For three decades, state governments across the United States have taken over local school districts. In fact, there have been over 100 such instances. The public rationale for this local intervention often focuses on accountability and performance, influenced by a multitude of factors such as persistent lack of public investment in education and corrective action provisions of No Child Left Behind. But when takeovers occur, questions of state and local politics abound—specifically about the role of race, representation, and political power. In Takeover: Race, Education, and American Democracy, Domingo Morel offers a timely and insightful examination of state takeovers of local school districts, in the first systematic study of this political process. Indeed, the author notes that despite the frequency of takeovers and the high-profile nature of the process (e.g., the case of Detroit, Michigan), we know little about the political causes and consequences of state takeovers. Morel's important contribution illuminates this understudied area of intergovernmental relations between states and cities.

The book is structured into six chapters, with four appendices that provide details of the author's methodological approaches. Well-written and concise, Morel presents a cogent argument in the book's introductory chapter: the devolution of takeover authority to state governments was, in part, a response to the empowerment of Black political regimes in the nation's big cities. Under a particular set of conditions, Morel also shows that state takeovers can sometimes advance the political empowerment of Blacks and Latinos. The author begins with the hypothesis that state takeovers disrupt the current establishment of political regimes—that is, groups holding power would be negatively impacted by state takeovers whereas other marginalized groups would benefit from political empowerment that they lacked previously. To investigate these competing phenomena, Morel conducts a comparative case study of state takeovers in Newark, New Jersey and Central Falls, Rhode Island.

In Chapter 2, the author presents a narrative about how state takeovers affect local communities. In Newark, we learn that the takeover had a devastating impact on political representation and the economic standing of the black community, while Latinos gained representation after the takeover. In Central Falls, we learn that Latinos also gained political power after the takeover. In Chapters 3 and 4, Morel focuses more closely on how takeovers influence Black and Latino political empowerment, and then turns to an analysis of why states pursue takeovers in the first place, arguing that race, politics, and economics drive these policy decisions. In Chapter 5, Morel reflects on the theoretical implications of these findings, demonstrating a clear need to expand regime theory to account for both “cohesive and disjointed state-local regimes” (p. 101).

Finally, in Chapter 6, Morel considers the policy implications of state takeovers. The chapter is framed by the astute observation that educational outcomes have not improved by any meaningful measurement of performance, in local school districts where states intervened. However, state takeovers have dramatically shifted local politics and governing regimes in cities where they occur. To prevent this loss of local representation, Morel calls for revisiting the “federal-urban axis,” that was prevalent in the 1960s when cities benefited from direct federal investments (p. 138). Given the erosion of national urban policy and the rise of conservative national politics, however, prospects for such a federal role renewal are limited at best. With this analysis, Morel suggests a fundamental flaw in American democracy: when states take over local school districts, presumably to improve the responsibility of governance, the ability of local residents to have a voice in the political process becomes dependent on relationships between local and state officials. Ultimately, Morel calls for communities to develop “an inclusive and collaborative public sphere” to empower people, a process which he argues begins in public schools (p. 142).

Yet another strength of this book is Morel's sophisticated use of a mixed methods approach. He first uses historical case analysis to frame the socioeconomic and political contexts shaping the environment of education and city politics. Then, after building an original dataset of approximately 1,000 school districts, the author employs quantitative analyses to identify factors that lead to state takeovers of local school districts. Later, Morel supplements this analysis with 70 interviews with key actors such as state and local legislators, local school officials, teachers, parents, and community organizers, in New Jersey and Rhode Island. Morel persuasively documents how the cases of Newark, NJ and Central Falls, RI can provide instructive lessons for other cities. The selection of one majority-Black city and one majority-Latino city will allow future researchers to make useful comparisons with other cities. Of course, additional research that expands the analysis to cities beyond the East Coast would be welcomed. Similarly, it would be useful to think about diverse forms of local government (i.e., mayor-council; council-manager; county) and political geographies (i.e., inner-ring suburbs of metropolitan areas) to see what impact, if any, state takeovers have on governance and policy responses for places with different institutional arrangements.

In summary, Takeover is an important and timely book. Readers will appreciate Morel's in-depth case studies and engaging approach to narrative. Takeover is a shining example of scholarship that challenges our theoretical understanding, integrates contemporary debates in public policy, and serves as a call to action. The book will appeal to scholars of race and ethnicity and state and local politics, practitioners such as local policymakers and urban planners, and the general public alike.