species’, in Journal of Tropical Forest Products, 2 (2), 1997, pp. 272–285).

¹⁵ Barden et al. 2; Council of Scientific & Industrial Research 1985: pp. 328–329.

¹⁶ Kaiser Reference Kaiser2006, pp. 63–64. Another professional description of agarwood fragrance is given in Burfield and Kirkham 2005, no pagination (citing T. Burfield, ‘Agarwood Oil. Presentation to the British Society of Perfumery’, Hilton Hotel, Milton Keynes, UK, 1994), “[. . .] a rich woody character, having some of the dryness of vetiverol mixed with some sweetness aspects of sandalwood and guaicwood oil [. . .], an animalic/leathery character with notes reminiscent of castoreum & labdanum.”

¹⁷ The agarwood trade and Chinese arts and culture indeed blossomed in the Song period (see Chapter III). However, perfumery was also vitally extant before and in the ensuing Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties (1279–1911; see Chapter III, IV), though the practices during these centuries are usually ignored and almost unknown among the public. Perfumery during the Song dynasty was not yet strongly influenced from the East, and for that reason might be more attractive for contemporary Chinese and Taiwanese in their search of their cultural identity.

¹⁸ The early history of perfumery in ancient China is not well researched. Due to the few technical preconditions of practicing the perfumery handicraft, and its close connection with cookery and medicine, it is likely that a simple form of perfumery existed since the very beginning of ancient Chinese culture. Elisseeff indicates the use of aromatics in the culinary arts, “Durant l'Antiquité, à l'époque des dynasties des Shang (v. 1500–1050 avant notre ère) et des Zhou (v. 1050–256 avant notre ère), dieux et ancêtres – grand consommateurs de parfums en Chine comme ailleurs – se nourrissaient d'abord du fumet des aliments offerts dans de riches récipients de bronze au cours de banquets solennels: ce ‘parfum’ par excellence relevait pour l'essentiel du domaine de la cuisine ou d'une gastronomie rituelle” (Elisseeff 2007, p. 282). See also the remarks about perfumery in the Zhou dynasty (1050–226 bce), in Bedini Reference Bedini1994, pp. 25–26, 29 (Bedini refers to other authors), National Palace Museum 1994, pp. 32–33.

¹⁹ Erickson Reference Erickson1992, pp. 6–20.

²⁰ Buck Reference Buck1975, p. 36; Erickson Reference Erickson1992, p. 15; see also Erickson Reference Erickson1992, pp. 6, 20.

²¹ Consider Schmidt-Glintzer 2008, p. 55; Schmidt-Glintzer Reference Schmidt-Glintzer1999, pp. 116–118, Needham 1974, pp. 136–138, pp. 140–143.

²² Needham 1974, p. 135.

²³ The earliest reference to agarwood in China stems from the third century, according to Yamada (Yamada Reference Yamada1976, p. 185). Hall's description of the historical process makes this date for the arrival of agarwood in China appear realistic (see below).

²⁴ Concerning the discovery of the commodity value of local Southeast Asian products, such as agarwood, Hall writes: “Originally [i.e. in the beginning of the Common Era] neither the Indians nor international traders using the ports of Fu-nan [the first known polity to emerge in Southeast Asia] were interested in Southeast Asian specialties. The traders of Fu-nan went to China in order to exchange Mediterranean, Indian, Middle Eastern, and African goods [e.g. aromatics; . . .] for silk. [. . .; Given the opportunity,] sailors from the Sunda Strait area began to introduce their own products, beginning with those that might be construed as substitutes for products destined for the Chinese market. [. . .] Aromatic woods such as gharuwood [i.e. agarwood] and sandalwood [. . .] became important commodities [. . .]” (1999, p.195).

Hall continues his elaboration by explaining Chinese history: “After the fall of the Han dynasty in the third century ce, China was divided; and in the fourth century northern China was overrun by nomadic steppe peoples. This caused a massive flight of population from the north to the south. Since those who could afford to relocate were usually the more privileged, this group predominated among the refugees. [. . .] These people had well-established tastes for the products that came from the West [. . .]. Prior to 439 [ce] this southern market had been supplied, for the most part, by the overland routes. [. . .] after 439 [ce], this source of foreign products was completely blocked [. . .]. South China [. . .] witnessed an unprecedented commercial development. [. . .] it became the seat of two successful Buddhist kingdoms [. . .]. This China market was irresistible, and the seamen of the Sunda Strait region rose to the challenge [. . .]. These southern Chinese, too, developed a desire for Southeast Asian products [. . .] aromatic woods of the rainforest” (Hall Reference Hall and Tarling1999, pp.195–196).

²⁵ (Yamada 1979, p. 12); see also (Yamada Reference Yamada1976, pp. 188–193).

²⁶ Especially worthy of archeological and manuscript studies will be a comparison between the roles of sandalwood and agarwood in Eastern Asia over the course of the centuries, in order to make changes in aesthetical preferences distinct. Bedini summarises (by citing Schafer's work on the Tang dynasty in addition to a second unexplained source, i.e. especially referring to times up to Tang): “Undoubtedly, the most popular ingredient in Far Eastern incense was sandalwood (Santalum album)” (1994, p. 30) – which clearly does not describe the overall history of perfumery in Eastern Asia.

²⁷ The commercial interest of local indigenous people in the production and sale of agarwood might be explained by the natural living conditions they were presumably often faced with. Concise data is available for the twelfth to thirteenth centuries. Zhao Rukuo 〔 趙 汝 适 〕 wrote about Hainan, “Although they have much fallow land, there is not raised enough rice to supply food for the people [. . .] this is the reason for the trade in sweet-scented woods” (Hirth and Rockhill Reference Hirth and Rockhill1964, p. 176). “As there is neither salt nor iron, fish nor shrimps (in their country), they barter for them with the neighbouring Chinese settlers with gharu-wood [i.e. agarwood] [. . .].” (1964, p. 183). Clearly, the forest dwellers who have always been the primary searchers of agarwood have been relatively poor in recent decades, and made an important part of their livelihood by the sale of agarwood (field knowledge).

²⁸ Bedini writes that “with the transmission of Buddhism from India, which occurred in the first century A.D. or possibly earlier, new fragrances became available for use in Chinese temples. This led to the development of new customs, which in turn supplemented the old traditions, and new beliefs about incense evolved. As a consequence, incense became an increasingly important element in the imagism, liturgical observances as well as the literature of Buddhism” (Bedini Reference Bedini1994, p. 44, referring to S. Wells Williams, The Middle Kingdom. A Survey of the Geography, Government, Literature, Social Life, Arts and History of the Chinese Empire and Its Inhabitants. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. 1904, pp. 188–189; see also Schafer Reference Schafer1963, p. 157). Tantric movements are especially considered to have been influential: “Incense is believed to have come into use in China as part of Buddhist religious rites which have been transmitted from India, following the translation into Chinese of Indian Tantric scriptures by the Indian Buddhist monk Amoghavajra [705–774 ce; Sinclair and Lang 2011, no pagination]” (Bedini Reference Bedini1994, p. 4). For example, the Buddhist-tantric influence supported the “development of a more sophisticated form of the ‘incense clock’. The result was the ‘incense seal’ (xiang yin [〔 香 印 〕]) which appears to have first come into being in China in the eighth century. It is probable that it was derived from part of the Tantric Buddhist ritual which originated in India” (Bedini Reference Bedini1994, p. 69). Notably, agarwood was used for the production of incense seals in the following centuries (e.g. Bedini Reference Bedini1994, pp. 90–92, 130, 134, 143).

²⁹ (Needham 1974, p. 135), The specific role of aromatic substances in Buddhist writing affords in-depth research. However, their significant role as such is beyond question. The standard version of the East Asian Buddhist canon tripiṭaka (based on the Buddhist canon in Pali language, but having developed in China over the centuries by adapting to local East Asian matters; Muller Reference Muller2011, no pagination; Schmidt-Glintzer 2008, pp. 62–65) for scholarly research, Taishō shinshū daizōkyō, includes several thousand references to aromatic substances, products, incensation practices, and the idea of ‘fragrance’ as such – possibly also in metaphoric or other literary usage (The SAT Daizōkyō Text Database; database research via perfumery keywords, such as 〔 香 水 〕 ‘scent, perfume’ (2046 hits/ 2885 keyword counts), 〔 白 檀 〕 ‘white sandalwood’ (859 hits/ 1050 keyword counts), 〔 沈 香 〕 ‘jinkō’ (303 hits/ 337 keyword counts), 〔 焼 香 〕 ‘thurification, burning incense for Buddhist ritual aims’ (2492 hits/ 3306 keyword counts). – It will be rewarding to acquire insights into the development of Buddhist sources in this regard, i.e. comparing the role of fragrances in earlier South Asian sources with the one in younger East Asian Buddhist literature.

³⁰ The moment might be dated even earlier than the fifth and sixth century ce. The National Palace Museum reports on a historical manuscript Nanzhou yi wu zhi ( 〔 南 州 異 物 志 〕 Records of exotic items from Nanzhou) describing the production of mixed incense from the third century ce (1994, 16; see also Yamada 1979, 41–42ff.). Clearly, the production of incense blends became popular around 600 ce (Yamada Reference Yamada1976, p. 175). The majority of the original manuscripts of this time have been lost, so that knowledge about the methods of production and the usage of incense products is limited (National Palace Museum 1994, p. 17; Yamada 1979, p. 43; Yamada Reference Yamada1976, p. 177).

³¹ (Yamada Reference Yamada1976, p. 175), (Yamada 1979, p. 41), (National Palace Museum 1994, p. 16).

Furthermore, special perfumery manuals existed in the fifth and sixth centuries ce, thus testifying to the professional character of this practice (Yamada 1979, pp. 41–42).

³² Yamada refers to the following types that were distinguished: 〔 沈 香 〕 (Japanese jinkō, [Chinese 〔 沉 香 〕 chen xiang]), 〔 青 桂 〕 (Japanese seikei, Chinese qing gui), 〔 鶏 骨 〕(Japanese keikotsu, Chinese ji gu [xiang], 〔 馬 蹄 〕 (Japanese batei, Chinese ma ti [xiang]), 〔 桟 香 〕 (Japanese sankō, Chinese zhan xiang) (Yamada Reference Yamada1976, p. 172). – Two of these names were used since early times, i.e. chen xiang and zhan xiang (Yamada Reference Yamada1976, p. 185). The names refer to natural qualities. Chen xiang 〔 沉 香 〕 means ‘sinking in water’, zhan xiang 〔 栈 香 / 棧 香 〕 (Japanese 〔 桟 香 〕 sanko) ‘floating, half-sunken’ [also: Riu 2011, p. 11], indicating the different grade of impregnation with the oleoresin. The first agarwood contains more of it, and is thus heavier and more valuable than the second. In the Tang period 〔 黄 熟 香 〕 (Japanese ōjukukō / kōjukukō, Chinese huang shu xiang [“yellow ripe xiang” – (Lin 2011, p. 10)] was defined as a comparably worse quality of agarwood (Yamada Reference Yamada1976, p. 187). – More and more aesthetic distinctions have been set up in the following centuries (see Chapter III, IV).

³³ Yamada notes that Tang sources do not supply proofs, but historical knowledge – especially the common production of plum meat and honey – makes the production of kneaded incense blends during the Tang period most likely. These materials functioned as adhesives in the production of kneaded incense blends (Yamada Reference Yamada1976, p. 177). In addition, leaves of special plants apparently served as agglutinant. The mixture was kneaded and probably smoked (Yamada 1979, p. 43); see also (Yamada 1979, p. 59). Kneaded incense mixtures became more and more important and represented the primary perfume product [obviously concerning the times since late Tang] in China (Yamada 1979, p. 43).

³⁴ (Schmidt-Glintzer 2008, pp. 70–75) – The import constellation changed, however. The prominent pharmacopoeia Hai yao ben cao 〔 海 藥 本 草 〕 (Pharmaceutical Natural History of Overseas Drugs and Sea Products) by the Persian immigrant Li Xun 〔 李 珣 〕 (according to Needham, one “of the most remarkable perfume-merchants in Chinese history”; see also remarks on the Chinese contacts with Islamic Asia) indicates the increasing availability and importance of Southeast Asian products, at the expense of Syrian and Iranian ones, in Tang China (Needham 1974, p. 136, 1986, pp. 276–277). Yamada similarly hints at importing and exporting in both directions, while he dates the economic-aesthetic shift from the West toward Southeast Asia only to post-Tang times, “up to T'ang, India was the chief source, but, beginning in Sung [i.e. 960 ce] the Flores Archipelago, especially Timor, supplied China with most of her imports.” (Schafer Reference Schafer1963, p. 310), referring to (Yamada Kentarō, Tōzai kōyaku shi, Tokyo, 1957, p. 405).

³⁵ “[. . .] especially the resins and gum-resins: sandalwood and aloeswood [i.e. agarwood], Borneo camphor and patchouli, benzoin and storax, and frankincense and myrrh” (Schafer Reference Schafer1963, pp. 158).

³⁶ (Schafer Reference Schafer1963, p.158) – In another publication, Schafer elaborates on the special value and desirability of Southeast Asian products for the Chinese (and other) people in more detail: Schafer 1967. Concerning agarwood: (Schafer 1967, p. 197). However, concerning the overall Tang period, “die chinesische Kultur übernahm in jener Zeit [i.e. the beginning of Tang; . . .] zahlreiche Kenntnisse sowie Handelsgüter und Kulturpflanzen aus dem Westen [. . .]” (Schmidt-Glintzer 2008, p. 76).

³⁷ (Schafer Reference Schafer1963, p. 158) – This author lists in detail the many aromatic items that were introduced from western and Southeast Asia and became important during the Tang dynasty, among them saffron, sandalwood, frankincense and ambergris (Schafer Reference Schafer1963, pp. 124–126, 136–138, 155–175). However, “the Chinese produced a not inconsiderable number of perfumes and incenses from their native plants and animals. Cassia, camphor, and liquidambar [. . .] sweet basil [. . .] citronella [. . .] peach petals [. . .] civet [. . .] and especially musk [. . .].” (Schafer Reference Schafer1963, p. 158) – “[. . .] all the fabulous wealth of Canton was brought by foreigners [. . .] chiefly in the form of precious substances – [. . .] woods, drugs and incense [. . .]” (Schafer 1967, p. 77).

³⁸ The capital and royal residence town, today Xi'an.

³⁹ “Next to camphor, the most prized aromatic substance of the T'ang empire, both secular and religious [. . .] was aloeswood [i.e. agarwood] [. . .]. Regular supplies [. . .] were required of the magistrates of Canton and [. . .] in Annam by the emperors of T'ang” (Schafer 1967, p. 197).

⁴⁰ Schafer Reference Schafer1963, p. 164. Concerning the tributary gifts of agarwood, in addition to primarily musk, also see: (Liu Reference Liu and Museum2008, p. 409).

⁴¹ Southern coast of China.

⁴² Opposite the Leizhou peninsula.

⁴³ Part of Guangzhou province.

⁴⁴ Coastal area in South China.

⁴⁵ (Yamada Reference Yamada1976, pp. 193, 197). Yamada writes about the collecting of agarwood as a profession on the Leizhou Peninsula and Hainan (Yamada 1979, p. 25).

⁴⁶ Incense is regularly used in the capital Chang-an according to Liu, especially within the palace. The clothes of the magistrates employed in the palace distribute the fragrance when they return home at night (Liu Reference Liu and Museum2008, p. 410). Schafer elaborates on the broad use and role of incense in the Tang period by romanticising, “[. . .] the upper classes lived in clouds of incense and mists of perfume. The body was perfumed, the bath was scented, the costume was hung with sachets. The home was sweet-smelling, the office was fragrant, the temple was redolent of a thousand sweet-smelling balms and essences. [. . .] The sovereign displayed his grace to his favoured vassals and honoured servants by giving them aromatic gifts. [. . .] Pleasant odours also entered into secular life”. (Schafer Reference Schafer1963, pp.155–157).

⁴⁷ For examples, see e.g. (Liu Reference Liu and Museum2008, pp. 409–412) - Li Bai 〔 李 白 〕 (ca. 701–762 ce), as the outstanding poet of Tang times, is one representative of using olfaction-related images (see e.g. Debon Reference Debon1989, pp. 5, 245). See also (Thilo Reference Thilo2006, pp. 90, 262).

⁴⁸ For example, Liu discusses findings from the Famen Temple (Famen town, in Shaanxi province, about a hundred kilometers to the west of Xi'an). Interestingly, Liu interprets the findings, such as censers and possibly incense boxes, as Buddhist incensation paraphernalia, by referring to inscriptions and decorative images. A piece of agarwood also is among the findings, as the author explains (see Liu Reference Liu and Museum2008, pp. 412–416, 419–420).

⁴⁹ Highly prized were mixtures, such as the bai he xiang (〔 百 合 香 〕 ‘hundred-blend aromatics’, see e.g. Bedini Reference Bedini1994, p. 29). Considering the sizable import and the perfumery properties of agarwood, it is most likely that this wood counted for an important ingredient. Needham cites “the oldest official pharmacopoeia” Xin xiu ben cao (〔 新 修 本 草 〕 Newly Reorganised Pharmacopoeia) from 659 ce, which distinctly refers to agarwood as one of the six “most prominent incense constituents” (Needham 1974, p. 143). An exclusive role of agarwood is however not suggested for the Tang dynasty by the bibliographic sources. The following statement by Schafer rather describes the Song dynasty, as I interpret it due to the lack of other historical indications. “[. . .] the importance of aloeswood [i.e. agarwood] in medieval Chinese incenses for every sort of ritual and private purpose was enormous” (Schafer Reference Schafer1963, p. 164).

⁵⁰ ‘Incense clocks’ refer to incense products which may be used for time measurement (consider Bedini Reference Bedini1994, pp. 53–59), in acknowledgment of the time expenditure of their burning down. Their shape could vary from sticks to coils. The elementary forms became more developed, and led to the more sophisticated form of the ‘incense seal’ (〔 香 印 〕 xiang yin). Lines of incense powder are created by the help of shaped models, representing characters or signs. Thus, while burning down slowly from the line's beginning to its end, the incensation of the shaped incense powder presents in practical and symbolic ways a message (see e.g. Bedini Reference Bedini1994, pp. 69, 73, 80, 82; consider also 1994, p. 93).

⁵¹ In general, East Asian art museums usually possess a number of fine perfumery objects from the Tang period, mirroring the perfumery arts and efforts of the Tang dynasty (see e.g. Needham 1974, p. 147), (Schafer Reference Schafer1963, pp. 160, 162), for globe-shaped censers and sachets of dried aromatics. The globe-shaped censer is made of gilded silver and consists of two interlocking hemispheres on a chain, and with two concentric rings in the hollow inner part that hold a tray for the incense. Thus, while the censer is carried around, the burning incense cannot fall out, and the fragrance is dispersed through the openwork. The filigree object and perfumery as such are so much favoured nowadays that the object has become used as a model for mass-produced tourist souvenirs (my own observation of objects marketed in museum gift shops in Eastern Asia and Europe and in East Asian tourist and antique markets).

⁵² (Schmidt-Glintzer 2008, pp. 87–97).

⁵³ Ding differentiates between 〔 熟 香 〕 shu xiang (‘ripe incense’, indicating that the tree is already dead [and usually buried underground when the agarwood develops, or as another possibility still standing above the ground]) and 〔 生 香 〕 sheng xiang (‘raw incense’, meaning the tree is still alive at the moment that the agarwood forms) (Liu 2004, pp. 146–166) also (Wu Reference Wu2007, p. 72); field knowledge; additionally: (Riu 2011, p. 16). The different chemical conditions – air or soil etc. – vitally influence the character of the resinous wood (field knowledge). Ding's distinctions are thus considered up to today (field impression).

⁵⁴ Schafer Reference Schafer1963, p. 310 (referring to Yamada Kentarō, Tōzai kōyaku shi, Tokyo, 1957, p. 405). – See also Hirth and Rockhill: “The annals of the Sung dynasty supply a list of the principal articles of this [i.e. Southeast and South Asia trade] trade [. . .] in or about 999 [CE]. They were [. . .] incense and scented woods [. . .].” (1964, p.19).

⁵⁵ Netolitzky Reference Netolitzky1977, VIII, p. 318.

Concerning treatises on aromatic materials from earlier (and also later) periods, see e.g.: Needham 1974, pp. 134–136. As such compilations number many (consider especially the pharmacological bencao 〔 本 草 〕 anthologies), I omit further bibliographic references.

⁵⁶ Netolitzky Reference Netolitzky1977, pp. 30, 40, 117–119, consider also 1977, pp. 34, 36, 38, 39. This encyclopedic work reveals that agarwood was considered the pinnacle of aromatics, or [dass Agarholz] “an der Spitze der Aromatika stand” (Netolitzky Reference Netolitzky1977, p. XX). “Die chinesischen Händler [. . .] arbeiteten oft im Auftrag reicher Kaufleute, die eigens einmal im Jahr [. . .] kamen, um große Abschlüsse mit annamitischen Geschäftspartnern zu erzielen, wobei die hochgeschätzten Brokate ihrer Heimatprovinz gegen die begehrten Aromatika, besonders Aloeholz [e.g. agarwood], und anderes mehr gehandelt wurden” (1977, p. XXI). Netolitzky distinctly refers to agarwood as tributary gifts: “Bei diesem Tribut [from Annamese envoys] wurden [. . .] auch Dinge wie [. . .] Scheibchen von Aloeholz mitüberreicht” (1977, p. 30).

⁵⁷ Hirth and Rockhill Reference Hirth and Rockhill1964, pp. 204–208. See also 1964, pp. 46, 50, 52, 53, 57, 61, 67, 68, 69, 81, 89, 158, 176, 183, 185. – Note: Yamada emphasises that the trade of aromatics was under the exclusive right of the government in the Song dynasty, due to the enormous profits (Yamada Reference Yamada1976, p.173). It is unclear for this author which percentage of the overall trade is made up by tributary trade (Yamada Reference Yamada1976, p. 174).

⁵⁸ The mercantile character of the compilations is obvious considering that the possible use of agarwood by the Southeast Asians themselves is not a topic; such knowledge would not have meant special profit for international trade. Only a few references perhaps allude to the local use of agarwood, and this information remains vague. Zhao Rukuo writes, “Hier steht auch ein Heiliger Buddha, zu dem der Herrscher des Reiches Srivijaya alle zwei Jahre zieht, um (vor ihm) Dufthölzer zu verbrennen (Netolitzky Reference Netolitzky1977, pp. 39, 228). The author further reports, Annamese people “perfume their clothes with fumes of various scented woods” (Hirth and Rockhill Reference Hirth and Rockhill1964, p. 47 – Is it agarwood?). “The throne on which the [Cambodian] king sits is made of gharu-wood [i.e. agarwood] [. . .]” (1964, p. 52 – Is this true? Healthy Aquilaria heartwood is too soft to be used as timber, and well resin-impregnated agarwood usually makes relatively small pieces and is not optimally suited as a material for laminated wood products. As agarwood is also expensive, it is thus uncommon in the furnishing industry, according to my field experiences). Neither do my field experiences hint at an aesthetical value of agarwood beyond its commercial worth in Southeast Asia in history. Such a constellation is not surprising, as often goods from afar are considered worthier than comparable goods of local production that appear banal and cheap in the domestic market.

Furthermore, the manuals lack botanical elaborations. Also, this knowledge would not have increased commercial profits for traders. Burkill gives insight into the situation at the beginning of the twentieth century ce: “The names [for different kinds of agarwood] used by the traders in the ports implied no knowledge on their part of the trees from whence the wood came; nor as a rule, did they have any knowledge. They developed, for trade purposes, a classification of grades, which, among the Chinese, were very minutely distinguished” (1966, p. 200).

⁵⁹ 〔 沉 香 〕 chen xiang [sinking wood], 〔 箋 香 〕 jian xiang (according to Hirth and Rockhill probably identical with〔 桟 香 〕 zhan xiang [half-sunken wood]), 〔 速 暫 香 〕 su zan xiang, embracing 〔 生 速 〕 sheng su (“fresh [‘raw’, the tree had been alive when the agarwood formed and was won]”), 〔 熟 速 〕 shu su (“ripe [the tree had been dead and its wood rot in the ground when the agarwood was won”), and 〔 暫 〕 zan [like shu su, but the wood was still above the ground], 〔 黄 熟 香 〕 huang shu xiang (“yellow-ripe-agarwood”), 〔 生 香 〕 sheng xiang (Hirth and Rockhill Reference Hirth and Rockhill1964, pp. 204–208). Note: There were more (sub-) categories known, as listed by Hirth and Rockhill under these main categories. – Apparently, Zhao Rukuo collected the various agarwood distinctions of earlier times which were obviously simultaneously used by his contemporaries. The distinctions partly count for productional features, partly for experiential qualities, and so are not congruent and yet intersect. – Note: Zhao Rukuo's/ Hirth and Rockhill's interpretation concerning the olfactory character and aesthetic preferences do not always resemble typical considerations of nowadays. This might be due to the individual character of each agarwood piece, fakes, individual likes, different levels of expertise, as well as misunderstandings on all communication levels. (Elaborate manual on agarwood distinctions: Lin 2011; concerning the historical development of aesthetical distinctions in Eastern Asia: see also Chapter IV).

⁶⁰ Yamada Reference Yamada1976, pp.174–176.

⁶¹ The literary genre of perfumery manuals (〔 香 谱 〕 xiang pu) had become important (elaborate discussion, Liu 2007) and also included recipes. The National Palace Museum presents a small selection, exemplarily mirroring royal dedications of products, the important inclusion of agarwood, and the diversity of end products, for example perfume powders, balls, cookies, incense seals, potpourri sachets, and aromatic objects and figures, and know-how on achieving an olfactory harmony by select blending of ingredients (1994, pp. 17–20, 29–31). Concerning specifically perfumes of powdery constitution, Yamada hints at 〔 香 粉 〕 (Japanese kōko, Chinese xiang fen, to be sprinkled on the body), 〔 佩 香 〕 (Japanese haikō, Chinese pei xiang, in sachets), 〔 衣 香 〕(Japanese ikō, Chinese yi xiang, for clothes), 〔 焼 香 〕 (Japanese shōkō, Chinese shao xiang, incense for Buddhist and other rituals and for measuring time). For producing kneaded incense blends, 〔練 香 〕 (Japanese renkō, also nerikō, Chinese lian xiang, kneaded incense blend), honey or plum meat was added to the aromatic powder, before this was stored for a longer time and possibly smoked (Yamada Reference Yamada1976, p. 176; Yamada 1979, p. 47; see also Yamada 1979, p. 144).

⁶² The fine appreciation of perfumes is a topic of the literary-poetic and visual arts of the Song dynasty; the artworks reveal their use by the nobility and others for such occasions like religious rituals and social events (see e.g. National Palace Museum 1994, pp. 20, 23–25, 30–31; Liu 2011, p. 108; Wu Reference Wu2007, pp. 28–33; field knowledge from art museums in Europe and Eastern Asia). Moreover, the perfumery tools themselves were objects of fine production, for example incense seal models (Yamada 1979, p. 32; Bedini Reference Bedini1994, pp. 93–106; National Palace Museum 1994, pp. 21–23, 26).

⁶³ The technique was invented as early as in the Tang period (Liu 2011, p. 106); however, it became common in the Song period (Yamada 1979, p. 77). In addition to plates made of silver, plates made of mica have become common and are used today (field knowledge).

⁶⁴ Concerning the appreciation of exclusively agarwood, see: Yamada Reference Yamada1976, pp. 177, 1979, pp. 49, 60.

⁶⁵ E.g. by the Japanese, for example: 〔 沈 香 〕 jinkō (Chinese chen xiang;‘sinking wood’), 〔 箋 香 〕 senkō (Chinese jian xiang) / 〔 桟 香 〕 sankō (Chinese zhan xiang), 〔 黄 熟 香 〕 ōjukukō (Chinese huang shu xiang (see the Japanese literature – see bibliography; concerning the Chinese terms: see Chapter III).

⁶⁶ See e.g. Yamada 1979, pp. 69–70, 77. Consider the overall history of Japanese perfumery history and specifically of kōdō (see Chapter IV).

⁶⁷ West Asians had a fancy idea of and “certain interest” in agarwood, when they developed a “scientific”-commercial interest in Southeast Asia (i.e the classical time of Arabic geographical literature, ninth to eleventh centuries ce), since they included notes about agarwood in their reports (see Tibbetts Reference Tibbetts1979, pp. 27, 29, 30, 33, 34, 37, 38, 40, 42, 43, 53, 55, 56, 59, 60, 61, 64). The growing interest is not surprising; “Southeast Asia “[. . .] was the source of a large quantity of spices and drugs used in Arabic medicine [. . .]” (1979, p. 3), among which was agarwood.

The knowledge and value of this commodity could have arrived in West Asia by several ways. First, possibly isolated individuals got to know Southeast Asia, including its products, and passed their knowledge on by word of mouth. Navigators coming from the Sassanian empire seem to have travelled to Southeast Asia in the early first millennium; these travels however, are obscure and were exceptional. First hand scholarly field knowledge about Southeast Asia remained rare up to the end of the first millennium ce. Tibbetts emphasises that classical Arabic authors drew their knowledge from only a few primary sources and oral reports (1979, pp. 1–5).

Second, early sources from Indian culture(s), like medical notes, were clearly known among Muslim scholars, and these sources also point to pharmaceutical qualities of agarwood. (Due to the extensive scholarship on the Indian heritage of Islamic medicine, I omit bibliographic references).

Third, the rising Chinese influence surely increased the value of agarwood in West Asia. The ancient civilisation had a fascinating aura for these people, and they were eager to get to know it (Bosworth, Hartmann and Israeli 2011, no pagination). “Trade had been established with China certainly before 750 [ce]” (Tibbetts Reference Tibbetts1979, p. 6). The first Arab embassy to China took place in 651 ce (Needham Reference Needham1954, p. 179, more detailed: Bosworth, Hartmann and Israeli 2011, no pagination) – a time when agarwood was still unknown or neglected in West Asia (in contrast to other aromatics it is not named in the Qurʾān – seventh century – and rarely in the early collections of sayings of the Prophet called ḥadīth – ninth century onwards, see Jung Ethnography Reference Jung2011, pp. 214–218, Value 2011), while its use was already significant among the Chinese nobility. People from the Persian region and embassies from border-states between there and China also arrived on the East Asian continent after the wave of Islamisation at their home (seventh to eighth centuries). West Asians were present in Chang-an, and increasingly settled in Canton. There they met with members of diverse argosies from maritime Asia who exchanged among many other objects “fragrant tropical woods” (Schafer Reference Schafer1963, pp. 14–15, see also 1963, p. 158; see also Needham Reference Needham1954, pp. 179–180; Hirth and Rockhill Reference Hirth and Rockhill1964, p. 4). Necessarily, West Asian traders became involved in the East Asian agarwood culture, as they observed tributary trade from Southeast Asia (consider e.g. the flourishing culture of West Asians in Canton, followed by the rise of Muslims as high officials in the central and provincial governments in later centuries, see e.g. Bosworth, Hartmann and Israeli 2011, no pagination, Dabringhaus Reference Dabringhaus2006, p. 8). The eminent pharmacopoeia Hai yao ben cao (〔 海 藥 本 草 〕 Pharmaceutical Natural History of Overseas Drugs and Sea Products) by the Persian immigrant Li Xun 〔 李 珣 〕 in Szechuan (Southwest China) from the turn of the 9th/10th century indicates Intra-Asian flows and networks, and testifies the increasing role of Southeast Asian aromatics in international trade and consumption (Needham 1974, pp. 136;1986, pp. 276–277; Chen Reference Chen2007, pp. 241–260).

⁶⁸ Concerning the ensuing history of knowing, using, and refining agarwood in West Asia, see: below; Jung Value 2011b.

⁶⁹ East Asians and West Asians meet in the perfume markets in Southeast Asia, for stocking up their agarwood supplies, while they exchange information (field knowledge, see Chapter V). Consider also the influence of Chinese-written articles, such as e.g. “chenxiang. . .”, 2006.

⁷⁰ Schmidt-Glintzer 2008, pp. 99–103. – Dabringhaus especially emphasizes the exchange in medical sciences [which was related with pharmaceutical knowledge] between Islamic Asia and China (2006, pp. 8–9). Worthy emphasizing, trade was carried out “in nahezu alle [geographical] Richtungen” in the Yuan dynasty, often via land routes, and also via maritime connections (Schmidt-Glintzer 2008, p. 99, consider also 2008, p. 100; Dabringhaus Reference Dabringhaus2006, p. 8).

The Persian-written poetic legacy of those centuries mirrors the increasing knowledge and high value of agarwood in the vast region between Eastern and Western Asia. Mystics burned agarwood during their reunions, and its fragrance was understood as a mystical sign of holiness. Moreover, the nest of the mythical bird Sīmorġ was honoured in poetry as having been made of this wood. Due to the value of agarwood, its use was practically reserved to royal and noble circles. The influence from the East is obvious; Persian literature for example reports on a Chinese emperor burning agarwood during a banquet in honor of a Persian hero (Newid Reference Newid2010, pp. 159–162, 171, 165–176). It is likely that the westward transmission of the knowledge of agarwood via Asia's interior continued in the following centuries. Conversely, the value generally attributed to perfumery in the holy Islamic literature and in West Asian culture (see especially Jung Ethnography Reference Jung2011, pp. 214–218) probably encouraged the use of agarwood in inner Asia (consider e.g. the cultural exchange between Muslim immigrants and Buddhist royal circles and other local people there – Akasoy, Burnett and Yoeli-Tlalim 2011, especially 231–252. Consider also the trade of musk, and transmission of related knowledge, via the “Musk Routes” – see e.g. Akasoy and Yoeli-Tlalim Reference Akasoy and Yoeli-Tlalim2007, pp. 217–236; Akasoy, Burnett and Yoeli-Tlalim 2011, e.g. pp. 189–208. Due to the common use of musk in combination with agarwood, the transmission of knowledge and values concerning musk was possibly accompanied with the transmission of knowledge and values concerning agarwood). Doubtlessly, agarwood has been known and used in Tibet for perfumery purposes in recent centuries (field impressions from East Asian art museums; see also Bedini Reference Bedini1994: 47, 50–51).

⁷¹ Schmidt-Glintzer 2008, pp. 118–125; Dabringhaus Reference Dabringhaus2006, pp. 26–27, consider also 2006, p. 8.

The impact of Islam on the all-Asian history of perfumery and specifically agarwood should not be underestimated. West Asian attention to the Far East had temporarily declined after the tenth century. However, after “[. . .] the reorganisation of the sea trade by the Mongols and the coming of Islam to Indonesia, [. . .] the Muslim West shows [. . .] new interest in South-East Asia” (Tibbetts Reference Tibbetts1979, p. 10). Multi-polar migrations were significant, and fostered multiethnic developments and exchange. “[The earlier] trading contacts with Persia and Central Asia [had] led to the development of Sino-Muslim communities in towns along the southeast coast of China, notably Canton [. . .]. The involvement of Muslim Chinese in ocean-going trade in turn fostered the growth of [Muslim Chinese] settlements overseas. [. . .] for instance [. . .] most of the Chinese living in Java came from southern China, and many of them were Muslim. [. . .] the seal of imperial approval given to Islam by [. . .; Chinese] emperor[s] such as Yung-lo (1402–24) must have aided [the spread of Islamic knowledge and reputation . . .]. [. . .] the founders of several ruling families along the north coast [of Indonesia] were Chinese Muslims [. . .]” (Watson Andaya and Ishii 1999, p. 171). It is likely that the Chinese participation in the global community of Islam has significantly contributed to the valuing of agarwood among all Muslims, and also to the commercial distribution of this good all over Asia. At least, East Asian Muslims stood in fair contact with the wider Muslim community who yearly met at their religious centre in Mecca for conducting the pilgrimage (Bosworth, Hartmann and Israeli 2011, no pagination). Due to the perfumery habits at their home, it may be assumed that East Asian Muslims promoted the knowledge and use of agarwood among the wider Muslim community. Unarguably, the central Islamic people learned to value the scented wood, especially for its use during religious rituals and exclusive social events (see Jung Value 2011, 7–9). Possibly, the search for agarwood has been one reason for Muslims to penetrate into Southeast Asian hinterlands over many centuries (consider Schafer's remark: “Probably, the infiltration of Islam into Champa was mainly the result of commercial activity: to the merchants of the ninth century Champa was a rich land, above all the source of the heavier-than-water aloeswood [. . .]”; Schafer 1967, pp. 75–76). Lin emphasises the interest of West Asians in coming to the East and their involvement in the international perfume trade for the first centuries of Islam; the international trade would have been dominated by them (1960, pp. 2, 7, 411–412, 416, 417). Nowadays, Arab Muslims invest into agarwood plantation and distillation facilities in Southeast Asia. – Worthy of emphasis is that in addition to their West Asian clients these Arabic entrepreneurs also serve Buddhists customers from East Asia. These in turn come to Southeast Asia specifically for visiting the Arab suppliers in order to stock up their agarwood provisions (field knowledge).

⁷² The Chinese crew also called at the port of the leading (Islamic) Sultanate of Malacca (field knowledge), which “[. . .] established its supremacy [. . .], thereby guaranteeing control of all trade passing through the straits. [. . .] Melaka was the central entrepôt” (i.e. fifteenth to sixteenth centuries ce; Taylor 1999, pp. 175–176). Dabringhaus explicitly writes: “Die exotischen Gegengeschenke [for the Chinese royal crew] reichten von [. . .] Düfte und Gewürze Südostasiens [. . .], die alle in den kaiserlichen Haushalt überführt wurden und nicht in den Handel kamen” (2006, p. 27). – At that moment, the Southeast Asian ports had already served as supra-regional entrepôts for many centuries since the first millennium ce. Only the role of the Chinese grew. Following the “growing presence of Chinese shipping” during the Song dynasty, “the newly established Ming dynasty of China took an unprecedented interest in Southeast Asia”, “[. . .] several local ports were now able to stand independently of other Malay powers by dealing directly with the Chinese” (Taylor 1999, pp. 174–175).

⁷³ Scholars differ significantly in their interpretation of the character and aim of the royal sea expeditions at the beginning of the fifteenth century – as merely diplomatic or as clearly trade-oriented. In contrast to the cited scholars of Chinese history who elaborate on the diplomatic character of the maritime expeditions – China's search for establishing its uncontested leadership in the supra-region (Schmidt-Glintzer 2008, p. 119, Dabringhaus Reference Dabringhaus2006, pp. 26–27) – the expert of Southeast Asian commerce, Reid, emphasises the business interests of the Chinese. The dynasty “vigorously encourag[ed; . . .] lucrative ‘tribute’ missions”, as especially the “massive state trading expeditions” mentioned above, which had an “enormous effect in stimulating Southeast Asian trade and commerce” (Reid 1999, p. 120).

⁷⁴ “Chinese state trading ceased abruptly in 1433 [i.e. after the maritime expeditions stopped], and private Chinese trade remained officially banned, but Southeast Asia's trade to the north remained lively. There were always secluded bays on the South China coast where the imperial ban on trade was ineffective. Furthermore, the use of tribute missions to Peking [. . .] as a way to circumvent the ban was at its peak in the fifteenth century [. . .] Finally the island of Ryukyu [. . .] became a crucial commercial link between Southeast and Northeast Asia in the period 1430–1512, profiting from its tributary relations with both China and Japan to bring Southeast Asian products to these theoretically closed kingdoms. [. . .] the expansion of Chinese demand in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was probably the biggest stimulus for Southeast Asian commercial growth [. . .]” (Reid 1999, p. 120).

⁷⁵ Reid 1999, p. 124. – Traditionally, agarwood is searched for by forest dwellers in the surroundings of their villages (field knowledge). The more agarwood became an international commodity in history, the more its production could become a substantial source of income for the local population. Already in the Song period, “the people gain[ed] their livelihood by gathering scented woods” (Hirth and Rockhill Reference Hirth and Rockhill1964, p. 50). Reid writes in concern of around 1400–1600 ce, local cultivation products “[. . .] were crucial in bringing wealth and shipping into the region as a whole and thereby stimulating a vast range of local trade routes which brought provisions and consumer goods to the [. . .; village people] and the cities” (Reid 1999, p. 125). Even if agarwood was ever far from being produced in volumes like cultivated crops, its production could be increased, by improving the efficiency of developing, collecting, and distributing agarwood.

In addition to the forest dwellers, a chain of stakeholders has traditionally participated in the profitable trade, based on custom dues, gifts, impositions, royal monopolies, and personal trade at exalted prices (consider Reid 1999, pp. 128, 140; Song heritage: Hirth and Rockhill Reference Hirth and Rockhill1964, pp. 20–23, 48). The following general ideas by Reid are worthy of attention “[. . .] beneficiaries were the rulers of the port-cities which marketed these goods, the traders, and the intermediaries who financed the new frontiers of cash-cropping [or collecting wood pieces respectively?]. [. . .] Those who received an advance of money [. . .] would remain dependent on the financier, and in particular would be obliged to market their harvest through him or her” (Reid 1999, p. 126). In relation to agarwood such intermediary trade is verified as having survived until recently (field knowledge, Yamada Reference Yamada1995, pp. 463–466), which allows us to assume a similar structure to that found in earlier times (consider also the historical indications by Hirth and Rockhill Reference Hirth and Rockhill1964, p. 50). During treks into the forest, usually taking several days, small teams of indigenous people search for agarwood. These treks are often financed by brokers – usually expatriates – who come into the indigenous camps to ask for the aromatic wood. The pieces gathered are brought out, non-fragrant parts of wood are chipped off, before the brokers check the quality and negotiate a price. They then send the agarwood downriver to the next city, where they are collected, sorted and sent to the nearest large harbour and on to a leading entrepôt, where the international distribution chain starts. – Only in recent years has the business network and procedure fundamentally changed fundamentally, due to mass cultivation projects, and the spread of mobile phones and international courier services, which allow for direct business even over continental distances. The local foresters do various undertakings with the aim of participating in the global business (field knowledge).

⁷⁶ Reid 1999, p. 123.

⁷⁷ In all, the ban of sea trade, the growing isolation of China, the appearance of wholesalers and bankers, and the emergence of a new middle society characterised the 15th and 16th centuries (Schmidt-Glintzer 2008: pp. 126–127). Dabringhaus elaborates in more detail on the changing identity of the growing patrician society: “Eine wichtige Folge der seit dem 16. Jahrhundert voranschreitenden Kommerzialisierung zeigte sich in der veränderten Haltung der traditionellen Oberschicht der Beamten und Gelehrten gegenüber den Kaufleuten. Ein ‘kaufmännischer Geist’ prägte die Gesellschaft der späten Ming-Zeit und führte dazu, dass die Kaufmannsschicht in die traditionelle Oberschicht integriert wurde. [. . .] Entwicklung eines gemeinsamen Statusbewusstseins” (2006: pp. 25–26).

⁷⁸ After Southeast Asian trade decreased after 1600 ce in context of international developments, Chinese individuals nonetheless strengthened their position in Southeast Asia, and remained unaffected by European competition. “Chinese trade to Southeast Asia recommenced its rapid upward path in the 1680s. [. . .] The international trade of these states was [. . .] dominated by Chinese [. . .]. The Chinese penetrated further and further into the hinterlands of the great [Southeast Asian] emporia [. . .] to buy the product more cheaply at its source”, “Chinese as indispensable middlemen”, “not only industrious but peaceful”, “became valued visitors at court [. . .] classic cultural brokers [. . .] did not offer a direct threat to indigenous rulers” (Reid 1999: pp. 145, 150–153).

Even in multi “national” regards, the Chinese fostered their mediator role. “Indian and West Asian traders were among those who lost out in the crisis period. Turks, Persians and Arabs virtually ceased travelling ‘below the winds’ with the collapse of the spice route from Aceh to the Red Sea in the first two decades of the seventeenth century” (Reid 1999: 150). Only the Chinese kept their power. “As the seventeenth century advanced, these Chinese who stayed behind in the ports of Southeast Asia penetrated further and further into the hinterlands [. . .]. [. . .] Chinese [became; . . .] indispensable middlemen. [. . .] Chinese middlemen were [. . .] found far in the interior of Laos and Cambodia in the 1640s [. . .] to buy the local product more cheaply at its source” (Reid 1999, p. 151). Consequently, West Asians bought agarwood from the Chinese mediators. – Barter trade between Chinese and Arabs became significant with the new immigration of Yemeni families to Southeast Asia in the 19th century. Yemenis received agarwood in exchange for sharks that was sought for by the Chinese (field knowledge; consider also Reid 1999, pp. 137–138, quoting Lodewycksz's report from 1598). Up to nowadays, leading merchants in Southeast Asian agarwood trade are Chinese, organising the production and trade of agarwood from the countries’ interior up to entrepôts and its further distribution (field knowledge).

⁷⁹ Consider the historical development of civil societies in Eastern Asia.

⁸⁰ Still in 1976, Yamada chose to elaborate in detail on the Japanese history of agarwood arts in order to bridge the gap of knowledge concerning Chinese traditions (Yamada Reference Yamada1976, p. 209). Chinese scholars have tried to fill the gap in recent years (see Introduction, Chapter V, References). Nevertheless, precise data on post-Song perfumery has remained stray so far.

⁸¹ The Special Exhibition on Chinese censers by the National Palace Museum Taipei in 1994 was revealing. The perfumery arts prospered in the Ming dynasty. New products were invented, like incense sticks (scholars have not yet agreed on a specific time) (National Palace Museum 1994, p. 23). In addition, distinguished perfumery sets have come up; one typical set consisting of a censer, a flask and a box, another set of a censer, two flasks and two candelabrums. Also various kinds of singly ornamented censers and utensils have been bequeathed (see e.g. 1994, pp. 158–165, 172–177, 193–204, 206–216). The emerging fine arts of appreciating perfume are mirrored by the visual and literary arts of the Ming dynasty and thereafter (see e.g. 1994, pp. 76–83, 87–89). The Taiwanese archaeologist Liu especially did scholarly research on the Chinese perfumery history later on. His publications discuss censers and other utensils as well as paintings, and backs up the hypothesis of a rich perfumery in China in recent centuries (see e.g. 2011, pp. 104–115, 126, 155–176). Specifically the practical investigation and use of agarwood reached new levels in the Ming dynasty. People installed special rooms, which were used for holding incense appreciation sessions (2011, pp. 113–116, Wu Reference Wu2007, pp. 76–77). In addition, documents testify to the use of agarwood in those centuries, such as the one by Zhou Jiazhou 〔 周 嘉 胄 〕, Xiang sheng (〔 香 乘 〕Incense manual) (Ming dynasty), or the smaller and summarising anthology Jingyin wenyuange sikuquanshu (〔景 印 文 渊 阁 四 库 全 书 〕Encyclopaedia of Historical Books) (Qing dynasty) (Wu Reference Wu2007, pp. 76–77). Concerning the rich perfumery arts of the Qing dynasty (1644–1911 ce), see also: e.g. National Palace Museum 1994, pp. 186–187, 217–226, 231–232, 236–247, 249–251, 254–255, 257, 260–268. Also: Personal field impressions from various East Asian culture museums in China: perfumery utensils from the Qing dynasty like censers, perfume sachets made of silk and/or precious metals, etc. Specifically agarwood was highly valued at the Qing court by emperors themselves as well as by courtwomen, as documented in the royal archives. It was more precious than other aromatic materials, and tendered to outstanding court members and royal guests as precious gifts. (I would like to thank Wan Xiufeng of the National Palace Museum Beijing for sharing this information with me).

⁸² In several parts of Asia, the demand for agarwood had considerably increased. All of them were characterised by the growth of trade and merchant and civil societies. They probably stimulated each other in the purchase and use of agarwood. Consider e.g. Jung Ethnography Reference Jung2011, pp. 61–67, 97, 113–114.

⁸³ Concerning the early exclusive use of agarwood in China, see Yamada 1979, pp. 49, 70; Yamada Reference Yamada1976, pp. 177–178, consider also pp. 384–385. Consider also the history of Chan (Zen) Buddhism in China. Bequeathed incense sets make the historical delight in appreciating exclusively agarwood well imaginable, due to their combination of necessary tools (field insights): see e.g. National Palace Museum 1994, pp. 227–230, 233–235.

⁸⁴ Early overview on the history of the Japanese perfumeryand specifically kōdō: Yamada Reference Yamada1976, pp. 353–407, Morita Reference Morita1992, pp. 31–49. Historical manuscripts give detailed information about the increasing ritual etiquettes and rules, among them the Kōdō hidensho shitchū (〔 香 道 秘 伝 書 集 註 〕 [Collection of the Secrecies of Kōdō]), first published in 1669, originally based on notes from 1501–1575, vitally revised and completed in 1799), and the Kōdō ran no sono (〔 香 道 蘭 之 園 〕 [Kodo – Garden of Orchids]), 1737, based on notes from the 17th century onwards (both have been recently edited and re-published on the Japanese market). Kōdō reached its peak of popularity in around 1700, as mirrored in the mass production of kōdōgu (consider Kyoto National Museum 2008, pp. 43–44, 149).

⁸⁵ “For Japan, the period 1570–1630 was a unique moment when [. . .] cities prospered as the nuclei of a flourishing international trade [. . .; . . .] vigorous trade with Southeast Asia. Japanese vessels were still forbidden to trade directly with China, so the exchange [. . .] had to take place in Southeast Asian ports, notably Manila and Hoi An [. . .]. (Reid 1999, p. 123) The rulers of Japan “[. . .] issued a considerable number of ‘Goshuin-jo’ (Sealed license of overseas trade) to the wealthy merchants of the Kansai district and ‘Daimyōs’ of west and southwest Japan, encouraging them to sail on as far as Ayuthaya (Siam), Manila (Philippines) and Hi-An [. . .] in order to secure the raw materials [. . .]. [. . .] a prosperous trading-market in Hi-An.” Special expatriate quarters established in that town, housing the Japanese (and Chinese) community and their trade with Japan (Chen 13ff.), among it specifically agarwood (Chen, pp. 19, 20, 23). The Chinese end of ban of overseas trade in 1685 led to a “remarkable increase in both the number of visiting junks and in the amount of trade” (Chen, p. 23), resulting in a lesser significance of Japanese mediatory trade with China; Chinese junks headed to Southeast Asian ports, and abandoned the Japanese market (Chen, p. 26). See also e.g. Hall Reference Hall and Tarling1999, pp. 123–124, 141, 150–153, 157; Elson Reference Elson and Nicholas TARLING1999, pp. 135–136, 170–171. Consider especially the history of the shuinsen (〔 朱 印 船 〕 ‘ships under the red seal’). – Worth noting, leading Japanese perfumery warehouses were founded in those decades (field knowledge).

⁸⁶ The rikkoku gomi first included the categories of kyara (〔 伽 羅 〕 associated with Vietnam), manaka (〔 真 那 賀 〕 associated with the region bordering the Strait of Malacca), rakoku (〔 羅 国 〕 associated with Thailand), and manaban (〔 真 那 蛮 〕 possibly referring to the Malabar Coast), and later on also sumontara (〔 寸 門 多 羅 〕 associated with Sumatra) and sasora (〔 佐 曾 羅 〕 possibly referring to Western India). The wood of each category was assigned typical olfactory qualities (Jinbo Reference Jinbo2003, pp. 316, 353,373, 440, 441, 425, 426; Yamada Reference Yamada1976, pp. 389–400). However, even if the influence of the different soils and climate of the various origin regions on the agarwood is most valuable to be considered, the categories should not be understood as fix clues. Instead of informing about the places of the agarwood's origin, they represent (possible) entrepôts where the Japanese or mediating traders purchased the agarwood, according to modern knowledge. Thus, the rikkoku gomi primarily testify to the expansion of the Japanese network and the growth of agarwood imports as such in those decades. The local consumers of agarwood in Japan needed aesthetical tools to get along with the growing range of available wood types. The rikkoku gomi helped to sharpen the olfactory sensitivity and to have vocabulary at hand, to comply with the sensory tasks of kōdō (see also Yamada Reference Yamada1976, pp. 359–401; the history of kōdō – Chapter IV).

A vague attention to the relevance of the geographical origin on the agarwood quality stems back to earlier times of the agarwood fine arts. The Chinese loosely assigned wood characters to countries (see e.g. Hirth and Rockhill 1911, pp. 204–208. – Also the West Asian traders adapted and/ or set up relations between wood qualities and geographical origins (see especially Tibbetts Reference Tibbetts1979; the history of agarwood in West Asia – Chapters III and V).

Kyara has been considered the worthiest type of agarwood to offer the finest fragrance notes. The category is special in comparison with the other five of the rikkoku gomi, as the term does not simply resemble a newly learned (vague) geographical denotation. Rather, it connected to the notion of qinan (various possibilities in Chinese writing, depending on the historical moment and the interpretation by contemporary scholars, e.g. 〔 茄 蓝 〕 qie lan, 〔 棋 楠 〕 qi nan, 〔 琪 楠 〕 qi nan) by the Chinese that arouse around 1200 – the moment when the appreciation of exclusively agarwood came up, thus mirroring the growing aesthetical sensitivity for agarwood varieties. Possibly the term ‘qinan’ emerged from Sanksrit roots which were transmitted to China during the Song or Yuan period, and after its transmission to Japan, merged with expressions denoting other aesthetical concepts and ideals that came up during the heydays of Japanese trade with Southeast Asia and specifically the coast of today's Vietnam. (Kyara may also allude to issues such as “beauty”.) Like kyara in Japan, the aesthetical notion of qinan was elaborated in China in the following centuries, i.e. the Ming dynasty, and further differentiated into subcategories (Jinbo Reference Jinbo2003, p. 316; Yamada Reference Yamada1976, pp. 201–204, 391; 1979, pp. 25–27; Lin 2011, pp. 7–8; Liu 2011, pp. 47–48; Wu Reference Wu2007, pp. 62–66, 104–106; field knowledge; consider also Yamada 1979, p. 79).

⁸⁷ Field impression. Some Chinese consumers prefer to experiment completely freely, others prefer more ritualized forms, in order to find their own perfumery again. Consider also e.g. Liu 2011, pp. 21–23, 117–146, Lin Reference Lin2008.

⁸⁸ Chinese paintings including an incensation scene are plenty from the Ming and Qing periods, so that I omit references.

⁸⁹ Field observation from antique markets and with perfumery professionals.

⁹⁰ Incense ceremonies were conducted again and the first modern books on kōdō published since the 1920s. (Descendants of) kōdō masters offered the first public classes from the 1960s onwards. Also, modern incense products were invented and commercial schools set up by the traditional warehouses. Moreover, “large associations of incense groups, each publishing its own journal” came up (Morita Reference Morita1992, pp. 47–49, 120; general bibliographic research).

⁹¹ European art collections testify to the arrival of and interest in Japanese perfumery tools since the seventeenth century. Most special are the Royal Danish Kunstkammer (concerning seventeenth century items) and Marie Antoinette's and Burghley's collections (concerning seventeenth to eighteenth-century items) (Kyoto National Museum 2008). Perfumery tools also sold well during the World Expositions (2008, pp. 45, 209) – the same period that the Meiji emperor sent kōdōgu as diplomatic gifts to the West (2008, p. 343). Furthermore, incense itself was presented at the World Exposition in Chicago 1894, according to a descendant of a Japanese incense warehouse. In consequence, “by the late 1920s [. . .; this company] was unable to manufacture enough cone incense to meet the demands from overseas” (Morita Reference Morita1992, p. 120). Western researchers started early to study kōdō, but their understanding obviously remained limited (Carattini). Since the 1980s however, public classes were held by kōdō experts in the US and Europe (Morita Reference Morita1992, p. 49; personal information).

⁹² The source here are personal contacts in eastern Asia and impressions on western markets. See also the international websites of East Asian perfumery companies.

⁹³ Jung, Ethnography Reference Jung2011, pp. 189–202; field knowledge from Southeast Asia; see also the various publications by CITES and TRAFFIC on the Middle Eastern agarwood consumption.

⁹⁴ Field knowledge. Concerning the history of Taiwan: Schmidt-Glintzer 2008, pp. 204, 215–216.

⁹⁵ Consider e.g. the Chinese-written Singaporean newspaper article about the West Asian agarwood heritage and trade: “chenxiang” 2006. The intercultural encounter and stimulation is easily observable on agarwood entrepôt markets in Southeast Asia. Note also that Taiwanese and Japanese companies settle and/or trade in/with China (field knowledge).

⁹⁶ In addition to written publications, also consider the increasing number of notes about East Asian perfumery on virtual platforms like Wikipedia, Internet blogs, and the historic–cultural information by East Asian perfumery companies on their websites.

⁹⁷ Field knowledge.

⁹⁸ Consider Chi Reference Chi2010, pp. 102–103.

⁹⁹ I know of a few agarwood art exhibitions in Eastern Asia in recent years, in addition to plenty of small-scale exhibits in showrooms and at fairs. Exemplary publication, Kan Reference Kan2011.

¹⁰⁰ E.g. Zhang Reference Zhang2006.

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