This is an important contribution to the burgeoning literature on the political and economic transformation of Bolivia since Evo Morales was elected president in 2006 as leader of the MAS (Movimiento al Socialismo) party. In this insightful new book, Crabtree and Chaplin examine the difficulties and advances experienced by ordinary people in different parts of the country during this period of social-movement-induced change. Based on extensive interviews conducted in 2012, 160 in total, Crabtree and Chaplin explore the relationship between people, social movements and the state, detailing the achievements and limitations of the MAS government, and in particular the ambitious changes outlined in the new constitution. Using a bottom-up approach, the authors successfully illustrate that while this period experienced extensive social change, empowerment and social advancement, it also brought with it inevitable frustrations, dilemmas and disagreements. The structure of the book reflects the heterogeneity of individual experiences and social movements in Bolivia and by following a geographical logic, the authors are able to highlight both specific and more general themes relevant to the country's political evolution and socio-economic development and successfully avoid taking an overly generalised approach that tends to characterise the literature on this topic. Therefore, although the chapters do not chronicle the Morales administration they allude to the many significant developments which have occurred since 2006 and demonstrate that the nature and intensity of the changes in Bolivia during this period have been conditioned by their specific contexts.

The opening two chapters take a more general approach, providing a contextual framework for the book and an outline of contemporary Bolivian politics. Given the nature of these first two chapters they are based less on interview materials than the others. The introduction explores the role of popular mobilisation and collective action in the history of Bolivia, particularly over the last half-century, demonstrating how, despite its revolutionary credentials, the Morales government is in fact a continuation of a deep-rooted historical trend which dates back to the mid-twentieth century. The authors argue that it is this legacy of social organisation, which has survived repeated attempts of suppression, that is critical to understanding current Bolivian politics and the relationship between MAS and the social movements. Chapter 1 analyses how changes in patterns of landholding following the 1953 agrarian reform and the 1996 INRA (Instituto Nacional de Reforma Agraria) Law have affected different groups in Bolivia and influenced current conflicts such as the Territorio Indígena y Parque Nacional Isiboro Secure (TIPNIS) dispute. Underscoring this chapter is the notion that different visions of development have emerged between the two main groups, indigenous peoples and campesinos, principally affected by patterns of landholding, which has seen ideas of economic progress and development clash with those of environmentalism and Buen Vivir.

Chapters 2 to 8 are based on the experiences of individuals and social movements and provide a comprehensive and illuminating look at the processes of change that have taken place throughout Bolivia since 2006. With each chapter focusing on a particular region of the country and sector, Crabtree and Chaplin provide a critical examination how ordinary people's living conditions and quality of life has altered in recent years, to what extent people feel empowered by the acquisition of new rights afforded to them under the new constitution and how the lives of those involved with the social movements have been affected by their participation. What emerges clearly from these chapters is that while the election of Evo Morales lifted social and cultural barriers that had previously excluded certain groups from decision-making and paved the way for the emergence of new groups and actors from juntas vecinales and women to peasant and indigenous groups, others, such as the old elites, were sidelined. Furthermore, the chapters reveal the emergence of new economic actors and activity, in a variety of different geographical contexts such as the Aymara entrepreneurs in El Alto, the quinoa farmers on the Altiplano, the soy farmers in Tarija and the miners in Potosí who have benefited from the increase in mineral prices. The authors also shed light on the successes and difficulties of implementing the changes outlined in the new constitution and building a ‘plurinational state’ and a ‘plural economy’. However, while the notion of Buen Vivir is touched upon throughout the book, its meaning to Bolivians and the contradiction that exists between the concept and Morales extractivist policies could have been explored further.

This book is a welcome addition to the vast literature on Bolivia. Crabtree and Chaplin move beyond the romanticism that is typically associated with the Morales administration and critically assess the dramatic changes that have taken place in Bolivia. The book is easy to engage with and in its prose and presentation is suitable for undergraduates and postgraduates interested in both Bolivia and contemporary social movements and class struggles in Latin America today.