The tribes are back! After being discarded by many anthropologists in the second half of the past century, tribal groups have launched a staggering comeback. Especially in the countries of the Arabian Peninsula, they can no longer be neglected or denied. Yes, they may be criticized for what they believe and value, but they represent a large portion of the population. Not as nomads or badw, because the word Bedouin is still used as a derogative in the mostly urbanized communities of Arabia, but as members of tribal groups that assume a high-ranking position in the countries' social hierarchy. In fact, this kind of tribalism has never fully disappeared. Nadav Samin in his excellent book explains what happened to the attribute “tribal” over the past fifty or sixty years in Saudi Arabia. Although the country underwent a dramatic transformation in its economy, lifestyle, education and, to a lesser degree, its religious outlook, the notion of belonging to a tribe remained the backbone of society. Saudis are proud of their tribal heritage, and if they do not have one, they go to great lengths to obtain it because Saudi society still operates on the basis of tribal values. This is one of the book's most important conclusions: that the kingdom is not defined only by Islam and oil, but by its tribal DNA.

Samin explores this valuable lesson alongside the works of one of Saudi Arabia's most renowned tribal historians and scholars Hamad al-Jasir, who dedicated much of his professional life to the unearthing and reconnecting of Saudi Arabia's tribal roots. After presenting a much-needed appreciation of al-Jasir's work, Samin sheds light on what he calls “the dark matter of tribal belonging”. Tribalism, although ancient and widespread, has its negative sides, especially when creating hierarchies of belonging. Those who do not belong to one of the noble, recognized tribes, experience hardship, even racism, and in response they create their own hierarchies and try to blend in with the other. This stands in stark contrast to the image of Saudi Arabia as a Muslim country of unity and citizenship. Instead “kinship attachments could be reckoned before attachments to locale and religious orientation” (p. 57).

For much of Saudi Arabia's state history, religious and governmental authorities push hard to denounce, combat or at least co-opt these tribal sentiments, but Samin introduces various Arabian sources arguing for the study and acknowledgement of genealogies reflecting on the ever-existing attachment of Saudi society to tribal heritage. Especially during the pre-oil era of state formation, tribal customs, such as raiding, customary law or communal property, have been suppressed, while in the boom years of the 1970s, with the concurrent economic change and general prosperity, people went back in search of their tribal roots. This included elements from all sectors of society including the ruling family.

During these times, al-Jasir became the uncontested authority in matters of genealogical attestation, and Samin, having access to al-Jasir's archive and letters, reveals the importance of lineal authentication for marital practices. Tribal and in particular patrilineal endogamy has long been viewed as the normative practice in Saudi society, and Samin shows that this practice has become more popular (although with limits) and is now even sanctioned by the authorities. The principle [of lineal compatibility] affirmed the validity of marital status hierarchies in Arab societies (p. 129), and the growing popularity of superior tribal descent started a race towards general authentication of tribal descent, which al-Jasir was often able to provide. On the other hand, incompatibility based on different ethnic, racial or tribal origins would stigmatize the status of the “inferior” family and seriously threaten their desired descent on the social hierarchy.

“Tribal belonging is a central facet of modern Saudi identity” (p. 165), and Samin argues that the Saudi state, despite its earlier opposition, has become a major facilitator of this by building the institutional framework through legal policies and documents (tabiʾiyya – nationality papers) and favouring badawi (formerly nomadic) over hadari (settled) citizens. The government's control over the public sector with its inherent paternalism and nepotism has thus facilitated the recent surge in tribalism as well as the emergence of new levels of social fragmentation. Now the segmentation is not only between citizens and foreigners, but also among the Saudi citizenry according to their tribal and regional origins. Samin's book helped us to recognize these new realities and forces us to see Saudi society with new eyes. It shatters many stereotypes abundant among people in the west and the Arab world about the kingdom and leads us to reconsider outdated anthropological myths. The book is a very challenging read due to the complexity of the author's ductus, but ultimately an indispensible tool for better understanding Saudi Arabia.