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The Uighur Word Materials in a Manuscript of Huá-yí-yì-yǔ (華夷譯語) in the Library of Seoul National University (V) — 天文門 tianwenmen ‘the category of astronomy’ —

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2019

YONG-SŎNG LI*
Affiliation:
Seoul National Universityyulduz77@naver.com
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Abstract

The Huá-yí-yì-yǔ is a general name for the various wordbooks between the Chinese language and its neighbouring languages compiled from the beginning of the Ming dynasty (1368–1644). It has broadly 4 different classes. In the wordbooks of the third class the words of each foreign language were transliterated only in Chinese characters and the letters of the language in question were not used. To this third class belongs the manuscript in the collection of the library of Seoul National University. Its seventh volume is for the Uighur language. It contains 19 categories. In this paper the first category of astronomy with 85 entries is treated.

There are many scribal errors in these materials. Apart from the shortcomings of the Chinese characters, this may be the main reason why the Uighur word materials in the wordbooks of this class are not highly regarded.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Royal Asiatic Society 2019 

Introduction

The Hua-Yi Yiyu (華夷譯語) is a general name for the various wordbooks between the Chinese language and its neighbouring languages compiled from the beginning of the Ming (明) dynasty (1368~1644). The first of them was the Sino-Mongolian wordbook compiled by Huo Yuanjie (火源潔), a Mongol, under the order of the Hongwu (洪武) Emperor (r. 1368~1398). The Hua-Yi Yiyu has broadly four different classes of book as follows:

  1. 1. The Sino-Mongolian wordbook compiled by Huo Yuanjie (火源潔), Mashayihei (馬沙亦黑), etc. in which the Mongolian words were written in Chinese characters according to the transliteration rules in The Secret History of the Mongols (元朝秘史 Yuanchao Mishi).

  2. 2. The wordbooks which were compiled, continually re-edited and added/reduced in Siyiguan (四夷館)Footnote 1, which was in charge of acceptance and handling of the credentials from the foreign countries. In the wordbooks of this class the words of each foreign language were not only transliteratd in Chinese characters but written also in the script of the native languages in question.Footnote 2

  3. 3. The wordbooks which were presumably compiled in Huitongguan (會同館), which was in charge of reception of the foreign diplomatic representatives. In the wordbooks of this class the words of each foreign language were transliterated only in Chinese characters and the script of the language in question was not used.Footnote 3

  4. 4. The wordbooks which were compiled in Huitongsiyiguan (會同四譯館)Footnote 4, which was formed with the unification of Huitongguan (會同館) and Siyiguan (四譯館) in the 13th year (1748) of the Qianlong (乾隆) Emperor (r. 1735~1795) of the Qing (淸) dynasty.

To this third class belongs the manuscript in the collection of the library of Seoul National University (= 古 3912-1-1-8).Footnote 5 It is certainly a hand-written copy from the beginning of the twentieth century of the version owned by the Japanese scholar Inaba Kunzan (稻葉君山; 1876~1940).Footnote 6 This manuscript is comprised of the following 8 volumes out of the original 13 volumes:

(1) 朝鮮 Chaoxian (Korea), (2) 琉球 Liuqiu (Ryukyu), (3) 日本 Riben (Japan), (4) 安南 Annan (Annam = North Vietnam), (5) 暹羅 Xianluo (Siam = Thailand), (6) 韃靼 Dada (Tatar = East Mongols), (7) 畏兀兒 Weiwuer (Uighur), and (8) 滿剌加 Manlajia (Malacca).

The volumes for (1) 占城 Zhancheng (Champa = South Vietnam), (2) 西番 Xifan (“Western Barbarians” = Tibetans of the Kham region), (3) 回回 Huihui (Muslims = Persians), (4) 女直 Nüzhi (Jurchen), and (5) 百夷 Baiyi (傣族 Daizu ‘the Dai people’) are not included in this manuscript.

Since the features of the materials in the first volume represent probably the language of the fifteenth century, the word materials in other volumes also may have stemmed from the same period.Footnote 7 The seventh volume, which is concerned with the Uighur language, contains the following categories:

  1. (1) 天文門 tianwenmen ‘the category of astronomy’ with 85 entries

  2. (2) 地理門 dilimen ‘the category of geography’ with 86 entriesFootnote 8

  3. (3) 地名門 dimingmen ‘the category of place name’ with 28 entries

  4. (4) 時令門 shilingmen ‘the category of season’ with 85 entries

  5. (5) 花木門 huamumen ‘the category of flowers and trees’ with 66 entries

  6. (6) 人事門 renshimen ‘the category of human affairs’ with 74 entries

  7. (7) 朝義門 (sic ⇒ 朝儀門) chaoyimen ‘the category of ceremony in the royal court’ with 25 entries

  8. (8) 人物門 renwumen ‘the category of persons’ with 62 entriesFootnote 9

  9. (9) 身體門 shentimen ‘the category of human body’ with 20 entriesFootnote 10

  10. (10) 衣服門 yifumen ‘the category of clothing’ with 22 entries

  11. (11) 飮食門 yinshimen ‘the category of food and drink’ with 14 entries

  12. (12) 器用門 qiyongmen ‘the category of implements’ with 34 entriesFootnote 11

  13. (13) [鳥獸門]Footnote 12 niaoshoumen ‘the category of birds and beasts’ with 53 entriesFootnote 13

  14. (14) 宮室門 gongshimen ‘the category of house’ with 19 entries

  15. (15) 方隅門 fangyumen ‘the category of direction’ with 15 entries

  16. (16) 通用門 tongyongmen ‘the category of common use’ with 65 entriesFootnote 14

  17. (17) 珍寶門 zhenbaomen ‘the category of jewellry’ with 22 entries

  18. (18) 聲色門 shengsemen ‘the category of colour’ with 12 entries

  19. (19) 數目門 shumumen ‘the category of number’ with 37 entriesFootnote 15

In this paper the first category, 天文門 tianwenmen, will be treated. The word materials are arranged as follows: 1) Chinese entry in 拼音 pinyin transcription; 2) Uighur word in 拼音 pinyin transcription before ‖, the transcription in “Early Mandarin”Footnote 16 after ‖, and in parenthesis the usual transcription in Turkology. In addition, the forms from another manuscript in National Library of China (= BT), the readings by Shōgaito (Reference Shōgaito1984), the Uighur forms in the articles of Ligeti (= KY), the Uighur forms in 五體淸文鑑 Wuti Qingwenjian from the end of the eighteenth century (= WT),Footnote 17 the information in the etymological dictionary of Sir Gerard Clauson (= ED),Footnote 18 and the modern Uighur forms are also given.

Hua-Yi Yiyu 1: The Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University, Sangwŏnjeŏ; Hwaiyŏgŏ (Seoul, 2010), p. 485.

Hua-Yi Yiyu 2: The Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University, Sangwŏnjeŏ; Hwaiyŏgŏ (Seoul, 2010), p. 487.

天文門 tianwenmen ‘the category of astronomy’

  1. 1.tiān ‘sky, heaven’

    忝額刀 (sic ⇒ 忝額力) tiǎn-é-lì ‖ tʰjεm̌-jajˋ/njεˋ (?)-liˋ (teŋgeri)

    BT 天 忝額力 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 天 heaven 忝額力 /teŋŋeriFootnote 19/ (p. 107)

    KY tŋri Footnote 20 (t'eng-k'o-li [騰克力 téng-kè-lì]Footnote 21) ‘ciel’ (Ligeti 1966: 265)

    tŋri ‘ciel; céleste’ (Ligeti 1969: 201) ED teŋri: a very old word, probably pre-Turkish, which can be traced back to the language of the Hsiung-nu, III b.c. if not earlier. It seems originally to have meant ‘the physical sky’, but very early acquired religious overtones and came to mean ‘Heaven’ as a kind of impersonal deity, the more common meaning in the earlier texts. … An early l.-w. in Mongolian as teŋgeri (Haenisch 148, Kow. 1697; but often spelt tŋri, as in Turkish, in religious texts and always déŋri in the ẖP'ags-pa texts)Footnote 22 (p. 523b)

    忝額力 reminds us of Mongolian teŋgeri. The Turkic form would be 騰力 téng-lì ‖ tʰəŋ-liˋ or the like. This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    teŋri ‘god’ (XUL 734b), ‘God’ (XUL 722b, 724b, 818a; UXL 515b; ETED 303), ‘God,  the Most High’ (URS 302b)

    The Uighur counterpart of Manchu abka and Chinese 天 tiān ‘sky, heaven’ is given as āsmān (No. 1; < Per.)Footnote 23 in WT. This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    asman ‘sky’ (XUL 817a, 818b; UXL 22), ‘sky; height’ (URS 36c)

    āsmān ~ āsman ~ asmān ~ asman ‘heaven, the sky’ (ETED 27)

    In modern Uighur, another word for sky is kök (see No. 2).
  2. 2.yún ‘cloud’

    課克 kè-kè ‖ kʰwɔˋ-[kʰəǰ] (kök)

    BT 雲 課克 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 雲 cloud 課克 /kök/ (p. 107)

    KY [靑 qīng] kök (k'o [渴 ]) ‘bleu’, ‘vert, ciel’ (Ligeti 1966: 174)  kök ‘bleu’ (Ligeti 1969: 37)

    WT kök ‘blue’ (No. 12088)Footnote 24

    ED kö:k (g-) basically ‘the sky’; hence ‘sky-coloured, blue, blue-gray’, etc.; for a similar range of colours cf. yaşil. S.i.a.m.l.g. in both meanings except NE, where it has only the second (various Sec. f.s of teŋri: reborrowed from Mongolian being used in the first); … (p. 708b)

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    kök ‘sky’ (XUL 817a, 818b), ‘bluish green, blue’ (XUL 36a), ‘azure, blue’ (XUL 482b), ‘blue’ (XUL 666a), ‘azure, blue; blue sky, sky; (black and) blue bruise’ (UXL 206a), ‘dark blue; blue, azure; grey; green; bruise; sky; greens, leafy tops of root vegetables’ (URS 652a), ‘sky, heaven; blue, green, roan (of horses and donkeys), bay (of sheep), ‘green’ i.e. young’ (ETED 176)

    As seen above, kök means sky or blue, not cloud. Therefore, the compiler is seemingly not a native Uighur speaker. By the way, there is following information in Dīwān Luγāt at-Turk 49:

    ’AΓIL aγil “Sheepfold (marbaḍ al-γanam).” Among the Oγuz it is “sheep dung (rawṯ al-γanam)”. This is because of the close connection between the two, just as [in Arabic] both rain and clouds may be called “sky”. (DLT 113)

    The Turkic word meaning cloud is bulut:Footnote 25

    KY bulït (pou-li [卜力 bǔ-lì]) ‘nuage’ (Ligeti 1966: 146)

    WT bulut ‘cloud’ (No. 134)

    ED bulıt ‘cloud’; c.i.a.m.l.g., usually as bulut. (p. 333a)

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    bulut ‘cloud’ (XUL 1053b; UXL 64b; URS 222c)

    bulut ~bulˈut ‘cloud, sky, sponge’ (ETED 61)

    pulut ‘(dial.) cloud’ (URS 261c)

    See No. 20. 天陰.
  3. 3. ‘sun’

    kūn ‖ kun (kün)

    BT 日 昆 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 日 sun 昆 /kün/ (p. 107)

    KY kün (k'ouen [坤 kūn]) ‘soleil’ (Ligeti 1966: 177)

    kün ‘jour’ (Ligeti 1969: 38)

    WT kün ‘day’ (No. 437)Footnote 26

    ED kün (g-) originally ‘the sun’; hence, by extension, ‘day’. C.i.a.p.a.l.; in most modern languages it is used only for ‘day’, other words like kuya:ş, küneş being used for ‘sun’; … (p. 725a)

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    kün ‘sun; day’ (XUL 696a), ‘sun; life; date’ (XUL 697a), ‘day’ (XUL 817a), ‘sun;  day; life’ (UXL 221b-222a), ‘day; sun; time, date; life’ (URS 663c-664a)

    ku̇n ‘sun, day, day-time, daylight; lot in life, lot, calamity’ (ETED 179–180)

    gu̇n ‘sun, day, day-time, daylight’ (ETED 179)

  4. 4.yuè ‘moon’

    ài ‖ ajˋ (ay)

    BT 月 愛 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 月 moon 愛 /ay/ (p. 107)

    KY ay Footnote 27 (ngai [哀 āi]) ‘lune; mois’ (Ligeti 1966: 126)

    ay ‘lune’ (Ligeti 1969: 5)

    WT ay ‘moon’ (No. 46), ‘month’ (No. 412)

    ED a:y originally ‘the moon’; hence from the earliest period ‘a (lunar) month’; as an Adj. ‘crescent shaped’. S.i.a.m.l.g. (p. 265a)

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    ay ‘moon; month’ (XUL 1052ab; UXL 28b; URS 57a; ETED 16)

  5. 5.xīng ‘star’

    與里都子 yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ ‖ y̌-lǐ-tu-tsž̩ (yulduz)

    BT 星 雨Footnote 28里都子 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 星 star 與里都子 /yulduz/ (p. 107)

    KY yultuz (yun-t'ou-sseu [允禿思 yǔn-tū-sī]) ‘étoile’ (Ligeti 1966: 288)

    WT yulduz ‘star’ (No. 58)

    ED yultuz ‘star’; a generic term for fixed stars and planets. S.i.a.m.l.g. (p. 922b)

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    yultuz ‘star’ (XUL 944a; UXL 608b; URS 794b)

    yulduz ‘star’ (URS 794b; ETED 160)

    yu̇ldu̇z ‘star’ (ETED 160)

    žultuz ‘star’ (URS 485a)

  6. 6.fēng ‘wind’

    硯勤 (sic ⇒ 硯勒) yàn-lè ‖ jεnˋ-ləjˋ (yel)

    BT 風 硯勒 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 風 wind 硯勒 /yel/ (p. 107)

    KY yel (yen [烟 yān]) ‘vent’ (Ligeti 1966: 283)

    yel ‘vent’ (Ligeti 1969: 213)

    WT yel ‘evening vapours that arise right after sunset’ (No. 252)Footnote 29, ‘vapour, air, breath, gas’ (No. 5000)Footnote 30

    ED yé:l ‘wind’; also metaphor for ‘demonic possession’ and the like, owing to a supposed connection between evil spirits and the wind; it is not always easy to see which meaning is intended. S.i.a.m.l.g. w. the usual phonetic changes. (p. 916b)

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    yel ‘gas’ (XUL 645a), ‘gas; certain symptoms; nettle rash’ (UXL 613a), ‘wind; influenza, grippe; cold, chill; inflammation; crawfish’ (URS 785c)

    yėl ‘wind, gases from the stomach or the bowlsFootnote 31, syphilis, rash, rheumatism’ (ETED 154)

    The Uighur counterpart of Manchu edun and Chinese 風 fēng ‘wind’ is given as šamāl (No. 250; < Arabic)Footnote 32 in WT. This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    šamal ‘wind’ (XUL 231b; UXL 564b; URS 544b)

    šemāl ~ šema·l ~ šemˈal ~ šemal ~ šamal ‘wind; the north’ (ETED 285)

  7. 7.xuě ‘snow’

    噶兒 gá-ér ‖ [kɔ̌] ?-rr̩ˊ (qar)

    BT 雪 噶兒 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 雪 snow 噶兒 /qar/ (p. 107)

    KY qar (ha-eul [哈兒 hā-ér]) ‘neige’ (Ligeti 1966: 162)

    WT qar ‘snow’ (No. 223)

    ED ka:r ‘snow’; c.i.a.p.a.l. (p. 641a)

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    qar ‘snow’ (XUL 964a; UXL 676b; URS 579a; ETED 239)

  8. 8. ‘rain’

    養兀兒 yǎng-wù-ér ‖ jaŋ̌-ǔ-rr̩ˊ (yamγur)

    BT 雨 養兀兒 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 雨 rain 養兀兒 /yamγur/ (p. 107)

    KY yaγmur (ya-mou-eul [呀木兒 yā-mù-ér]) ‘pluie’ (Ligeti 1966: 278)

    WT yamγur ‘rain’ (No. 173)

    ED yağmur (ḏ-) Dev. N. fr. yağ-; ‘rain’. S.i.a.m.l.g.; SW Az., Osm. yağmur; Tkm. yağmır; in almost all other languages yamğur w. the usual phonetic changes. (p. 903b)

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    yamγur ‘rain’ (XUL 1041a; UXL 583a; URS 780b; ETED 147)

  9. 9.bīng ‘ice’

    木孑 (sic ⇒ 木子) mù-zǐ ‖ muˋ-tsž̩ (muz)

    BT 氷 木子 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 氷 ice 木子 /muz/ (p. 107)

    KY muz (mou-sseu [木思 mù-sī]) ‘glace’ (Ligeti 1966: 183)

    WT muz ‘ice’ (No. 528)

    ED bu:z ‘ice’. S.i.a.m.l.g.; in most languages with m-; Tkm. bu:z. (p. 389a)

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    muz ‘ice’ (XUL 46a; UXL 260a; URS 716b), ‘ice, hail, glacier’ (ETED 202)

  10. 10.yān ‘smoke’

    躰呑 tǐ-tūn ‖ tʰǐ-tʰən (titün)

    BT 煙 體呑 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 煙 smoke 躰呑 /titün/ (p. 107)

    KY tṳtün (t'ou-touen [土敦Footnote 33 tǔ-dūn]) ‘fumée’ (Ligeti 1966: 272)

    WT tütün yanadu ‘the smoke comes back (into the pipe)’ (No. 11841)Footnote 34

    ED tütün Dev. N. fr. tüte:-; ‘smoke’. S.i.a.m.l.g., usually as tütün, but NW Kk., Nog. tütin; Kaz. töten. (p. 457b)

    躰呑 tǐ-tūn should be an error for 土呑 tǔ-tūn or 禿呑 -tūn. This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    tütün ‘smoke’ (XUL 972b; UXL 538a; URS 329b)

    tu̇tu̇n ‘smoke’ (ETED 319)

    Hua-Yi Yiyu 3: The Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University, Sangwŏnjeŏ; Hwaiyŏgŏ (Seoul, 2010), p. 488.

  11. 11. 天河 tiānhé ‘the Milky Way’

    忝額刀得兒呒 (sic ⇒ 忝額力得兒呀) tiǎn-é-lì-dé-ér-yā ‖ tʰjεm̌-jajˋ/njεˋ (?)-liˋ-təǰ-rr̩ˊ-[ja] (?) (teŋgeri derya)

    BT 天河 忝額力得兒呀 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 天河 the Milky Way 忝額力得兒呀 /teŋŋeri derya/ (p. 107)

    It is certainly a literal translation of Chinese 天河 tiānhé. This Uighur word should be in the form of teŋgeri deryasï, i.e. with the third person possessive suffix. The compiler is seemingly not a native Uighur speaker.

    The Uighur counterpart of Manchu mederi and Chinese 海 hǎi ‘sea’ is given as daryā (No. 771; < Per.)Footnote 35 in WT. This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    derya ‘river’ (XUL 315b, 316a, 395a; UXL 93a; URS 442a)

    däryā ~ därya ~ deryā ~ däyā ~ däya ~ deyā ~ deya ‘river, sea’ (ETED 82; < Per.)

    The Uighur counterpart of Manchu sunggari bira and Chinese 天河 tiānhé ‘the Milky Way’ is given as samančï yolï Footnote 36 (No. 16; “straw vendor's way”) in WT. This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    samančiniŋ yoli ‘the Milky Way’ (URS 501b)

    In modern Uighur, another word for ‘the Milky Way’ is saman Footnote 37 yoli (XUL 80a, 818a, 944a, 1016a, 1016b; URS 501b; UXL 403aFootnote 38; “straw way”).

    See No. 1. 天.

  12. 12.shuāng ‘frost’ (sic ⇒ 露 ‘dew’)

    手得林 shǒu-dé-lín ‖ ʂiw̌-təǰ-limˊ (šüüderin; < Mongolian)Footnote 39

    BT 霜 手得林 (p. 597)Footnote 40

    Shōgaito 霜 frost 手得林 /šüüderin/ (p. 107)

    KY šigüderin (cheou-tö-lin [守淂林 shǒu-dé-lín] = šiüderin) ‘rosée’ (Ligeti 1966: 197)

    The compiler could have confused 露 ‘dew’ with 霜 shuāng ‘frost’. This Mongolian word is not found in modern Uighur. The Uighur counterpart of Manchu silenggi and Chinese 露 ‘dew’ is given as šebnem ‘dew’ (No. 213; < Per.)Footnote 41 in WT. This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    šebnem ‘dew’ (XUL 530b; UXL 573b; URS 545b)

    šeb nem ‘dew’ (ETED 284)

    šeldem ‘dew’ (URS 547b)

    šewlem ‘(dial.) dew’ (URS 548a)

    nem šeb Footnote 42 ‘dew’ (ETED 206)

    See No. 13. 露.
  13. 13. ‘dew’ (sic ⇒ 霜 shuāng ‘frost’)

    黑牢 hēi-láo ‖ xəǰ-lawˊ (qïraw)

    BT 露 黑牢 (p. 597)Footnote 43

    Shōgaito 露 dew 黑牢 /xïraw/ (p. 108)

    KY qïraγu (k'i-lao [起勞 qǐ-láo] = kirau) ‘givre, gelée blanche’ (Ligeti 1966: 166)

    WT qïraw ‘frost’ (No. 221)

    ED kıra:ğu ‘hoar frost’. Etymology obscure. S.i.a.m.l.g. L.-w. in Mongolian (kirağu(n) Kow. 2548)Footnote 44 and Persian, etc., Doerfer III 1600. (p. 656b)

    The compiler could have confused 霜 shuāng ‘frost’ with 露 ‘dew’. This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    qïra ‘hoar-frost’ (ETED 248)

    qira ‘(dial.) frost’ (URS 623a)

    qiraw ‘frost’ (URS 623a)

    qiro ‘frost’ (XUL 778b; UXL 696b; URS 624b)

    qro ‘frost’ (URS 600b)

    qura ‘(dial.) frost’ (URS 612c)

    See No. 12. 霜.
  14. 14. 電 (⇒ 雹) báo ‘hail’

    門都兒 mén-dū-ér ‖ mun-tu-rr̩ˊ (mündür; < Mongolian)Footnote 45

    BT 雹 門都兒 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 雹 hail 門都兒 /mündür/ (p. 108)

    KY möndür (man-tou-eul [滿都兒 mǎn-dū-ér] = möndür) ‘givre, gelée blanche’ (Ligeti 1966: 183)

    This Mongolian word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    möldür ‘hail’ (XUL 22b, 46a; UXL 275b), ‘hail; transparent, clean’ (URS 712a)

    The Turkic word meaning hail is tolї:

    WT tolï ‘hail’ (No. 209)

    ED tolı: (d-) ‘hail’. (p. 491b)

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    tola ‘hail’ (XUL 22b, 46a)

    tolu ~ tole ‘hail’ (ETED 311)

    tula ‘(dial.) hail’ (URS 338c; UXL 495b)

  15. 15.léi ‘thunder’

    禄 剌阿思 lù là-ā-sī ‖ luˋ là-ɔ-sz̩ (lu laγas?)Footnote 46

    BT 雷 禄剌阿思 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 雷 thunder 禄 剌阿思 lu la a sɿ (p. 108)

    Considering Yellow Uighur ulu ‘dragon; thunder’ (XYHC 41b; < Chin. 龍 lóng and 雷 léi) and Salar pōgïŋïx yil ‘the year of the Dragon’ (SSJ 358, 451); poʁnəχ ‘thunder’ (SHHSC 29a), the word of lu (more correctly ) ‘dragon’ (< Chin. 龍 lóng) should have come to mean ‘thunder’ (雷 léi). The Early Mandarin form of 雷 léi is lujˊ (= luyˊ), which is very similar to lu (more correctly ).Footnote 47

    ED lu: ‘dragon’ l.-w. fr. Chinese lung (Giles 7,479), which was pronounced without the final -ng in some NW Chinese dialects of the first millennium; often spelt luu (representing lu:?) in Uyğ.; probably originally introduced into Turkish as one of the animals of the twelve-year cycle.Footnote 48 (p. 763a)

    This word is not found in modern Uighur. The following word is used for ‘thunder’ in modern Uighur:

    güldürmama ‘thunder’ (XUL 491a; UXL 118b), ‘thunderstorm; thunder’ (URS 682a)

  16. 16. 天上 tiānshàng ‘upper part of heaven’

    忝額刀五思呑 (sic ⇒ 忝額力五思呑) tiǎn-é-lì-wǔ-sī-tūn ‖ tʰjεm̌-jajˋ/njεˋ (?)-liˋ-ǔ-sz̩-tʰən (teŋgeri üstün ‘upper part of heaven’)

    BT 天上 忝額力五思呑 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 天上 upper part of heaven 忝額力五思呑 /teŋŋeri ustunFootnote 49/ (p. 108)

    KY üstün (yu-sseu-touen [玉思敦 yù-sī-dūn]) ‘en haut, au dessus’ (Ligeti 1966: 276)

    üstün ‘au-dessus, en haut’ (Ligeti 1969: 209)

    WT üstün ‘above, over, upper’ (No. 919)Footnote 50

    ED üstün Adj. and Adv. connoting motion onto or situation on (something), probably a crasis of *üsttün, see alt; liable to be confused with oblique cases of üst. (p. 242b)

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    üstün ‘tall; high’ (XUL 255a), ‘superior, advantageous, extraordinary’ (UXL 761a), ‘top;  over; superficially, not seriously’ (URS 127a)

    u̇stu̇n ‘upon, above, upper, upstairs, roof’ (ETED 328)

    Teŋgeri üstün should be corrected as teŋgeri üsti with the third person possessive suffix, because üstün is not a noun.

    WT üsti ‘prosperous, thriving’ (No. 5352)Footnote 51

    ED üst ‘upper surface, top’; opposite to alt, ast but unlike those words used as an ordinary N. in phr. like ayak üsti ‘the upper surface of the foot’, and an ordinary Adj. in phr. üst yurt ‘the upper camping ground’. There are no early occurrences but the Den. V. üste:-, q.v., is an old word. (p. 242a)

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    üst ‘upper part, the above’ (XUL 723b; UXL 760b), ‘top, upper part; surface’ (URS 126b)

    u̇st ‘upper part’ (ETED 328)

    üsti ‘upper part, the above’ (XUL 721b, 722a)

    See No. 1. 天.
  17. 17. 天下 tiānxià ‘world’ (“under part of heaven”)

    忝額刀阿思廷 (sic ⇒ 忝額力阿思廷) tiǎn-é-lì-ā-sī-tíng ‖ tʰjεm̌-jajˋ/njεˋ (?)-liˋ-ɔ-sz̩-tʰiŋˊ (teŋgeri astïn ‘under part of heaven’)

    BT 天下 忝額力阿思廷 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 天下 under part of heaven 忝額力阿思廷 /teŋŋeri astin/ (p. 108)

    WT astïn ‘under’ (No. 920)Footnote 52

    ED astın Adj. and Adv. of place, probably a crasis of *asttın, see alt; syn. w. altın; liable to be confused with oblique cases of ast, q.v. (p. 242b)

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    astïn ‘under, low, lower, floor’ (ETED 28)

    astin ‘bottom’ (URS 36a)

    This Uighur word should be in the form of teŋgeri astï with the third person possessive suffix, because astïn is not a noun.

    ED ast ‘the bottom, or lower surface, of something’; syn. w. and with the same peculiar character as alt, q.v.; not noted before the medieval period, but astın, asra:, q.v., are older. (p. 242a)

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    ast ‘lower part’ (XUL 902b, 904b), ‘lower part, bottom’ (UXL 22b), ‘bottom, lower  part; (in the form of astida) under’ (URS 35b), ‘bottom, lowest part’ (ETED 27)

    The Turkic synonym for astïn is altïn as follows:

    KY altïn (ngan-ting [俺丁 ǎn-dīng]) ‘en bas, au dessous’ (Ligeti 1966: 128) altïn ‘en bas, au dessous’, dans tŋri altïn ‘ciel’ et ‘au-dessous’; qapï altïn ‘porte’ et  ‘au-dessous’ (Ligeti 1969: 7)

    tŋri ‘ciel; céleste’; …; tŋri altïn ‘ciel’ et ‘au-dessous’, calque fait sur le chin. 天下 t'ien-  hia ‘(ce qui est sous le ciel) empire, monde’.Footnote 53 (Ligeti 1969: 201)

    ED altın Adj. and Adv. of place and metaph. of time, probably a crasis of *alttın der. fr. alt, q.v.; ‘below, beneath, lower’. (p. 131a)

    By the way, the compiler misunderstood obviously the meaning of Chin. 天下 tiānxià, for he translated the Chinese word into Uighur literally. The following words are used for world in modern Uighur:

    dunya ‘world’ (XUL 819b; UXL 88ab), ‘world, universe; riches, wealth; much, many,  very much’ (URS 454bc; < Arabic)Footnote 54

    yer yüzi ‘world’ (XUL 819b)

    alem ‘world’ (XUL 691b, 819b; UXL 11b), ‘world, universe’ (URS 46a; < Arabic)Footnote 55

    See No. 1. 天.
  18. 18. 天邊 tiānbiān ‘horizon’ (“edge of the sky”)Footnote 56

    忝額刀克列 (sic ⇒ 忝額力克列) tiǎn-é-lì-kè-liè ‖ tʰjεm̌-jajˋ/njεˋ (?)-liˋ-[kʰəǰ]-ljεˋ (teŋgeri qïrïγ) (“edge of the sky”)

    BT 天邊 忝額力客到Footnote 57 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 天邊 horizon 忝額力克列 /teŋŋeri qïrïγ/ (p. 108)

    ED kırga:ğFootnote 58 Hap. leg. but see kırğağlığ; Dev. N. fr. 2 *kırğa:-; there is an obvious connection with Çağ. kırığ/kırık (see kıruk) which looks like a Sec. f. of kıḏığFootnote 59; …. (p. 653b)

    kırğağlığ Hap. leg.; P.N./A. fr. 2 kırga:ğ; ‘having a selvedge or border’. (p. 657a)

    kıruk Pass. Dev. N./A. fr. kır-; lit. ‘scraped’ or the like, and in the medieval period ‘broken, destroyed’. … Çağ. xv ff. kırığ/kırık (1) kanār ‘edge, side, shore’, etc. (quotns.) also called kırağ/kırak; … (p. 652ab)

    This Uighur word should be in the form of teŋgeri qïrïγï with the third person possessive suffix.Footnote 60 It may be teŋgeri qïrï.

    WT qïr ‘dike, embankment’ (No. 873),Footnote 61 ‘raised path between fields’ (No. 10946)Footnote 62

    ED kır Preliminary note. There are two common words of this form meaning respectively ‘high ground’ and the like, SW Tkm. ğır, and ‘grey’, Tkm. ğı:r. … In a number of modern languages kır also means ‘edge’, see R II 733, but this may be an extension of the first meaning. (p. 641a)

    kır originally ‘an isolated mountain or block of mountains’; in this sense and more generally for ‘high ground’ s.i.a.m.l.g., but in some languages, including NW Nog., SW Osm. it hardly means more than ‘plain, steppe, wilderness’ without any connotation of height. (p. 641a)

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    qïr ~ qï ~ qïy ‘edge of a field, edge of earth or clods of earth which surrounds each field (cultivated and irrigated square) and which hinder the water to run away when the field is irrigated, bank of a river’ (ETED 248)

    qir ‘edge; low bank of earth between fields, raised path between fields; ridges on an object’ (UXL 696a), ‘border, boundary path between plots; slope, hill-side; hilly steppe; edge’ (URS 623a)

    By the way, the compiler obviously misunderstood the meaning of Chin. 天邊 tiānbiān, for he translated the Chinese word into Uighur literally. The following Arabic wordFootnote 63 is used for horizon in modern Uighur:

    upuq ‘horizon’ (XUL 817a; UXL 545a), ‘sky (immediately over horizon); horizon’ (URS 116b)

    See No. 1. 天.
  19. 19. 天高 tiān gāo ‘the sky is high’

    忝額刀也德子 (sic ⇒ 忝額力也德子) tiǎn-é-lì-yě-dé-zǐ ‖ tʰjεm̌-jajˋ/njεˋ (?)-liˋ-jε̌-təǰ-tsž̩ (teŋgeri ėdiz)

    BT 天髙 忝額力也的Footnote 64子 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 天高 the sky is high 忝額力也德子 /teŋŋeri ėdiz/ (p. 108)

    KY ediz (a-ti-sseu [阿的思 ā-dì-sī] = ediz) ‘haut’ (Ligeti 1966: 133)

    WT igiz ‘high, tall’ (No. 704Footnote 65, No. 5131Footnote 66), ‘strong, powerful, vigorous’ (No. 11406)Footnote 67

    ED éḏiz/éḏi:z ‘high, lofty’. (p. 73b)

    The form of ėdiz should be from a written source, for the development of -d- > -y- and -d > -y must have occurred already at that point in time, e.g. 伯亦 bó-yì ‖ paǰ-[jiˋ] (boy < *bōd) ‘body’ and 遣印 qiǎn-yìn ‖ kʰjεň-jinˋ (keyin < *kė̄din) ‘behind, back, rear’, etc. The Chinese character 也 may denote a prothetic y- in word-inial /ė/.Footnote 68

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    igiz ‘tall; high’ (XUL 255a), ‘tall and erect’ (XUL 257a), ‘high, tall and big, high and steep’ (UXL 139a)

    ėgiz ‘high; tall, high-rise’ (URS 151a)

    igiz ~ ėgiz ‘high, high up, elevated, tall, height’ (ETED 138)

    See No. 1. 天.
  20. 20. 天陰 tiān yīn ‘the sky is cloudy’

    忝額刀卜禄孛里的 (sic ⇒ 忝額力卜禄孛里的) tiǎn-é-lì-bǔ-lù-bó-lǐ-dì ‖ tʰjεm̌-jajˋ/njεˋ (?)-liˋ-pǔ-luˋ-pɔˊ-lǐ-tǐ (teŋgeri bulut boldï “the sky became cloudy”)

    BT 天陰 忝額力卜禄孛里的 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 天陰 the sky is cloudy 忝額力卜禄孛里的 /teŋŋeri bulut boldi/ (p. 108)

    KY [陰了] bulït boldï (pou-li pan-ti [卜力板的 bǔ-lì-bǎn-dì]) ‘(le temps) est nébuleux’ (Ligeti 1966: 146)

    bol- ‘être, devenir’: boldï, dans plusieurs expressions (Ligeti 1966: 143)

    bulït boldï ‘(le temps) est nébuleux’ (Ligeti 1966: 143)

    bol- ‘être, devenir; verbe auxiliaire’: boldï, passé, dans … (Ligeti 1969: 18)

    ED bol- originally ‘to become (something)’, implying a change of state, in contrast to er- ‘to be (something)’ with the contrary implication. From a fairly early date, however, bol- began to lose its distinctive character and verge, at any rate sometimes, towards ‘to be’, and when some tenses of er- became obsolete they were usually replaced by tenses of bol- (but see 1 tur-). C.i.a.p.a.l. (p. 331a)

    This verb is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    bol- ‘to become’ (XUL 90b, 151a, 206a, 1155a), ‘to be, to become; to occur, …’ (URS 58b), ‘to be, to become, to turn, …’ (ETED 58)

    vol- ‘to be, to become, to turn, …’ (ETED 58)

    See No. 1. 天.
  21. 21. 天晴 tiān qíng ‘the sky clears up’

    忝額刀阿赤里的 (sic ⇒ 忝額力阿赤里的) tiǎn-é-lì-ā-chì-lǐ-dì ‖ tʰjεm̌-jajˋ/njεˋ (?)-liˋ-ɔ-tʂʰǐ-lǐ-tǐ (teŋgeri ačïldï “the sky cleared up”)

    BT 天晴 忝額力阿赤里的 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 天晴 the sky is cleared 忝額力阿赤里的 /teŋŋeri ačildi/ (p. 108)

    KY [晴了 qíng le] ačïl- ‘s'ouvrir, s’éclaircir (le temps)’: ačïldï (év. en function d'un substantif)Footnote 69, dans ačïldï boldï (a-tch'en-ti pan-ti [阿嗔的板的 ā-chēn-dì-bǎn-dì]) ‘(le temps) est clair’ (Ligeti 1966: 125)

    WT ačïldï ‘it cleared up’ (No. 200)Footnote 70

    ED açıl- Pass. f. of 1 aç-; lit. ‘to be opened’, with various extended and metaph. meanings. S.i.a.m.l.g. (p. 26b)

    This verb is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    ačïl- ~ äčïl- ‘to be opened, to become opened, …’ (ETED 12)

    ėčil- ‘to be opened’ (XUL 446a; UXL 100a), ‘to be cleared’ (XUL 672b), ‘to be opened, to come unlocked; to blossom out; to clear up; to be revealed; to become merry’ (URS 143b)

    hawa ėčildi ‘the sky cleared up’ (URS 143b; hawa < Arabic)Footnote 71

    hawa ėčilip ketti ‘the sky cleared up’ (XUL 672b)

    See No. 1. 天 and No. 35. 雲開.
  22. 22. 天暁 tiān xiǎo ‘the day breaks / dawns’

    忝額刀湯Footnote 72呀禄的 (sic ⇒ 忝額力湯呀禄的) tiǎn-é-lì-tāng-yā-lù-dì ‖ tʰjεm̌-jajˋ/njεˋ (?)-liˋ-tʰaŋ-[ja] (?)-luˋ-tǐ (teŋgeri taŋ yarudï “the day broke / dawned”)

    BT 天曉 忝額力湯啞Footnote 73禄的 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 天暁 morning dawns 忝額力湯呀禄的 /teŋŋeri taŋ yarudi/ (p. 108)

    WT yarudï ‘the light of the early morning sun appeared’ (No. 7)Footnote 74, ‘the day broke / dawned’ (No. 11)Footnote 75

    ED taŋ (d-) ‘dawn’; s.i.a.m.l.g.; …. (p. 510b)

    yaru:- ‘to be, or become bright; to shine’; … (p. 956b)

    The appropriate Uighur form would be taŋ yarudï. In other words, teŋgeri in teŋgeri taŋ yarudï is excessive. This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    taŋ yoru- ‘to dawn’ (XUL 818b; URS 788b)

    taŋ yoridi ‘the day broke / dawned’ (XUL 508b; URS 280b)

    taŋ ‘dawn, daybreak’ (XUL 496a, 774a, 925a; UXL 452b; URS 280b; ETED 294)

    yoru- ‘to shine’ (XUL 508b; UXL 606a), ‘to brighten; to light up; to shine; to come’ (URS 788b)

    Another expression for ‘to dawn’ is taŋ at- in the Turkic languages:

    KY at- ‘tirer, lancer’: atdï, dans taŋ atdï ‘le jour pointe’ (Ligeti 1966: 132)

    taŋ ‘le point du jour’, dans taŋ atdï (t'ang a-ti [湯阿的 tāng-ā-dì]) ‘le jour pointe’ (Ligeti 1966: 259)

    WT taŋ attï ‘the day broke / dawned bright’ (No. 12)Footnote 76

    ED at- basically ‘to throw, to shoot’, with a very wide range of extended and metaph. meanings. (Red. for examples lists 22). There is a wide variation in the cases of the direct and indirect object; … In some phr., e.g. taŋ at- ‘of the dawn, to break’ there is no stated Object; and in some languages at- has almost become an Aux. V. C.i.a.m.l.g. (p. 36a)

    This expression is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    taŋ at- ‘to dawn’ (XUL 818b; UXL 452b; URS 18b, 280b; ETED 294)

    taŋ atti ‘the day broke / dawned’ (URS 18b, 280b)

    See No. 1. 天.
  23. 23. 天鍳 tiān jiàn ‘the heaven watches (good and evil on the ground)’

    忝額刀科来都兒 (sic ⇒ 忝額力科来都兒) tiǎn-é-lì-kē-lái-dū-ér ‖ tʰjεm̌-jajˋ/njεˋ (?)-liˋ-kʰwɔ-lajˊ-tu-rr̩ˊ (teŋgeri köredur “the heaven watches/sees”)

    BT 天鍳 忝額力科来都兒 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 天鍳 忝額力科来都兒 /taŋŋeriFootnote 77 köredur/ (p. 108)

    KY [看 kàn] kör- ‘voir, regarder’, dans körüp (k'ou-lou [苦禄 kǔ-lù]) id. (Ligeti 1966: 176)

    [見 jiàn] kör- ‘voir, regarder’: körmiš (k'ou-eul-mi-che [苦兒密失 kǔ-ér-mì-shī]) (Ligeti 1969: 37)

    WT köredu ‘he looks’ (No. 5873)Footnote 78

    köredu ‘he sees’ (No. 5907)Footnote 79

    ED kör- (g-) basically ‘to see (something Acc.)’ with several extended meanings like ‘to experience (something Acc.); to look to, i.e. obey (someone Dat.); to see to it that (you do something, Ger. in -u:/-ü:)’. (p. 736a)

    The verb in question is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    kör- ‘to see’ (XUL 391a, 452a, 452b), ‘to blame, to complain’ (XUL 287a), ‘to see; to blame, to complain; to regard; to get (descendant); to suspect’ (UXL 213b), ‘to see; to look, to observe; to visit; to consider, to suppose, to assume’ (URS 649ab)

    kör- ~ kȫ- ~ kö·- ~ kö- ~ kor- ~ köy- ~ čör- ‘to see, to regard, to look, to visit’ (ETED 177)

    köy-dial. = kör-’ (URS 659b)

    See No. 1. 天.

    Hua-Yi Yiyu 4: The Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University, Sangwŏnjeŏ; Hwaiyŏgŏ (Seoul, 2010), p. 489.

  24. 24. 青天 qīngtiān ‘blue sky’

    闊克忝額刀 (sic ⇒ 闊克忝額力) kuò-kè-tiǎn-é-lì ‖ kʰwɔ̌-[kʰəǰ]-tʰjεm̌-jajˋ/njεˋ (?)-liˋ (kök teŋgeri)Footnote 80

    BT 青天 闊克忝額力 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 青天 blue sky 闊克忝額力 /kök teŋŋeri/ (p. 108)

    The expression for ‘blue sky’ is found as follows:

    KY [靑空 qīng-kōng] kök qalïq Footnote 81 ‘ciel, firmament’ (Ligeti 1966: 175)

    qalïq ‘ciel, firmament’, dans kök qalïq (k'o ha-li [渴哈力 kě-hā-lì]) (Ligeti 1966: 160)

    WT kök āsmān (No. 3Footnote 82; āsmān < Per.)

    This expression is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    kök asman ‘blue sky’ (XUL 666a, 667a; UXL 22a)

    See No. 1. 天 and No. 28. 青雲.
  25. 25. 黃天 huángtiān ‘yellow sky’

    撒刀忝額刀 (sic ⇒ 撒力忝額力) sā-lì-tiǎn-é-lì ‖ sǎ-liˋ-tʰjεm̌-jajˋ/njεˋ (?)-liˋ (sarïγ teŋgeri)

    BT 黃天 撒立Footnote 83忝額力 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 黃天 yellow sky 撒力忝額力 /sarïγ teŋŋeri/ (p. 108)

    KY sarïγ (sa-li [撒力 sā-lì]) ‘jaune’ (Ligeti 1966: 193)

    WT sėriq ‘yellow’ (No. 12036)

    ED sarığ ‘yellow’; c.i.a.p.a.l. w. some phonetic changes; apparently an early l.-w. in Mongolian as şira (Haenisch 141).Footnote 84 (p. 848a)

    This adjective is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    sariγ ‘(dial.) yellow’ (URS 495c)

    sėriq ‘yellow’ (XUL 346b; UXL 413a), ‘yellow; chestnut, light brown; man with blond hair’ (URS 530c-531a)

    särïγ ~ särïq ~ säyïγ ~ sïrïγ ~ sïyïγ ‘yellow, pale, ashamed’ (ETED 267)

    See No. 1. 天, No. 30. 黃雲, and No. 67. 黃風.
  26. 26. 黑天 hēitiān ‘night’ (“black sky”)

    噶剌忝額刀 (sic ⇒ 噶剌忝額力) gá-là-tiǎn-é-lì ‖ [kɔ̌] ?-[laˋ]-tʰjεm̌-jajˋ/njεˋ (?)-liˋ (qara teŋgeri ‘black sky’)

    BT 黑天 噶剌忝額力 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 黑天 black sky 噶剌忝額力 /qara teŋŋeri/ (p. 108)

    KY qar-a (ha-la [哈喇 hā-lā]) ‘noir’ (Ligeti 1966: 162)

    WT qara ‘black’ (No. 12081)

    ED kara: ‘black’, primarily in a physical sense, but with a great many metaph. meanings, often pejorative, e.g. kara: boḏun ‘the ordinary people’ (as opposed to the aristocracy). C.i.a.p.a.l.; an early l.-w. in MongolianFootnote 85, and in Persian, etc., Doerfer III 1440. (p. 643b)

    This adjective is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    qara ‘black’ (XUL 320b, 880a, 960b; UXL 676b)

    qara ~ qa·a ~qaa ‘black, of minor value’ (ETED 239)

    By the way, the compiler obviously misunderstood the meaning of Chinese 黑天 hēitiān, for this Chinese word was translated into Uighur literally. The following words are identified for night in Uighur:
    1. (1) KY [夜 ; 夕 ] keče (k'o-tch'o [克扯 kè-chě]) ‘nuit’; ‘soir’ (Ligeti 1966: 171)

      keče ‘nuit’ (Ligeti 1969: 34)

      WT keče ‘night’ (No. 490)Footnote 86

      ED kéçe: (géce:) Dev. N./A. fr. 2 ké:ç-; in the earliest period used as an Adv. ‘late in the evening’, but soon after as a N. for ‘the late evening’, the period preceding tün, ‘the night’. S.i.a.m.l.g. with some phonetic and semantic variations; … (p. 694b)

      This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

      kėče ‘night’ (XUL 991a; UXL 188b), ‘evening; night; evening, evening-party’ (URS 666b)

      kiče ~ kẹ̇če ~ kėče ~ kičˈa ‘night, evening, in the night’ (ETED 172)

    2. (2) WT tün otrasï ‘midnight’ (No. 492)Footnote 87

      tün yarïmï ‘midnight’ (No. 491)Footnote 88

      ED tün (d-) ‘night’; in some modern languages additionally or alternatively ‘yesterday’. (p. 513a)

      This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

      tün ‘night’ (XUL 991a; UXL 535b; URS 339c)

      tu̇n ‘night’ (ETED 318)

    3. (3) ED axşam ‘evening’. Probably a l.-w. from Sogdian *’γš’m (Persian şām), cf. Sogdian ’γšp ‘night’, (Persian şab.) S.i.a.m.l.g., but rare in NE where iŋir ‘dusk’, q.v., is usually used in this sense. (p. 96b)

      This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

      axšam ‘evening, dusk; yesterday evening’ (XUL 856b, 857a; UXL 4a), ‘dusk, evening’ (XUL 578a), ‘night’ (XUL 991a), ‘evening; time of the fourth prayer; evening prayer’ (URS 23a), ‘evening, evening-time, in the evening, yesterday evening’ (ETED 15)

      aqšam ‘evening; time of the fourth prayer; evening prayer’ (URS 41c)

      See No. 1. 天, No. 32. 黑雲, No. 49. 月黑, and No. 66. 黑風.
  27. 27. 天紅 tiān hóng ‘the sky is red’

    忝額刀克即兒 (sic ⇒ 忝額力克即兒) tiǎn-é-lì-kè-jí-ér ‖ tʰjεm̌-jajˋ/njεˋ (?)-liˋ-[kʰəǰ]-[tsǐ]-rr̩ˊ (teŋgeri qïzïl)

    BT 天紅 忝額力格Footnote 89即兒 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 天紅 the sky becomes red 忝額力克即兒 /teŋŋeri qïzil/ (p. 108)

    KY [赤 chì]Footnote 90 qïzïl (k'i-sin [起新 qǐ-xīn]) ‘rouge’ (Ligeti 1966: 167)

    qïzïl ‘rouge’ (Ligeti 1969: 32)

    WT qïzïl ‘the 3rd of the 10 Heavenly stems’ (No. 293)Footnote 91, ‘red’ (No. 12048)Footnote 92

    ED kızıl Intrans. Dev. N./A. fr. kız-; ‘red’. S.i.a.m.l.g.; l.-w. in Persian, etc., Doerfer III 1481. (p. 683b)

    This adjective is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    qïzïl ‘red, beautiful’ (ETED 249)

    qizil ‘red’ (XUL 149a, 325a, 833b), ‘vermilion’ (XUL 99a, 1120a), ‘measles’ (XUL 541a), ‘red, vermilion; measles’ (UXL 701ab), ‘red, rosy; coll. measles, German measles’ (URS 626b)

    See No. 1. 天 and No. 29. 紅雲.
  28. 28. 青雲 qīngyún ‘high official position’ (“blue cloud”)

    闊闊課克 kuò-kuò-kè-kè ‖ kʰwɔ̌-kʰwɔ̌-kʰwɔˋ-[kʰəǰ] (kök kök ‘blue cloud’)

    BT 青雲 闊闊課克 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 青雲 blue cloud 闊闊課克 /kök kök/ (p. 109)

    青雲 qīngyún means figuratively ‘high official position’ or ‘high ambitions / aspirations’ in Chinese. Nevertheless, the compiler translated this word into Uighur literally. Moreover 闊闊 reminds us of Mongolian kökö (< köke) ‘blue’.Footnote 93 The following words are found as a counterpart of 青雲 qīngyún in modern Uighur:

    yuquri mertiwe ‘high official position’ (XUL 667a; mertiwe < Arabic)Footnote 94

    yuquri orun Footnote 95 ‘high official position’ (XUL 667a)

    See No. 2. 雲 and No. 24. 青天.
  29. 29. 紅雲 hóngyún ‘red cloud’

    克即課克 (sic ⇒ 克即兒課克)Footnote 96 kè-jí-ér-kè-kè ‖ [kʰəǰ]-[tsǐ]-rr̩ˊ-kʰwɔˋ-[kʰəǰ] (qïzïl kök)

    BT 紅雲 刻Footnote 97即勒Footnote 98課克 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 紅雲 red cloud 克即勒課克 [kè-jí-lè-kè-kè] /qïzil kök/ (p. 109)

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    qizil bulut ‘red cloud [彤云 tóngyún]’ (XUL 833b)

    See No. 2. 雲 and No. 27. 天紅.
  30. 30. 黃雲 huángyún ‘yellow cloud’

    撒刀課克 (sic ⇒ 撒力課克) sā-lì-kè-kè ‖ sǎ-liˋ-kʰwɔˋ-[kʰəǰ] (sarïγ kök)

    BT 黃雲 撒立Footnote 99課克 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 黃雲 yellow cloud 撒力課克 /sarïγ kök/ (p. 109)

    This word is not found in the dictionaries of modern Uighur.

    See No. 2. 雲, No. 25. 黃天, and No. 67. 黃風.

  31. 31. 白雲 báiyún ‘white cloud’

    阿勒課克 (sic ⇒ 阿克課克) ā-kè-kè-kè ‖ ɔ-[kʰəǰ]-kʰwɔˋ-[kʰəǰ] (aq kök)

    BT 白雲 阿勒課克 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 白雲 white cloud 阿勒課克 /al kök/ (p. 109)

    WT aq ‘white’ (No. 12064)

    ED a:k ‘white’ originally as the colour of an animal's coat as opposed to the more general word ürüŋFootnote 100, q.v., later ‘white’ in all senses. (p. 75a)

    The compiler could have confused 阿克 ā-kè ‘white’ and 阿勒 ā-lè ‘scarlet’. The words 阿克 ā-kè and 阿勒 ā-lè are found in 聲色門 shengsemen ‘the category of color’.Footnote 101 The word in question is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    aq bulut ‘white cloud’ (UXL 64b), ‘cloud’ (URS 222c)

    aq ‘white’ (XUL 11b; UXL 34a), ‘white; light, bright, clear; grey; white (of an egg); wall- eye; honest; truthful, upright’ (URS 40ab)

    aq ~ ax ‘white, clean, pure, stainless’ (ETED 24)

    See No. 2. 雲.
  32. 32. 黑雲 hēiyún ‘black cloud’

    噶喇課克 gá-lǎ-kè-kè ‖ [kɔ̌] ?-[lǎ] (?)-kʰwɔˋ-[kʰəǰ] (qara kök)

    BT 黑雲 噶剌Footnote 102課克 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 黑雲 black cloud 噶喇課克 /qara kök/ (p. 109)

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    qara bulut ‘black cloud’ (XUL 880a; UXL 64b; URS 222c)

    qara bulutlar ‘black clouds’ (URS 579a)

    See No. 2. 雲, No. 26. 黑天, No. 49. 月黑, and No. 66. 黑風.
  33. 33. 五色雲 wǔ-sè-yún ‘five coloured cloud’Footnote 103

    別失翁六課克 bié-shī-wēng-liù-kè-kè ‖ pjεˊ-ʂǐ-uŋ-liwˋ-kʰwɔˋ-[kʰəǰ] (bėš öŋlük kök)Footnote 104

    BT 五色雲 别失翁六課克 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 五色雲 five coloured cloud 別失翁六課克 /beš öŋlüük kök/ (p. 109)

    KY biš (pi-che [必失 bì-shī]) ‘cinq’ (Ligeti 1966: 142)

    biš ‘cinq’; [五色布 wǔ-sè-bù] biš öŋlük Footnote 105 bo̤z (pi-che wong-lou pou-sseu [必失翁禄卜思 bì-shī-wēng-lù-bǔ-sī]) ‘toile de cinq couleurs, toile de couleurs variées’ (Ligeti 1969: 17)

    [顔色 yán-sè] öŋlük (wong-lou [翁禄 wēng-lù]) ‘couleur’ (Ligeti 1966: 190)

    öŋlük ‘couleur’; biš öŋlük bo̤z ‘toile de cinq couleurs’ (Ligeti 1969: 46)

    bo̤z ‘toile’; biš öŋlük bo̤z ‘toile de cinq couleurs’ (Ligeti 1969: 19)

    WT bėš ‘five’ (No. 3168)

    bėš raŋ qarluγač Footnote 106 “five-coloured swallow” (No. 18335Footnote 107; raŋ < Per.)Footnote 108

    ED bé:ş ‘five’; c.i.a.p.a.l. (p. 376a)

    öŋlüg P.N./A. fr. 2 öŋ; ‘coloured’; normally with a preceding word indicating the colour. S.i.s.m.l. w. phonetic changes. (p. 185b)

    The components of this word are found in modern Uighur as follows:

    beš ‘five’ (XUL 888a; UXL 71a; URS 203b; ETED 54)

    bėš ‘five’ (ETED 54)

    öŋlük ‘with a complexion, with a skin colour’ (UXL 749b)

    See No. 2. 雲.
  34. 34. 雲起 yún qǐ ‘clouds gather’

    課克科卜 kè-kè-kē-bǔ ‖ kʰwɔˋ-[kʰəǰ]-kʰwɔ-pǔ (kök qop- ‘(clouds) to gather’)

    BT 雲起 課克科卜 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 雲起 clouds gather 課克科卜 /kök qop/ (p. 109)

    ED kop- ‘to rise’; probably originally in the sense of ‘to rise in the air’, but Kaş. also translates it, like tur-, by qāma ‘to stand up, rise in one's place’. (p. 580a)

    It is certainly a literal translation of Chinese 雲起. The verb stem is given here. As is well known, the imperative of the second person singular is identical with the stem. The verb of this word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    qop- ‘to rise, to get up, to stand up’ (XUL 641a; UXL 707b; URS 600c), ‘to rise, to get up, to stand up; to begin, to start, to go away’ (ETED 251)

    See No. 2. 雲 and 60. 風起.

    Hua-Yi Yiyu 5: The Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University, Sangwŏnjeŏ; Hwaiyŏgŏ (Seoul, 2010), p. 490.

  35. 35. 雲開 yún kāi ‘clouds break’Footnote 109

    課克阿赤里的 kè-kè-ā-chì-lǐ-dì ‖ kʰwɔˋ-[kʰəǰ]-ɔ-tʂʰǐ-lǐ-tǐ (kök ačïldï “clouds broke”)

    BT 雲開 課克阿赤里的 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 雲開 clouds break 課克阿赤里的 /kök ačildi/ (p. 109)

    This expression is not found in the dictionaries of modern Uighur.

    See No. 2. 雲 and No. 21. 天晴.

  36. 36. 雲散 yún sàn ‘clouds lift’

    課克塔兒哈的 kè-kè-tǎ-ér-hā-dì ‖ kʰwɔˋ-[kʰəǰ]-tʰǎ-rr̩ˊ-[xɔˊ] (?)-tǐ (kök tarqadï “clouds lifted”)

    BT 雲散 課克塔兒哈的 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 雲散 clouds lift 課克塔兒哈的 /kök tarqatdi/ (p. 109)

    KY tarqa- ‘se disperser, s'en aller’, dans keče tarqa ‘se disperser (rentrer) le soir’ (Ligeti 1969: 196)

    keče ‘nuit’; [晩散 wǎn-sǎn] keče tarq-a (k'o-tch'o t'a-eul-ha [克扯塔兒哈 kè-chě-tǎ-ér-hā])   ‘se disperser (s'en aller) le soir’ (Ligeti 1969: 34)

    WT tarqaydu ‘it disperses’ (No. 2313)Footnote 110

    The verb of tarqat- is the causative voice of tarqa- (< Mongolian)Footnote 111 and transitive. Therefore, the reading of Shōgaito is inadequate. The verb of this word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    tarqa- ‘to disperse’ (XUL 709a; ETED 295), ‘to disperse; to spread’ (UXL 458b), ‘to  disperse; to spread (of a rumour)’ (URS 274a)

    See No. 2. 雲.
  37. 37. 日出 rì chū ‘the sun rises; sunrise’

    昆赤黑的 kūn-chì-hēi-dì ‖ kun-tʂʰǐ-xəǰ-tǐ (kün čïqdï “the sun has risen”)

    BT 日出 昆赤黑的 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 日出 the sun rises 昆赤黑的 /kün čïxdi/ (p. 109)

    KY kün čïqtï ‘le soleil se leva’ (Ligeti 1966: 177)

    čïq- ‘sortir’: čïqtï, dans kün čïqtï (k'ouen tch'e-ti [坤尺的 kūn-chǐ-dì]) ‘le soleil se leva’   (Ligeti 1966: 152)

    čïq- ‘sortir; pousser, produire’: … (Ligeti 1969: 22)

    WT kün čïqdï ‘the sun has risen’ (No. 35)

    ED çık- ‘to go out; to come out’. S.i.a.m.l.g. with a wide range of extended meanings esp. in SW. It is no doubt fortuitous that neither çık- nor çıkar- are noted before XI. The theory propounded in ., p. 27, note 27 that that is a crasis of taşık- is quite unconvincing. (pp. 405b-406a)

    taşık- (?d-) Intrans. Den. V. fr. 1 taş; ‘to go out’. N.o.a.b. (p. 562a)

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    kün čiq- ‘(of the sun) to rise’ (XUL 696a; UXL 221b)

    kün čiqti ‘the sun has risen’ (UXL 221b, 377b; URS 410b, 664a)

    čïq- ~ čïx- ~ čx- ‘to go, to go away, to leave, to go out, to go off, to depart, to go up, to fly  up, to arise, to march off, to come, to come out, …’ (ETED 70)

    čiq- ‘to come out, to go out, …’ (XUL 107b; UXL 377b), ‘to come out’ (XUL 109a), ‘to  go out’ (XUL 110a), ‘to go out; to leave; to pass; to climb, to climb up, …’ (URS 410bc)

    See No. 3. 日, No. 44. 月出, and No. 53. 星出.
  38. 38. 日落 rì luò ‘the sun sets; sunset’

    昆把習的 kūn-bǎ-xí-dì ‖ kun-pǎ-siˊ-tǐ (kün batdï “the sun has set”)

    BT 日落 昆把習的 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 日落 the sun sets 昆把習的 /kün basdi/ (p. 109)

    KY kün batdï ‘le soleil se coucha’ (Ligeti 1966: 177)

    bat- ‘tomber, immerger’: batdï, dans kün batdï (k'ouen pa-ti [坤把的 kūn-bǎ-dì]) ‘le   soleil se coucha’ (Ligeti 1966: 139)

    WT kün pattï ‘the sun has set’ (No. 41)

    ED bat- basically ‘to descend and disappear’ (as opposed to én- which is merely ‘to descend’), hence ‘to sink; (of the sun, etc.) to set.’ Si.a.m.l.g. (p. 298a)

    Although 把習的 can be read as basdï, the verb meaning ‘to set (sun, etc.)’ is not bas-, but bat- in the Turkic languages. The verb of bas- means ‘to press’, and the like.Footnote 112 This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    kün pat- ‘for the sun to set’ (UXL 221b)

    kün patti ‘the sun has set’ (URS 663b-664a)

    pat- ‘to set’ (XUL 538a), ‘to have room’ (XUL 93a, 697b), ‘to sink’ (XUL 87a, 914b), ‘to  have room; to sink; to submerge, …’ (UXL 327b), ‘to sink; to stick (in); to press in, to  squeeze oneself; to go in, to have room; to set, …’ (URS 238bc), ‘to get room, to have  room, to be room for; to mire, to bog’ (ETED 224)

    In modern Uighur, another expression for ‘for the sun to set’ is quyaš Footnote 113 patti ‘the sun has set’ (URS 238c).

    See No. 3. 日, No. 45. 月落, and 54. 星落.

  39. 39. 日中 rìzhōng ‘midday’

    昆土失的 kūn-tǔ-shī-dì ‖ kun-tʰǔ-ʂǐ-tǐ (kün tüšdi)

    BT 日中 昆禿Footnote 114失的 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 日中 midday 昆土失的 /kün tüšdi/ (p. 109)

    WT ǰiŋ tüš ‘noon, midday’ (No. 37)Footnote 115

    ED tüş originally ‘a halt on a journey’; thence, since a halt is normally made at midday, it came, via such phr. as tüş ö:ḏi: ‘the time to halt’, to mean ‘midday’ and s.i.a.m.l.g. in this sense. (p. 559a)

    The appropriate Uighur word would be 禿失 tüš. The compiler could have regarded tüš as a verb due to the preceding 昆赤黑的 and 昆把習的. This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    tüš ‘dinner-time, noon, midday’ (URS 335c), ‘noon, midday’ (ETED 320)

    čüš ‘noon, midday’ (XUL 697a; UXL 387b), ‘dinner-time, noon, midday’ (URS 397c)

    See No. 3. 日.
  40. 40. 日長 rì cháng ‘the day is long’

    昆五遵 kūn-wǔ-zūn ‖ kun-ǔ-tsyn (kün uzun)

    BT 日長 昆五遵 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 日長 the day is long 昆五尊 /kün uzun/ (p. 109)

    KY uzun (wou-tsouen [兀尊 wù-zūn]) ‘long’ (Ligeti 1966: 275)

    WT uzun ‘long’ (No. 13394)

    ED uzun Intrans. Dev. N./A. fr. uza:-; ‘long’, of time and space. (p. 288b)

    This adjective is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    uzun ‘long’ (XUL 79b; UXL 553b), ‘long; tall’ (URS 125c-126a)

    uzun ~ uzˈun ~ uǰun ~ u̇zu̇n ‘long, tall, far, far-off, far away’ (ETED 326)

    See No. 3. 日.
  41. 41. 日短 rì duǎn ‘the day is short’

    昆克思哈 kūn-kè-sī-hā ‖ kun-[kʰəǰ]-sz̩-[xɔˊ] (?) (kün qïsqa)

    BT 日短 昆克思哈 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 日短 the day is short 昆克思哈 /kün qïsqa/ (p. 109)

    KY qïsqaq Footnote 116 (k'i-sseu-ha [起思哈 qǐ-sī-hā]) ‘court’ (Ligeti 1966: 166)

    WT qïsqa ‘short’ (No. 13399)

    ED kısğa: N./A.S. fr. kıs-; ‘short’ and the like. (p. 667a)

    This adjective is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    qïsqä ‘short, briefly, in brevity’ (ETED 248)

    qisqa ‘short’ (XUL 191b), ‘brief’ (XUL 389b). ‘simple and clear’ (XUL 390a), ‘short; brief,  simple and clear’ (UXL 698b), ‘short; brief, condensed’ (URS 627c)

    See No. 3. 日.
  42. 42. 日煖 rì nuǎn ‘the weather is warm’

    昆以夕 kūn-yǐ-xī ‖ kun-jǐ-siˊ (kün isig)

    BT 日煖 昆以夕 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 日煖 the weather is warm 昆以夕 /kün isik/ (p. 109)

    KY isig ‘chaud’, dans [熱 ] isig boldï (yi-si pan-ti [以夕板的 yǐ-xī-bǎn-dì]) ‘il fait chaud’   (Ligeti 1966: 157)

    isig boldï ‘il fait très chaud’ (Ligeti 1966: 143)

    WT kün ïsïqraq ‘the weather is warm’ (No. 30)Footnote 117

    ïsïγ ‘hot’ (No. 506)Footnote 118

    ïsïq ‘hot’ (No. 14553)Footnote 119

    ïsïγraq ‘warm’ (No. 517Footnote 120, No. 14554Footnote 121)

    ED isig N./A.S. fr. isi:-; ‘hot, heat’. S.i.a.m.l.g. sometimes much distorted, w. front vowels in some NE and NW languages and SW Az, and back vowels elsewhere. (p. 246a)

    This adjective is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    ïssïγ ~ ïssïq ‘hot, warm’ (ETED 136)

    issiq ‘hot’ (XUL 689a), ‘nice and warm’ (XUL 602b), ‘warm’ (XUL 872b), ‘burning hot’  (XUL 974b), ‘hot, burning hot, warm’ (UXL 153b), ‘heat, intense heat; hot, warm’  (URS 166c)

    See No. 3. 日.
  43. 43. 日蝕 rìshí ‘solar eclipse’

    昆土禿里的 kūn-tǔ-tū-lǐ-dì ‖ kun-tʰǔ-tʰǔ-lǐ-tǐ (kün tutuldï “the sun was eclipsed”)

    BT 日蝕 昆土禿里的 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 日蝕 solar eclipse 昆土禿里的 /kün tutuldi/ (p. 109)

    KY kün tutuldï ‘le soleil s’éclipsa’ (Ligeti 1966: 177)

    kün tutuldï (kouen t'ou-t'ouen-ti [坤禿呑的 kūn-tū-tūn-dì]) ‘le soleil c'est éclipsé’   (Ligeti 1966: 270)

    tutul- ‘s’éclipser’: [蝕 shí] tutuldï (t'ou-t'ouen-ti [禿呑的 tū-tūn-dì]) (Ligeti 1966: 270)

    WT tutuladu ‘it becomes cloudy’ (No. 142)Footnote 122

    ED tutul- Pas. f. of tut-; n.o.a.b. (p. 456b)

    tut- ‘to hold, grasp, seize’, and the like. C.i.a.p.a.l. sometimes with idiomatic   meanings. (p. 451a)

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    kün tutuluš ‘solar eclipse’ (XUL 696b)

    kün tutul- ‘(the sun) to be eclipsed’ (XUL 753a; UXL 222b, 502b)

    kün tutuldi ‘the sun was eclipsed’ (URS 329a, 664a)

    tutul- ‘to be eclipsed (the sun or the moon)’ (XUL 475b, 753a), ‘to be overcast’ (XUL  1015a), ‘to be seized; to be overcast; to be eclipsed’ (UXL 502b), ‘to be seized; to  hesitate; to be overcast’ (URS 329a), ‘to be seized’ (ETED 317)

    The Uighur counterpart of Manchu šun jembi and Chinese 日食 rìshí ‘solar eclipse’ is given as kün küydi Footnote 123 ‘the sun was eclipsed’ (No. 45) in WT. This expression is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    kün köyüš ‘solar eclipse’ (XUL 697a)

    kün köy- ‘(the sun) to be eclipsed’ (UXL 216b, 222a)

    tünügün kün köydi ‘there was a solar eclipse yesterday’ (URS 659a)

    aptap küydi ‘there was a solar eclipse’ (URS 665b; aptap ‘sun’ < Per.)Footnote 124

    köy- ‘(for the sun or the moon) to be eclipsed’ (XUL 753a), ‘to burn’ (XUL 687ab; 726a,  1081a), ‘to be burnt’ (XUL 401b), ‘to scald’ (XUL 809a), ‘to burn; to be burnt; to scald;  to be eclipsed (the sun or the moon); to love, to yearn’ (UXL 216b), ‘to glow, to burn, to  fall in love’ (ETED 175), ‘to burn, to be burnt down; to smoulder; to burn slightly; …’  (URS 659a)

    küy- ‘to burn, to be burnt down; to smoulder; to be scorched; to burn slightly, to be burnt;  …’ (URS 665b)

    See No. 3. 日 and No. 50. 月蝕.
  44. 44. 月出 yuè chū ‘the moon rises’

    愛赤黑的 ài-chì-hēi-dì ‖ ajˋ-tʂʰǐ-xəǰ-tǐ (ay čïqdï “the moon has risen”)

    BT 月出 愛赤黑的 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 月出 the moon rises 愛赤黑的 /ay čïxdi/ (p. 109)

    This expression is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    ay čiq- ‘(of the moon) to rise’ (UXL 28b)

    ay čiqti ‘the moon has risen’ (URS 57a, 410b)

    See No. 4. 月, No. 37. 日出, and No. 53. 星出.
  45. 45. 月落 yuè luò ‘the moon sets’

    愛把習的 ài-bǎ-xí-dì ‖ ajˋ-pǎ-siˊ-tǐ (ay batdï “the moon has set”)

    BT 月落 愛把習的 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 月落 the moon sets 愛把習的 /ay basdi/ (p. 110)

    This expression is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    ay pat- ‘(of the moon) to set’ (UXL 28b)

    ay patti ‘the moon has set’ (URS 57a)

    See No. 4. 月, No. 38. 日落, and No. 54. 星落.
  46. 46. 月圓 yuè yuán ‘the moon is round’

    愛與麻剌的 (sic ⇒ 愛與麻剌) ài-yǔ-má-là ‖ ajˋ-y̌-maˊ-[laˋ] (ay yumalaq)

    BT 月圓 愛與麻剌的 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 月圓 the moon is round 愛與麻剌的 /ay yumalatdi/ (p. 110)

    WT yumalaq ‘round’ (No. 13408)Footnote 125, ‘a wooden cap placed over the point of an arrow’  (No. 4200)Footnote 126, ‘ring, earring’ (No. 12223)Footnote 127

    The appropriate Uighur expression would be 愛與麻剌 ài-yǔ-má-là (ay yumalaq) “the moon is round”. The compiler could have regarded 與麻剌 as a verb due to the preceding 愛赤黑的 and 愛把習的. The verb of yumala- means ‘to roll, to roll down’Footnote 128, whereas yumalaq, a derivative of yumala-, means ‘round’. Therefore, it seems that the compiler did not fully master the Uighur language. He was perhaps a Mongol with good Chinese knowledge or a Chinese with some Uighur/Mongolian knowledge. In other words, the compiler is seemingly not a native Uighur speaker.

    This adjective is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    yumalaq ~ yumulaq ~ ǰɯmalaq ‘round’ (ETED 160)

    yumbulaq ‘(dial.) round, ball-shaped’ (URS 794c)

    yumilaq ‘round’ (XUL 1048b)

    yumulaq ‘circular’ (XUL 1049a), ‘round, circular’ (UXL 609a), ‘round, ball-shaped’  (URS 795a)

    žumulaq ‘round, ball-shaped’ (URS 486b)

    The Uighur counterpart of Manchu biya muheliyen oho and Chinese 月圓 yuè yuán ‘the moon is round’ is given as ay tolun Footnote 129 boldï ‘the moon became a full moon’ (No. 53) in WT. This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    tolun ‘full’; tolun ay ‘full moon’ (URS 323a)

    tolun ~ tulun ‘full’; t. ay ‘full moon’ (ETED 311)

    tulun ‘see tolun’ (URS 339a)

    tolun ay ‘full moon’ (XUL 546b, 862b; UXL 28b, 484a)

    See No. 4. 月.

    Hua-Yi Yiyu 6: The Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University, Sangwŏnjeŏ; Hwaiyŏgŏ (Seoul, 2010), p. 491.

  47. 47. 月缺Footnote 130 yuè quē ‘the moon wanes’ (“the moon is incomplete”)

    愛呀林 ài-yā-lín ‖ ajˋ-[ja] (?)-limˊ (ay yarïm “the moon is half (of the whole)”)

    BT 月缺 愛啞Footnote 131林 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 月缺 the moon wanes 愛呀林 /ay yarim/ (p. 110)

    WT yarïm ‘half’ (No. 13160)Footnote 132

    ED yarım N.S.A. fr. yar-; lit. ‘a single act of splitting’, hence ‘a half’. S.i.a.m.l.g. w. the usual phonetic changes. (p. 968b)

    This adjective is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    yėrim ‘half’ (XUL 17b; UXL 595a; URS 796c)

    yėrim ~ yerim ‘half, middle’ (ETED 155)

    The Uighur expression of ay yarim does not correspond to 月缺. In modern Uighur, the waning of the moon is called ay kėmiyiš Footnote 133, which is analyzed as ay ‘moon’ + kėmiyiš ‘dominishing, decrease, lowering’ (kėmiyiš < kėmey- ‘to diminish, to decrease, to descend’ + i ‘connective vowel’ +  ‘suffix making a deverbal noun’; kėmey- < kem ‘not enough’ + -ey- ‘suffix making a denominal verb’; kem < Per.).Footnote 134

    See No. 4. 月.

  48. 48. 月明 yuè míng ‘the moon is bright’

    愛呀禄 ài-yā-lù ‖ ajˋ-[ja] (?)-luˋ (ay yaruq)

    BT 月明 愛啞Footnote 135禄 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 月明 the moon is bright 愛呀禄 /ay yaruq/ (p. 110)

    KY yaruq ‘lumière’, dans [光明 guāng-míng] yaruq yašuq (ya-lou ya-chou [呀禄呀淑   yā-lù-yā-shū]), id. (Ligeti 1966: 282)

    yašuq ‘lumière’, dans yaruq yašuq, id. (Ligeti 1966: 282)

    WT yaruq ‘light of the early morning sun; first light of day; first glimmerings of dawn’  (No. 6)Footnote 136

    ED yaruk Dev. N./A. fr. yaru:-; ‘light, gleam; bright, shining’, and the like. (p. 962b)

    This adjective is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    yoruq ‘bright’ (XUL 567a, 567b), ‘light; where there is light; crack; bright’ (UXL 606a),  ‘light; bright; ray of light; radiance; shining; lighting’ (URS 788a)

    yaruq ~ yaruγ ‘light’ (ETED 150)

    See No. 4. 月 and No. 58. 星明.
  49. 49. 月黑 yuè hēi ‘the moon is dark’

    愛噶剌 ài-gá-là ‖ ajˋ-[kɔ̌] ?-[laˋ] (ay qara “the moon is black”)

    BT 月黑 愛噶剌 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 月黑 the moon is dark 愛噶剌 /ay qara/ (p. 110)

    The compiler translated this word into Uighur literally. He did not certainly know that 黑 means also ‘dark’. The appropriate Uighur expression would be ay qaraŋγu.

    KY qaraŋγu ‘obscurité, ténèbres’, dans [天暗 tiān-àn] qaraŋγu boldï (ha-lang-hou pan-ti   [哈朗呼板的 hā-lǎng-hū-bǎn-dì]) ‘la nuit tombe’ (Ligeti 1966: 163)

    qaraŋγu boldï ‘la nuit tombe’ (Ligeti 1966: 143)

    [晩暮 wǎn-mù] keče qaraŋγu (k'o-tchö Footnote 137 ha-lang-hou [克扯哈朗呼 kè-chě- hā-lǎng-hū])   ‘crépuscule du soir’ (Ligeti 1966: 163)

    keče qaraŋγu ‘crépuscule du soir’ (Ligeti 1966: 171)

    WT qaraŋγu ‘dim; dark’ (No. 8969)Footnote 138

    qaraŋγu boldï ‘dusk fell’ (No. 15)Footnote 139

    ED karaŋğu: der. fr. kara: but morphologically obscure; ‘dark, darkness’. An early l.-w. in Mongolian as karaŋğu/karaŋğuy (Haenisch 60; Kow. 838)Footnote 140; s.i.a.m.l.g. (p. 662b)

    This adjective is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    qaraŋγu ‘dark’ (XUL 6b, 320b), ‘dark; unclear; dark place’ (UXL 678ab), ‘dark; darkness’  (URS 580b)

    qarˈanγu ~ qarˈaŋγu ~ qaraŋγu ‘dark, darkness’ (ETED 240)

    See No. 4. 月, No. 26. 黑天, No. 32. 黑雲, and No. 66. 黑風.
  50. 50. 月蝕 yuèshí ‘lunar eclipse’

    愛土禿黑的 (sic ⇒ 愛土禿里的) ài-tǔ-tū-lǐ-dì ‖ ajˋ-tʰǔ-tʰǔ-lǐ-tǐ (ay tutuldï “the moon was eclipsed”)

    BT 月蝕 愛土禿里的 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 月蝕 lunar eclipse 愛土禿里的 /ay tutuldi/ (p. 110)

    KY ay tutuldï ‘la lune est éclipsée’ (Ligeti 1966: 126)

    ay tutuldï (ngai t'ou-t'ouen-ti [哀禿呑的 āi-tū-tūn-dì]) ‘la lune s'est éclipsée’   (Ligeti 1966: 270)

    This expression is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    ay tutul- ‘for the moon to be eclipsed’ (UXL 28b, 502b)

    ay tutuluš ‘lunar eclipse’ (XUL 1052b)

    ay tutuludu ‘the moon will be eclipsed’ (URS 329a)

    The Uighur counterpart of Manchu biya jembi and Chinese 月食 yuèshí ‘lunar eclipse’ is given as ay küydi ‘the moon was eclipsed’ (No. 57) in WT. This expression is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    ay köy- ‘for the moon to be eclipsed’ (UXL 28b, 216b)

    See No. 4. 月 and No. 43. 日蝕.
  51. 51. 月滿 yuè-mǎn ‘the moon is full’

    愛禿赤的 (sic ⇒ 愛禿亦的 ⇒ 愛脫亦的 ⇒ 愛脫力的)Footnote 141 ài-tuō-lì-dì ‖ ajˋ-tʰɔ̌-liˋ-tǐ (ay toldï “the moon is full”)

    BT 月滿 愛脱力的 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 月滿 the moon is full 愛禿亦的 /ay tuydi/ (p. 110)

    In the footnote 51 on the same page, Shōgaito writes that 禿亦的 [tū-yì-dì = tuydï] appears as 脱力得 [tuō-lì-dé = toldï] in the manuscript of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London (i.e. the Morrison manuscript). The compiler could not have discerned between toy- ‘to be full, satiated’ and tuy- ‘to perceive, notice, feel’ and did not know that the meaning of 滿 mǎn in 月滿 is not ‘to be full, satiated’, but ‘to be full, to be filled’. The appropriate Turkic verb for 滿 mǎn in 月滿 is tol- ‘to be full, to be filled’.Footnote 142

    By the way, the Uighur word corresponding to the character of 滿 mǎn ‘to be full, to be filled; to feel satisfied’ is also erroneously given as 禿赤的 in 通用門 tongyongmen ‘the category of common use’. This word is given correctly as 脫亦的 /toydi/ [‘he is full/satiated’] in Shōgaito 150.

    ED to:l- (d-) Pass. f. of to:-; ‘to be filled, or full’. S.i.a.m.l.g. with these and some extended meanings like ‘to be fulfilled’; in SW Az., Osm. dol-, Tkm. do:l-, the last proving the long vowel. (p. 491a)

    The verb in question is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    tol- ‘to be full, to be filled’ (XUL 545b; UXL 483b-484a), ‘to fill, to be full, to get full, to be filled’ (ETED 310), ‘to be filled; to be overfilled; to be replenished; …’ (URS 322bc)

    See No. 4. 月.
  52. 52. 月盡 yuèjìn ‘the last day of a month’

    愛島習ài-dǎo-xí-dì ‖ ajˋ-taw̌-siˊ-tǐ (ay daγusdï Footnote 143 “the month has ended”Footnote 144)

    BT 月盡 愛島習的 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 月盡 crescent 愛島習的 /ay doosdi/ (p. 110)

    KY taγus- ‘être terminé; achever’: taγustï, dans [盡了 jìn-le] tükedi taγustï (t'ou-k'o-ti   tao-sseu-ti [土克的倒思的 tǔ-kè-dì-dào-sī-dì] = tükedi taustï) (Ligeti 1969: 193)

    tüke- ‘terminer, achever’Footnote 145: tükedi, dans [盡了 jìn-le] tükedi taγustï (t'ou-k'o-ti   tao-sseu-ti [土克的倒思的] = tükedi taustï), id. (Ligeti 1969: 205)

    The verb of daγus- is borrowed from Mongolian.Footnote 146 It is not found in the dictionaries of modern Uighur. Shōgaito misunderstood the meaning of 月盡. The words for crescent are 新月 xīnyuè, 初月 chūyuè, and 彎月 wānyuè in Chinese.

    See No. 4. 月.

  53. 53. 星出 xīng chū ‘stars come out’

    與里都子赤里的 (sic ⇒ 與里都子赤黑的) yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-chì-hēi-dì ‖ y̌-lǐ-tu-tsž̩-tʂʰǐ-xəǰ-tǐ (yulduz čïqdï “star(s) came out”)

    BT 星出 與里都子赤黑的 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 星出 stars come out 與里都子赤黑的 /yulduz čïxdi/ (p. 110)

    This expression is not found in the dictionaries of modern Uighur.

    See No. 5. 星, No. 37. 日出, and No. 44. 月出.

  54. 54. 星落 xīng luò ‘stars fall’

    與里都子把習的 yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-bǎ-xí-dì ‖ y̌-lǐ-tu-tsž̩-pǎ-siˊ-tǐ (yulduz batdï “star(s) fell”)Footnote 147

    BT 星落 與里都子把習的 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 星落 stars fall 與里都子把習的 /yulduz basdi/ (p. 110)

    This expression is not found in the dictionaries of modern Uighur.

    See No. 5. 星, No. 38. 日落, and No. 45. 月落.

  55. 55. 星多 xīng duō ‘(there are) a lot of stars’

    與里都子脫羅 yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-tuō-luó ‖ y̌-lǐ-tu-tsž̩-tʰɔ̌-lɔˊ (yulduz tolo)

    BT 星多 與里都子脱羅 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 星多 (there are) a lot of stars 與里都子脱羅 /yulduz tolo/ (p. 110)

    KY tolu ‘plein, complet; *arranger;’ répondant, en chinois aux termes ‘préparer,  *pourvoir’; [備 bèi] tolu (t'ou-lou [土禄 tǔ-lù]) id. (Ligeti 1969: 202)

    WT tola ‘many, much’ (No. 13075)

    ED tolu: (do:lo:) Dev. N./A. fr. to:l-; ‘full’. S.i.m.m.l.g.; in SW Az., Osm. dolu; Tkm. do:lı. (p. 491b)

    This adjective is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    tola ‘many, much; very’ (UXL 483b; ETED 310), ‘many, much, great number; very; full’  (URS 321a)

    See No. 5. 星.
  56. 56. 星少 xīng shǎo ‘(there are) a few stars’

    與里都子阿 (sic ⇒ 與里都子阿子) yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-ā-zǐ ‖ y̌-lǐ-tu-tsž̩-ɔ-tsž̩ (yulduz az)

    BT 星少 與里都子阿子 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 星少 (there are) a few stars 與里都子阿子 /yulduz az/ (p. 110)

    KY az (a-sseu [阿思 ā-sī]) ‘peu, peu nombreux’ (Ligeti 1966: 133)

    az ‘peu, peu nombreux’ (Ligeti 1969: 10)

    WT az ‘little, few’ (No. 13122)

    ED a:z ‘few, scanty, a little’. S.i.a.m.l.g.; in NE as. (p. 277a)

    This adjective is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    az ‘little, few’ (XUL 727a; UXL 31b), ‘small in numbers; little, few’ (URS 32b)

    az ~ a·z ~ āz ‘little, few’ (ETED 30)

    See No. 5. 星.
  57. 57. 星光 xīngguāng ‘starlight’

    與里都子奴兒 yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-nú-ér ‖ y̌-lǐ-tu-tsž̩-nuˊ-rr̩ˊ (yulduz nur)

    BT 星光 與里都子奴兒 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 星光 star light 與里都子奴兒 /yulduz nur/ (p. 110)

    The appropriate Uighur form would be yulduz nurï, i.e. with the third person possessive suffix. This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    yultuz nuri ‘starlight’ (XUL 944a)

    nur ‘light, rays of light, radiance’ (XUL 292a-293b; UXL 290b), ‘radiance; light; ray, beam’  (URS 739c; < Arabic)Footnote 148

    nūr ~ nur ~ nū ‘light’ (ETED 210; < Arabic)

    See No. 5. 星.
  58. 58. 星明 xīng míng ‘stars are bright’

    與里都子呀禄 yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-yā-lù ‖ y̌-lǐ-tu-tsž̩-[ja] (?)-luˋ (yulduz yaruq)

    BT 星明 與里都子啞Footnote 149禄 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 星明 stars are bright 與里都子呀禄 /yulduz yaruq/ (p. 110)

    This expression is not found in the dictionaries of modern Uighur.

    See No. 5. 星 and No. 48. 月明.

    Hua-Yi Yiyu 7: The Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University, Sangwŏnjeŏ; Hwaiyŏgŏ (Seoul, 2010), p. 492.

  59. 59. 雷響 léi xiǎng ‘to thunder’

    禄哭兒若勒的 (sic ⇒ 禄哭兒苦勒的) lù-kū-ér-kǔ-lè-dì ‖ luˋ-kʰǔ-rr̩ˊ-kʰǔ-ləjˋ-tǐ (lu kürküredi “it thundered”)

    BT 雷響 禄哭兒若勒的 (sic ⇒ 禄哭兒苦勒的) (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 雷響 to thunder 禄哭兒苦勒的 /lu kürküredi/ (p. 110)

    KY kürkire- ‘il tonne (le ciel)’: kürkiredi (k'ou-eul-k'i-lie-ti [苦兒起列的 kǔ-ér-qǐ-liè-dì])  (Ligeti 1966: 178)

    WT hawā gürküredi ‘it thundered’ (No. 161)Footnote 150

    ED kökre:- (g-) Den. V. fr. 4 kö:k; etymologically the basic meaning must be ‘to thunder’; also used for ‘to make a loud noise’, in various contexts. (p. 713a)

    This verb is found in modern Uighur as follows:Footnote 151

    gürkire- ‘to thunder, to roar’ (XUL 324b), ‘to thunder, to rumble’ (URS 680b)

    görkere- ‘to thunder’ (ETED 105)

    gükire- ‘to whistle, to howl; to thunder, to roar’ (UXL 118a)

    güküre- ‘to thunder, to rumble’ (URS 680c)

    hawa gürkiridi ‘it thundered’ (URS 680b)

    The Uighur counterpart of Manchu akjambi and Chinese 雷鳴 léi míng ‘to thunder’ is given as güldürleydu ‘it is thundering’ (No. 162) in WT. This verb is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    gu̇ldu̇r- ‘to thunder’ (ETED 107)

    γuldurla- ‘to roar, to rumble, to thunder’ (URS 566b)

    γuldurla- ~ γuldɯrlä- ‘to thunder’ (ETED 112)

    göldörle- ‘to fall down with a noise like thunder’ (ETED 105)

    gu̇ldu̇rle- ‘to thunder’ (ETED 107)

    güldürle- ‘to thunder; (of sound) to be thunderous’ (XUL 491ab), ‘to roar, to rumble’ (XUL  526a), ‘to thunder, to roar, to rumble’ (UXL 118b), ‘to thunder’ (XUL 324b; URS 682a)

    güldürmama güldürlimekte ‘the thunder is rumbling’ (XUL 526a)

    hawa güldürle- ‘to thunder’ (UXL 118b)

    hava gu̇ldu̇rleidɯ ‘it is thundering’ (ETED 107)

    hawa güldürlidi ‘it thundered’ (URS 682a)

    See No. 15. 雷.
  60. 60. 風起 fēng qǐ ‘the wind rises’

    硯勒科卜 yàn-lè-kē-bǔ ‖ jεnˋ-ləjˋ-kʰwɔ-pǔ (yel qop- “for the wind to rise”)

    BT 風起 硯勒科卜 (p. 597)

    Shōgaito 風起 wind rises 硯勒科卜 /yel qop/ (p. 110)

    WT šamāl qoptï ‘the wind rose’ (No. 254)Footnote 152

    The verb stem is given here. As is well known, the imperative of the second person singular is identical with the stem in the Turkic languages. ‘For the wind to rise’ is expressed in modern Uighur as follows:

    šamal čiq- ‘for the wind to rise’ (XUL 641a; UXL 564b) šamal čiqti ‘the wind rose’ (URS 410c, 544b)

    See No. 6. 風 and No. 34. 雲起.
  61. 61. 風息 fēng xī ‘the wind stops blowing’

    硯勒科卜 (sic ⇒ 硯勒禿兒) yàn-lè-tū-ér ‖ jεnˋ-ləjˋ-tʰǔ-rr̩ˊ (yel tur- “for the wind to stop blowing”)

    BT 風息 硯勒禿兒 (p. 598)

    Shōgaito 風息 wind stops blowing 硯勒禿兒 /yel tur/ (p. 110)

    KY tur- ‘être debout, se tenir debout’: [住 zhù] turayin (t'ou-la-yin [土喇因Footnote 153 tǔ-lā-yīn])   (Ligeti 1966: 270)

    tur- ‘être debout, se tenir debout’: [立 ] turup; turup (t'ou-lou [土禄 tǔ-lù]), id.   (Ligeti 1969: 203)

    WT šamāl turdï ‘the wind calmed down’ (No. 280)Footnote 154

    ED tur- (? d-) ‘to stand’, both in the sense of ‘to stand upright’ and ‘to stand still’, with various extended meanings. (p. 529b)

    The verb stem is given here. As is well known, the imperative of the second person singular is identical with the stem in the Turkic languages. This verb is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    tur- ‘to get up’ (XUL 641a, 642b), ‘to stand; to stop’ (XUL 1073b-1074a), ‘to stand; to get  up; to live; …’ (UXL 497b-499a), ‘to get up, to stand up; to stand; to live, to dwell, to  reside; to cost’ (URS 332ab)

    tur- ~ tu·- ~ tu- ‘to be, to become, to stay, to stand, to abide, to remain, to keep fresh;  to begin, to start, to rise, to stand up, to wait’ (ETED 316)

    The Uighur counterpart of Manchu edun nakaha and Chinese 風息 fēng xī is šamāl toxtadï ‘the wind stopped blowing’ (No. 281) in WT. This verb from MongolianFootnote 155 is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    toxta- ‘to stop’ (XUL 827b, 828a, 1073b), ‘to stop; to moor; to cease, to come to a halt, to  stop moving / working; to be delayed, to come to a standstill; to be worth’ (URS 312ab),  ‘to stop; to be worth; to speak of; to put, to exist (when used negatively)’ (UXL 482b) toxta- ~ toxtä- ‘to stay, to stop, to remain, to abide, to wait, to grow to an end’  (ETED 310)

    See No. 6. 風 and No. 74. 雨住.
  62. 62. 風大 fēng dà ‘the wind is strong’

    硯勒五魯 yàn-lè-wǔ-lǔ ‖ jεnˋ-ləjˋ-ǔ-lɔ̌ (yel uluγ)

    BT 風大 硯勒五魯 (p. 598)

    Shōgaito 風大 wind is strong 硯勒五魯 /yel uluγ/ (p. 111)

    KY [長 zhǎng] uluγ (wou-lou [兀禄 wù-lù]) ‘adulte, devenu grand’ (Ligeti 1966: 274)

    uluγ ‘grand’; [洪福 hóng-fú] uluγ buyan (won-lou pou-yen [兀禄卜烟 wù-lù-bǔ-yān])   ‘grande Fortune’ (Ligeti 1969: 207–208)

    buyan Footnote 156 ‘bonheur, fortune’; uluγ buyan ‘grande Fortune’ (Ligeti 1969: 19)

    WT uluγ ‘honorable, revered, respected’ (No. 5323)Footnote 157

    ED uluğ ‘big, great’, physically and metaphorically, including such usages as ‘grand(father); eldest (son)’. (p. 136b)

    This adjective is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    uluγ ‘great, grand, huge; elder, leader, chieftain; big’ (UXL 542b), ‘big, great’ (URS 134a),  ‘great, high, big’ (ETED 323)

    uluq ‘great, grand’ (XUL 868b), ‘big, great’ (URS 134b)

    See No. 6. 風 and No. 69. 大雨.
  63. 63. 風小 fēng xiǎo ‘the wind is weak’

    硯勒乞赤 yàn-lè-qǐ-chì ‖ jεnˋ-ləjˋ-kʰǐ-tʂʰǐ (yel kičig)

    BT 風小 硯勒乞赤 (p. 598)

    Shōgaito 風小 wind is weak 硯勒乞赤 /yel kičik/ (p. 111)

    KY kičig (k'i-tche Footnote 158 [起尺 qǐ-chǐ]) ‘petit’ (Ligeti 1966: 173)

    kičig ‘petit, humble’ (Ligeti 1969: 35)

    WT kičig ‘young’ (No. 4711)Footnote 159, ‘small’ (No. 13261)Footnote 160

    ED kiçig ‘small’, with some extended meanings like ‘puppy’. S.i.a.m.l.g. with some phonetic changes; … (p. 696a)

    This adjective is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    kičik ‘small’ (XUL 925a; UXL 192a), ‘small; younger; very young’ (URS 670c)

    kičik ~ kičik ~ kičˈik ‘small, little, young, youngest’ (ETED 172)

    See No. 6. 風 and No. 70. 小雨.
  64. 64. 風来 fēng lái ‘the wind blows’

    硯勒欠 yàn-lè-qiàn ‖ jεnˋ-ləjˋ-kʰjεmˋ (yel kel- “for the wind to blow”)

    BT 風来 硯勒欠 (p. 598)

    Shōgaito 風来 wind has arisen 硯勒欠 /yel kel/ (p. 111)

    KY kel- ‘venir’: kel, dans udup kel ‘recevoir [?]’ (Ligeti 1966: 172)

    kel- ‘venir’: kel (k'ien [謙 qiān]), id. … (Ligeti 1969: 34)

    ud- ‘suivre’: udup, dans [迎來 yíng-lái] udup kel (wou-t'o k'ien [兀託謙 wù-tuō-qiān])   ‘recevoir, faire venir qn.’ (Ligeti 1966: 273)

    WT kel ‘come!’ (No. 7666)Footnote 161

    keledu ‘it comes’ (No. 7667)Footnote 162

    ED kel- (g-) ‘to come’, sometimes with the implication of ‘to come back’. (p. 715b)

    The verb stem is given here. As is well known, the imperative of the second person singular is identical with the stem in the Turkic languages. This verb is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    kel- ‘to come’ (XUL 480a; UXL 199b), ‘to come, to arrive; to fit; to weigh’ (URS 641bc)

    kėl- ~ kẹ̇l- ~ kil- ‘to come, to arrive’ (ETED 169)

    See No. 6. 風.
  65. 65. 旋風 xuànfēng ‘whirlwind’

    若運硯勒 (sic ⇒ 苦運硯勒) kǔ-yùn-yàn-lè ‖ kʰǔ-ynˋ-jεnˋ-ləjˋ (quyun yel)

    BT 旋風 苦運硯勒 (p. 598)

    Shōgaito 旋風 whirlwind 苦運硯勒 /quyun yel/ (p. 111)

    WT quyun ‘whirlwind’ (No. 251)

    This Mongolian loan wordFootnote 163 is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    quyun ‘whirlwind’ (XUL 962a), ‘whirlwind, tornado’ (UXL 722a), ‘tornado, whirlwind;  sandstorm’ (URS 619a)

    qurˈun ~ quyun ‘whirlwind, tornado’ (ETED 256)

    See No. 6. 風.
  66. 66. 黑風 hēifēng ‘dust storm’ (“black wind”)

    噶喇硯勒 gá-lǎ-yàn-lè ‖ [kɔ̌] ?-[lǎ] (?)-jεnˋ-ləjˋ (qara yel)

    BT 黑風 噶剌硯勒 (p. 598)

    Shōgaito 黑風 black wind 噶剌硯勒 /qara yel/ (p. 111)

    Shōgaito's literal translation is problematic, because 黑風 hēifēng means ‘dust storm’.Footnote 164 The Uighur counterpart of Manchu hoo seme dambi ‘to blow violently (of the wind)’ and Chinese 狂風 kuángfēng ‘fierce wind’ is given as qara buran (No. 269) in WT.Footnote 165 This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    qara boran ‘storm’ (XUL 25b), ‘hurricane’ (XUL 438b), ‘fierce wind’ (XUL 473a), ‘storm,  strong wind, hurricane’ (UXL 677a), ‘strong tornado (without snow)’ (URS 207c),  ‘whirlwind, tornado; sandstorm’ (URS 579a)

    boran ‘gale’ (XUL 139a), ‘gale, storm, fierce wind’ (UXL 60a), ‘snowstorm; storm, tornado’  (URS 207c)

    buran ~ burˈan ~ burān ~ borān ‘storm, sand-storm, tempest’ (ETED 61)

    See No. 6. 風, No. 26. 黑天, No. 32. 黑雲, and No. 49. 月黑.
  67. 67. 黃風 huángfēng ‘yellow wind’

    撒刀硯勒 (sic ⇒ 撒力硯勒) sā-lì-yàn-lè ‖ sǎ-liˋ-jεnˋ-ləjˋ (sarïγ yel)

    BT 黃風 撒立Footnote 166硯勒 (p. 598)

    Shōgaito 黃風 yellow wind 撒力硯勒 /sarïγ yel/ (p. 111)

    黃風 huángfēng means ‘wind mixed with loess’. This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    säyïγ šemāl ‘yellow wind, a spring storm which leaves dust of yellow colour standing in the  air’ (ETED 268, 285)

    See No. 6. 風, No. 25. 黃天, and No. 30. 黃雲.
  68. 68. 寒風 hánfēng ‘cold wind’

    掃兀克硯勒 sǎo---yàn-lè ‖ saw̌-ǔ-[kʰəǰ]-jεnˋ-ləjˋ (sawuq yel)

    BT 寒風 掃兀克硯勒 (p. 598)

    Shōgaito 寒風 cold wind 掃兀克硯勒 /sawwuq yel/ (p. 111)

    KY soyuq ‘froid’, dans [寒冷 hán-lěng] soyuq boldï (so-yo pan-ti [瑣約板的 suǒ-yuē-bǎn-dì]) ‘il fait froid’ (Ligeti 1966: 196)

    soyuq ‘froid’, dans soyuq boldï ‘il fait froid’ (Ligeti 1969: 191)

    soyuq boldï ‘il fait très froid’ (Ligeti 1966: 143)

    soyuq ‘être, devenir; verbe auxiliaire’: boldï, passé, dans soyuq boldï ‘il fait froid’   (Ligeti 1969: 18)

    WT sōqraq šamāl ‘cold wind’ (No. 261)Footnote 167

    sōq ‘cold’ (No. 518Footnote 168, No. 14557Footnote 169)

    ED soğık N./A.S. fr. soğı:-; ‘cold’. S.i.a.m.l.g. (p. 808a)

    This adjective is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    soγaq ‘cold’ (XUL 307b), ‘cold; cold, indifferent’ (UXL 427a)

    soγaq ~ soγaγ ~ sowuq ~ sowaq ~ souq ~ sawuq ~ suwaq ‘cold, cool; a cold, shivering’ (ETED 276)

    soγuq ‘1) cold, frosty; coldness, freezing weather; coldly; 2) fig. careless; cool, composed;  carelessly; coolly; coldly; 3) fig. uncomely, comfortless; comfortlessly’ (URS 516c)

    sowaq ‘(dial.) = soγuq’ (URS 519b)

    sawuq ‘(dial.) = soγuq’ (URS 503b)

    soγaq šamal ‘cold wind’ (UXL 427a)

    suwaq yėl ‘syphilis’ (ETED 276)

    See No. 6. 風.
  69. 69. 大雨 dàyǔ ‘heavy rain’ (“big rain”)

    五魯養兀兒 wǔ-lǔ-yǎng-wù-ér ‖ ǔ-lɔ̌-jaŋ̌-ǔ-rr̩ˊ (uluγ yamγur “big rain”)

    BT 大雨 五魯養兀兒 (p. 598)

    Shōgaito 大雨 heavy rain 五魯養兀兒 /uluγ yamγur/ (p. 111)

    It is certainly a literal translation of Chinese 大雨 dàyǔ. The following words are used for ‘heavy rain’ in modern Uighur:

    qara yamγur ‘torrential rain’ (XUL 26a; UXL 583a, 677b; “black rain”)Footnote 170

    qattiq Footnote 171 yamγur ‘torrential rain’ (XUL 26a)Footnote 172, ‘heavy rain’ (XUL 144aFootnote 173; “hard rain”)

    See No. 8. 雨 and No. 62. 風大.
  70. 70. 小雨 xiǎoyǔ ‘light rain, drizzle’

    乞赤養兀兒 qǐ-chì-yǎng-wù-ér ‖ kʰǐ-tʂʰǐ-jaŋ̌-ǔ-rr̩ˊ (kičig yamγur “small rain”)

    BT 小雨 乞赤養兀兒 (p. 598)

    Shōgaito 小雨 light rain 乞赤養兀兒 /kičik yamγur/ (p. 111)

    It is certainly a literal translation of Chinese 小雨 xiǎoyǔ. The following words are used for ‘light rain, drizzle’ in modern Uighur:

    azraq Footnote 174 yamγur ‘light rain, drizzle’ (XUL 929bFootnote 175; “just a little rain”)

    sim-sim yamγur ‘drizzle’ (XUL 549bFootnote 176, 598aFootnote 177; UXL 583aFootnote 178; sim-sim ‘the sound of a  drizzle’)

    See No. 8. 雨 and No. 63. 風小.

    Hua-Yi Yiyu 8: The Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University, Sangwŏnjeŏ; Hwaiyŏgŏ (Seoul, 2010), p. 493.

  71. 71. 下雨 xià yǔ ‘to rain’

    阿噶都兒養兀兒 ā-gá-dū-ér-yǎng-wù-ér ‖ ɔ-[kɔ̌] ?-tu-rr̩ˊ-jaŋ̌-ǔ-rr̩ˊ (yaγadur yamγur “it is raining”)

    BT 下雨 阿噶都兒養兀兒 (p. 598)

    Shōgaito 下雨 to rain 阿噶都兒養兀兒 /aγadur yamγur/ (p. 111)

    Although 阿噶都兒 can be read as aγadur, the verb meaning ‘to rain; to pour down’ is not aγ-, but yaγ- in the Turkic languages. The verb of aγ- means ‘to rise; to climb’, and the like.Footnote 179 Moreover, yaγadur yamγur follows the word order of 下雨 xià yǔ. The expression appropriate for the Turkic word order is yamγur yaγadur.

    KY yaγmur yaγdï (ya-mou-eul ya-ti [呀木兒呀的 yā-mù-ér-yā-dì]) ‘la pluie tombe’ (Ligeti 1966: 278)

    yaγ- ‘tomber (la pluie)’: yaγdï, dans yaγmur yaγdï (Ligeti 1966: 277)

    WT yamγur yaγadu ‘it is raining’ (No. 174)Footnote 180

    ED yağ- (? ḏa:ğ-) ‘to pour down; to rain’, or, w. qualifying N.s, ‘to snow, hail’, etc.; … (p. 896a)

    This expression is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    yamγur yaγ- ‘to rain’ (XUL 902a; UXL 583a, 592a; ETED 145, 147)

    yamγur yėγiwatidu ‘it is raining’ (URS 780b)

    The following expression is also used for ‘to rain’ in modern Uighur:

    yamγur čüš-Footnote 181 ‘to rain’ (UXL 388a, 583a)

    See No. 8. 雨, No. 76. 下雪, No. 77. 下雹, No. 78. 下霜, No. 79. 下霧, and No. 80. 下露.
  72. 72. 緊雨 jǐnyǔ ‘hard rain’

    覇忒養兀兒 bà-tè-yǎng-wù-ér ‖ paˋ-[tʰəǰ]-jaŋ̌-ǔ-rr̩ˊ (bat Footnote 182 yamγur “fast rain”)

    BT 緊雨 覇忒養兀兒 (p. 598)

    Shōgaito 緊雨 hard rain 覇忒養兀兒 /bat yamγur/ (p. 111)

    ED bat (? pat) originally an onomatopoeic for the sound of a falling object hitting the ground, but normally used as an onomatopoeic meaning ‘quickly, hurriedly’.Footnote 183 (p. 296a)

    This adjective is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    pat ‘fast, quick, rapid’ (UXL 327a), ‘fast, quickly, rapidly’ (URS 238a), ‘quickly, soon’  (ETED 224)

    See No. 8. 雨.
  73. 73. 細雨 xìyǔ ‘fine rain’

    引赤革養兀兒 yǐn-chì-gé-yǎng-wù-ér ‖ jiň-tʂʰǐ-kjaǰ-jaŋ̌-ǔ-rr̩ˊ (yinčige yamγur)

    BT 細雨 引赤格Footnote 184養兀兒 (p. 598)

    Shōgaito 細雨 fine rain 引赤革養兀兒 /yinčige yamγur/ (p. 111)

    KY [細 ] inčke (yin-tch'e-k'o [引尺克 yǐn-chǐ-kè]) ‘mince, effilé’ (Ligeti 1969: 26)

    [儒 ] inčke (ying-tche Footnote 185-k'o [影尺克 yǐng-chǐ-kè]) ‘lettré confucéen’… Il s'agit sans   doute d'une étymologie populaire du terme chinois 儒 jou ‘lettré confucéen’.   (Ligeti 1966: 157)

    WT inčige ‘fine’ (No. 5684)Footnote 186

    ED yinçge: Dev. N./A. fr. *yinç, cf. yinçür-; physically ‘thin, slim, delicate’, and the like, abstractly ‘subtle, fine’; in Türkü opposite to yoğu:n, q.v., and almost syn. w. yuvka:. (p. 945ab)

    This adjective is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    inčike ‘fine, thin’ (XUL 899a), ‘thin; mus. high, high-pitched’ (URS 181b), ‘fine, thin;  scrupulous, careful; shrill, loud and sonorous; fragile; exquisite, fine, delicate’ (UXL 147b)

    iničke ‘thin; mus. high, high-pitched’ (URS 183a)

    yeinǰige ~ yinǰige ‘thin’ (ETED 154)

    See No. 8. 雨.
  74. 74. 雨住 yǔ zhù ‘the rain stops’

    養兀兒禿兒 yǎng-wù-ér-tū-ér ‖ jaŋ̌-ǔ-rr̩ˊ-tʰǔ-rr̩ˊ (yamγur tur- “for the rain to stop”)

    BT 雨住 養兀兒禿兒 (p. 598)

    Shōgaito 雨住 the rain stops 養兀兒禿兒 /yamγur tur/ (p. 111)

    WT yamγur toxtadï ‘the rain has stopped’ (No. 199)Footnote 187

    The verb stem is given here. As is well known, the imperative of the second person singular is identical with the stem. This expression is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    yamγur toxtidi ‘the rain has stopped’ (XUL 1124b)

    yamγur toxtap qaldi ‘the rain has stopped’ (UXL 482b)

    See No. 8. 雨 and No. 61. 風息.
  75. 75. 有雨 yǒu yǔ ‘there is rain’

    養兀兒把兒 yǎng-wù-ér-bǎ-ér ‖ jaŋ̌-ǔ-rr̩ˊ-pǎ-rr̩ˊ (yamγur bar)

    BT 有雨 養兀兒把兒 (p. 598)

    Shōgaito 有雨 (there is) rain 養兀兒把兒 /yamγur bar/ (p. 111)

    KY bar ‘il est, il existe’, dans [有 yǒu] bar erki (pa-eul a-eul-ki [把兒阿兒几 bà-ér-ā-ér-jǐ]), id. (Ligeti 1966: 138)

    bar ‘existant; il y a, il existe’, dans bar erki, id. (Ligeti 1969: 14)

    er- ‘être, se trouver’: … bar erki ‘il y a, il existe’; … (Ligeti 1969: 11)

    erki, dans bar erki ‘être’ (Ligeti 1966: 135)

    WT bar ‘there is, to exist’ (No. 9837)Footnote 188

    ED ba:r Kaş.’s definition of this word as a Particle (ḥarf) connoting existence, or presence in a particular place, and as the opposite of yo:k, q.v., is very apt. … Its use as a Noun meaning ‘existence’ or ‘property’ (the latter meaning uncertain, if authentic, ?an abbreviation of barım) is unusual. (p. 353a)

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    bar ‘there is, to exist’ (XUL 1032a), ‘there is, to exist; all, every’ (UXL 39a). ‘there is, to  exist; on hand; being, existence; presence’ (URS 185c)

    bar ~ bār ~ bay ~ ba ~ bā ~ var ~ va ~ vār ~ vā ‘existence, being, existent, there is’ (ETED 48)

    See No. 8. 雨.
  76. 76. 下雪 xià xuě ‘to snow’

    阿噶都兒噶 (sic ⇒ 阿噶都兒噶兒) ā-gá-dū-ér-gá-ér ‖ ɔ-[kɔ̌] ?-tu-rr̩ˊ-[kɔ̌] ?-rr̩ˊ (yaγadur qar “it is snowing”)

    BT 下雪 阿噶都兒噶兒 (p. 598)

    Shōgaito 下雪 to snow 阿噶都兒噶兒 /aγadur qar/ (p. 111)

    WT qar yaγdï ‘it snowed’ (No. 224)

    Yaγadur qar follows the word order of 下雪 xià xuě. The expression appropriate for the Turkic word order is qar yaγadur. This expression is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    qar yaγ- ‘to snow’ (XUL 1042b; UXL 592a, 676b; ETED 239)

    qar yėγiwatidu ‘it is snowing’ (URS 579a, 775b)

    The following expression is also used for ‘to snow’ in modern Uighur:

    qar tüš- ‘to snow’ (ETED 239)

    qar čüš- ‘to snow’ (UXL 388a)

    qar čüšti ‘it snowed’ (URS 399a)

    See No. 7. 雪, No. 71. 下雨, No. 77. 下雹, No. 78. 下霜, No. 79. 下霧, and No. 80. 下露.
  77. 77. 下雹 xià báo ‘to hail’

    阿噶都兒門都兒 ā-gá-dū-ér-mén-dū-ér ‖ ɔ-[kɔ̌] ?-tu-rr̩ˊ-mun-tu-rr̩ˊ (yaγadur mündür “it is hailing”)

    BT 下雹 阿噶都兒門都兒 (p. 598)

    Shōgaito 下雹 to hail 阿噶都兒門都兒 /aγadur mündür/ (p. 111)

    WT tolï yaγdï ‘it hailed’ (No. 210)

    Yaγadur mündür follows the word order of 下雹 xià báo. The expression appropriate for the Turkic word order is mündür yaγadur. This expression is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    möldür yaγ- ‘to hail’ (UXL 275b)

    The following expression is also used for ‘to hail’ in modern Uighur:

    möldür čüš- ‘to hail’ (UXL 275b)

    See No. 14. 電 (⇒ 雹), No. 71. 下雨, No. 76. 下雪, No. 78. 下霜, No. 79. 下霧, and No. 80. 下露.
  78. 78. 下霜 xià shuāng (sic ⇒ 下露 xià lù) ‘for dew to fall’

    阿噶都兒手得林 ā-gá-dū-ér-shǒu-dé-lín ‖ ɔ-[kɔ̌] ?-tu-rr̩ˊ-ʂiw̌-təǰ-limˊ (yaγadur šüüderin “dew is falling”)Footnote 189

    BT 下霜 阿噶都兒黑牢 [ā-gá-dū-ér-hēi-láo ‖ ɔ-[kɔ̌] ?-tu-rr̩ˊ-xəǰ-lawˊ (yaγadur  qïraw)] (p. 598)

    Shōgaito 下霜 to frost 阿噶都兒手得林 /aγadur šüüderin/ (p. 111)

    Unlike in BT, the compiler/scribe could have confused 霜 shuāng ‘frost’ with 露 ‘dew’. Moreover, yaγadur šüüderin follows the word order of 下露 xià lù. The expression appropriate for the Turkic word order is šüüderin yaγadur. The Uighur counterpart of Manchu silenggi wasika and Chinese 下露 xià lù is given as šebnem tüšdi ‘dew has fallen’ (No. 214) in WT. It is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    šebnem čüš- ‘for dew to fall’ (UXL 573b)

    šeldem čüšti ‘dew has fallen’ (URS 547b)

    See No. 12. 霜, No. 71. 下雨, No. 76. 下雪, No. 77. 下雹, No. 79. 下霧, and No. 80. 下露.
  79. 79. 下霧 xià wù ‘to be foggy’

    阿噶都兒馬難 ā-gá-dū-ér-mǎ-nán ‖ ɔ-[kɔ̌] ?-tu-rr̩ˊ-mǎ-nanˊ (yaγadur manan “fog is falling”)

    BT 下霧 阿噶都兒馬難 (p. 598)

    Shōgaito 下霧 to fog 阿噶都兒馬難 /aγadur manan/ (p. 111)

    KY manan (ma-nan [馬南 mǎ-nán]) ‘brouillard’ (Ligeti 1966: 180)

    WT manan ‘fog, mist’ (No. 245)Footnote 190

    Yaγadur manan follows the word order of 下霧 xià wù. The expression appropriate for the Turkic word order is manan yaγadur. The word of manan is borrowed from Mongolian.Footnote 191 It is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    manan ‘fog, mist’ (XUL 892b; UXL 237b; URS 698c)

    The genuine Turkic word for ‘fog, mist’ is tuman:

    WT tuman ‘fog, mist’ (No. 154)Footnote 192

    tumanladï ‘it was foggy’ (No. 155)Footnote 193

    ED tuma:n (d-) ‘mist, fog’. S.i.a.m.l.g.; in NW Kk.; SW Az. Osm. duman; Tkm. duma:n; a l.-w. in Persian., Russian and other foreign languages, see Doerfer II 935. (p. 507a)

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    tuman ‘fog, mist’ (UXL 496a; URS 339b)

    See No. 71. 下雨, No. 76. 下雪, No. 77. 下雹, No. 78. 下霜, and No. 80. 下露.
  80. 80. 下露 xià lù (sic ⇒ 下霜 xià shuāng) ‘to frost’

    阿噶都兒黑牢 ā-gá-dū-ér-hēi-láo ‖ ɔ-[kɔ̌] ?-tu-rr̩ˊ-xəǰ-lawˊ (yaγadur qïraw “frost is falling”)

    BT 下露 阿噶都兒手得林 [ā-gá-dū-ér-shǒu-dé-lín ‖ ɔ-[kɔ̌] ?-tu-rr̩ˊ-ʂiw̌-təǰ-limˊ (yaγadur šüüderin)] (p. 598)

    Shōgaito 下露 to dew 阿噶都兒黑牢 /aγadur xïraw/ (p. 112)

    Unlike in BT, the compiler/scribe could have confused 霜 shuāng ‘frost’ with 露 ‘dew’. Moreover, yaγadur qïraw follows the word order of 下霜 xià shuāng. The expression appropriate for the Turkic word order is qïraw yaγadur. The Uighur counterpart of Manchu gecen gecembi and Chinese 霜降 shuāng jiàng is given as qïraw tüšdi ‘frost has fallen’ (No. 222) in WT. It is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    qiro čüš- ‘to frost’ (UXL 388a, 696b)

    See No. 13. 露, No. 71. 下雨, No. 76. 下雪, No. 77. 下雹, No. 78. 下霜, and No. 79. 下霧.
  81. 81. 氷凍 bīng dòng ‘to freeze’

    木孑通的 (sic ⇒ 木子通的) mù-zǐ-tōng-dì ‖ muˋ-tsž̩-tʰuŋ-tǐ (muz toŋdï “ice formed [lit. “the ice froze”])

    BT 氷凍 木子桶Footnote 194的 (p. 598)

    Shōgaito 氷凍 to freeze 木子通的 /muz toŋdi/ (p. 112)

    KY toŋ- ‘gêler’: toŋdï, dans [冷凍 lěng-dòng] soyuq toŋdï (so-yo tong-ti [瑣約董的 suǒ-yuē-dǒng-dì]) ‘il a gêlé’ (Ligeti 1966: 267)

    toŋ- ‘geler’: toŋdï, dans soyuq toŋdï ‘il a gelé’ (Ligeti 1969: 202)

    soyuq toŋdï ‘il a gêlé’ (Ligeti 1966: 196)

    soyuq toŋdï ‘il a gelé’ (Ligeti 1969: 191)

    ED toŋ- (d-) ‘to be frozen hard’. (p. 515a)

    This verb is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    toŋ- ‘to freeze’ (UXL 486a), ‘to feel cold, to freeze’ (URS 321a; ETED 311)

    The Uighur counterpart of Manchu gecembi and Chinese 凍 dòng is given as toŋlaydu ‘it freezes’ (No. 530) in WT. It is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    toŋla- ‘to feel cold, to freeze’ (URS 321a), ‘to freeze’ (XUL 46a, 185a; UXL 486a)

    muz toŋla- ‘to ice over, to become covered with ice’ (URS 321a)

    See No. 9. 氷.
  82. 82. 氷厚 bīng hòu ‘the ice is thick’

    木孑阿林 (sic ⇒ 木子噶林) mù-zǐ-gá-lín ‖ muˋ-tsž̩-[kɔ̌] ?-limˊ (muz qalïn)

    Shōgaito 氷厚 the ice is thick 木子阿林 /muz γalin/ (p. 112)

    KY qalïn (ha-lin [哈林 hā-lín]) ‘épais, gros’ (Ligeti 1966: 161)

    qalïn ‘épais’, dans qalïn utlï ‘épais’ et ‘faveur’, calqué sur chin. 厚恩 heou-ngan [hòu-ēn]   ‘faveur gracieuse’ (Ligeti 1969: 28)

    WT qalïn ‘thick’ (No. 5168Footnote 195, No. 13415Footnote 196), ‘thick, dense (of hair and plants)’ (No. 15231)Footnote 197

    ED kalın (of a solid object) ‘massive, dense’; (of a crowd) ‘dense’ and the like; almost syn. w. yoğu:n; the difference between the two seems to emerge in T 13–14 where kalın is contrasted with yuyka: (yuvka:) and yoğu:n with yinçge:; on this basis kalın must mean ‘dense’ in the sense e.g. of weighing a good deal per cubic foot, while yoğu:n means ‘thick’ in the sense of having a substantial distance between the two surfaces. (p. 622a)

    This adjective is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    qälïn ‘thick, thickly’ (ETED 244)

    qėlin ‘thick’ (XUL 327b), ‘profound’ (XUL 732a), ‘thick; intimate, profound; dense’ (UXL  691a), ‘thick, voluminous; massive; close, compact; dense, congested; close, thick;  intimate’ (URS 621b)

    See No. 9. 氷.

    Hua-Yi Yiyu 9: The Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University, Sangwŏnjeŏ; Hwaiyŏgŏ (Seoul, 2010), p. 494.

  83. 83. 氷薄 bīng báo ‘the ice is thin’

    木孑王補噶納 (sic ⇒ 木子玉補噶) mù-zǐ-yù-bǔ-gá ‖ muˋ-tsž̩-yˋ-pǔ-[kɔ̌] ? (muz yupqa)

    Shōgaito 氷薄 the ice is thin 木子玉補噶納 /muz yupqana/ (p. 112)Footnote 198

    KY yuq-a (yu-ha [羽哈 yǔ-hā]) ‘mince, fin’ (Ligeti 1966: 287)

    WT yupqa ‘thin’ (No. 13417)Footnote 199

    ED yuvka: ‘slender, insubstantial’, and the like …; (p. 874a)

    This adjective is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    yɯpγä ~ yɯpke ~ yu̇pγä ‘in lines, with distance, with space between, thinly’ (ETED 160)

    yupqa ‘thin’ (URS 793a)

    župqa ‘thin’ (URS 480b)

    yuqqa ‘thin’ (XUL 22b; UXL 612a; URS 794a)

    See No. 9. 氷.
  84. 84. 氷硬 bīng yìng ‘the ice is hard’

    木孑噶惕 (sic ⇒ 木子噶惕) mù-zǐ-gá-tì ‖ muˋ-tsž̩-[kɔ̌] ?-[tʰǐ] (muz qatïγ)

    Shōgaito 氷硬 the ice is hard 木子噶惕 /muz qatïγ/ (p. 112)

    WT qatïq ‘hard’ (No. 14756)Footnote 200

    ED katığ Dev. N./A. fr. 2 kat-; ‘hard, firm, tough’, and the like. S.i.a.m.l.g. as kattığ/katı/kattı/kattu:. (p. 597b).

    This adjective is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    qatïq ~ qatïγ ~ qattïγ ‘hard, heavy, rigorous, severe, strong, heavily, thoroughly’ (ETED 242)

    qattiq ‘hard’ (XUL 1023b), ‘strict, stern, grave’ (XUL 975ab), ‘stiff, rigid’ (XUL 657b, 741b),  ‘hard; strict, stern, grave; strong, tough; difficult, hard; stingy; stiff, rigid’ (UXL 684ab),  ‘strong, firm, hard; dry, stale; severe, stern; fierce, ferocious; bitter; ardent; vigorous, resolute;  sharp, burning; loud’ (URS 574b)

    See No. 9. 氷.
  85. 85. 無雨 wú yǔ ‘there is no rain’

    養兀兒約 yǎng-wù-ér-yuē ‖ jaŋ̌-ǔ-rr̩ˊ-jɔˋ (yamγur yoq)

    Shōgaito 無雨 (there is) no rain 養兀兒約 /yamγur yoq/ (p. 112)

    KY yoq (yo [約 yuē]) ‘non, sans, dépourvu’ (Ligeti 1966: 286)

    yoq ‘il n'y a pas’ (Ligeti 1969: 215)

    WT yoq ‘not have, there is not’ (No. 6558)Footnote 201

    ED yo:k Dev. N./A. in -k fr. *yo:-, cf. yo:ḏ-; with a variety of uses. … It is occasionally used as an Adj. meaning ‘having nothing’, generally in association w. another Adj., … (p. 895b)

    This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

    yoq ‘not have, there is not’ (XUL 881a; UXL 607b), ‘there is not; be absent; nonexistent;  indigent, poor’ (URS 789bc), ‘non-existence, is not, was not, no’ (ETED 158)

    See No. 8. 雨.

Conclusion

Since the Uighur word materials treated in this paper do not stem from the original copy, it is hard to draw any precise conclusion with regard to the materials. Nevertheless, it was possible to find following points:

  1. 1. The syllable-final γ/g or q/k is not written in the Uighur words:Footnote 202

    以夕 in 昆以夕 kūn-yǐ-xī (kün isig) ‘the weather is warm’

    乞赤 in 乞赤養兀兒 qǐ-chì-yǎng-wù-ér (kičig yamγur) ‘light rain, drizzle’ and 硯勒乞赤 yàn-lè-qǐ-chì (yel kičig) ‘the wind is weak’

    翁六 in 別失翁六課克 bié-shī-wēng-liù-kè-kè (bėš öŋlük kök) ‘five coloured cloud’

    噶惕 in 木孑噶惕 (sic ⇒ 木子噶惕) mù-zǐ-gá-tì (muz qatïγ) ‘the ice is hard’

    撒力 in 撒刀課克 (sic ⇒ 撒力課克) sā-lì-kè-kè (sarïγ kök) ‘yellow cloud’ and 撒刀忝額刀 (sic ⇒ 撒力忝額力) sā-lì-tiǎn-é-lì (sarïγ teŋgeri) ‘yellow sky’

    忝額刀克列 (sic ⇒ 忝額力克列) tiǎn-é-lì-kè-liè (teŋgeri qïrïγ) ‘horizon’

    五魯 in 五魯養兀兒 wǔ-lǔ-yǎng-wù-ér (uluγ yamγur) ‘heavy rain’ and 硯勒五魯 yàn-lè-wǔ-lǔ (yel uluγ) ‘the wind is strong’

    約 in 養兀兒約 yǎng-wù-ér-yuē (yamγur yoq) ‘there is no rain’

    與麻剌 in 愛與麻剌的 (sic ⇒ 愛與麻剌) ài-yǔ-má-là (ay yumalaq) ‘the moon is round’

    呀禄 in 愛呀禄 ài-yā-lù (ay yaruq) ‘the moon is bright’ and 與里都子呀禄 yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-yā-lù (yulduz yaruq) ‘stars are bright’

    These consonants are written in the following Uighur words:

    阿勒課克 (sic ⇒ 阿克課克) ā-kè-kè-kè (aq kök) ‘white cloud’

    赤黑的 in 愛赤黑的 ài-chì-hēi-dì (ay čïqdï) ‘the moon has risen’, 昆赤黑的 kūn-chì-hēi-dì (kün čïqdï) ‘the sun has risen’, and 與里都子赤里的 (sic ⇒ 與里都子赤黑的) yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-chì-hēi-dì (yulduz čïqdï) ‘star(s) came out’

    課克 kè-kè (kök) ‘cloud’

    課克 in 別失翁六課克 bié-shī-wēng-liù-kè-kè (bėš öŋlük kök) ‘five coloured cloud’; 噶喇課克 gá-lǎ-kè-kè (qara kök) ‘black cloud’; 克即課克 (sic ⇒ 克即兒課克) kè-jí-ér-kè-kè (qïzïl kök) ‘red cloud’; 課克阿赤里的 kè-kè-ā-chì-lǐ-dì (kök ačïldï) ‘clouds broke’; 課克科卜 kè-kè-kē-bǔ (kök qop-) ‘for clouds to gather’; 課克塔兒哈的 kè-kè-tǎ-ér-hā-dì (kök tarqadï) ‘clouds lifted’; and 撒刀課克 (sic ⇒ 撒力課克) sā-lì-kè-kè (sarïγ kök) ‘yellow cloud’

    掃兀克 in 掃兀克硯勒 sǎo---yàn-lè (sawuq yel) ‘cold wind’

  2. 2. The syllable-final l is shown with l, especially with the character 里 , in the Uighur words:

    阿赤里的 in 課克阿赤里的 kè-kè-ā-chì-lǐ-dì (kök ačïldï) ‘clouds broke’ and 忝額刀阿赤 里的 (sic ⇒ 忝額力阿赤里的) tiǎn-é-lì-ā-chì-lǐ-dì (teŋgeri ačïldï) ‘the sky cleared up’

    孛里的 in 忝額刀卜禄孛里的 (sic ⇒ 忝額力卜禄孛里的) tiǎn-é-lì-bǔ-lù-bó-lǐ-dì (teŋgeri bulut boldï) ‘the sky became cloudy’

    土禿里的 in 愛土禿黑的 (sic ⇒ 愛土禿里的) ài-tǔ-tū-lǐ-dì (ay tutuldï) ‘the moon was eclipsed’ and 昆土禿里的 kūn-tǔ-tū-lǐ-dì (kün tutuldï) ‘the sun was eclipsed’

    脫力的 in 愛禿赤的 (sic ⇒ 愛禿亦的 ⇒ 愛脫亦的 ⇒ 愛脫力的) ài-tuō-lì-dì (ay toldï) ‘the moon is full’

    硯勤 (sic ⇒ 硯勒) yàn-lè (yel) ‘wind’

    硯勒 in 噶喇硯勒 gá-lǎ-yàn-lè (qara yel) ‘dust storm’ (“black wind”); 若運硯勒 (sic ⇒ 苦運硯勒) kǔ-yùn-yàn-lè (quyun yel) ‘whirlwind’; 撒刀硯勒 (sic ⇒ 撒力硯勒) sā-lì-yàn-lè (sarïγ yel) ‘yellow wind’; 掃兀克硯勒 sǎo---yàn-lè (sawuq yel) ‘cold wind’; 硯勒乞赤 yàn-lè-qǐ-chì (yel kičig) ‘the wind is weak’; 硯勒科卜 yàn-lè-kē-bǔ (yel qop-) ‘for the wind to rise’; yàn-lè-qiàn (yel kel-) ‘for the wind to blow’; 硯勒科卜 (sic ⇒ 硯勒禿兒) yàn-lè-tū-ér (yel tur-) ‘for the wind to stop blowing’; and 硯勒五魯 yàn-lè-wǔ-lǔ (yel uluγ) ‘the wind is strong’

    與里都子 yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ (yulduz) ‘star’

    與里都子 in 與里都子阿 (sic ⇒ 與里都子阿子) yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-ā-zǐ (yulduz az) ‘there are a few stars’; 與里都子把習的 yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-bǎ-xí-dì (yulduz batdï) ‘star(s) fell’; 與里都子赤里的 (sic ⇒ 與里都子赤黑的) yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-chì-hēi-dì (yulduz čïqdï) ‘star(s) came out’; 與里都子奴兒 yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-nú-ér (yulduz nur) ‘starlight’; 與里都子脫羅 yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-tuō-luó (yulduz tolo) ‘there are a lot of stars’; and 與里都子呀禄 yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-yā-lù (yulduz yaruq) ‘stars are bright’

    This consonant is shown with the character 兒 ér in the following Uighur words:

    克即兒 in 克即課克 (sic ⇒ 克即兒課克) kè-jí-ér-kè-kè (qïzïl kök) ‘red cloud’ and 忝額刀 克即兒 (sic ⇒ 忝額力克即兒) tiǎn-é-lì-kè-jí-ér (teŋgeri qïzïl) ‘the sky is red’

  3. 3. The syllable-final m before γ in the following syllable is shown with ŋ in the following Uighur word:

    養兀兒 yǎng-wù-ér (yamγur) ‘rain’

    養兀兒 in 阿噶都兒養兀兒 ā-gá-dū-ér-yǎng-wù-ér (yaγadur yamγur) ‘it is raining’; 覇忒養兀兒 bà-tè-yǎng-wù-ér (bat yamγur) ‘hard rain’; 乞赤養兀兒 qǐ-chì-yǎng-wù-ér (kičig yamγur) ‘light rain, drizzle’; 五魯養兀兒 wǔ-lǔ-yǎng-wù-ér (uluγ yamγur) ‘heavy rain’; 養兀兒把兒 yǎng-wù-ér-bǎ-ér (yamγur bar) ‘there are rains’; 養兀兒禿兒 yǎng-wù-ér-tū-ér (yamγur tur-) ‘for the rain to stop’; 養兀兒約 yǎng-wù-ér-yuē (yamγur yoq) ‘there is no rain’; and 引赤革養兀兒 yǐn-chì-gé-yǎng-wù-ér (yinčige yamγur) ‘fine rain’

    The syllable-final m is shown with n in the following Uighur word:

    呀林Footnote 203 in 愛呀林 ài-yā-lín (ay yarïm) ‘the moon is half (of the whole)’

  4. 4. The syllable-final n is shown with n in the Uighur words:

    苦運 in 若運硯勒 (sic ⇒ 苦運硯勒) kǔ-yùn-yàn-lè (quyun yel) ‘whirlwind’

    kūn (kün) ‘sun’

    昆 in 昆把習的 kūn-bǎ-xí-dì ‖ kun-pǎ-siˊ-tǐ (kün batdï) ‘the sun has set’; 昆赤黑的 kūn-chì-hēi-dì (kün čïqdï) ‘the sun has risen’; 昆土禿里的 kūn-tǔ-tū-lǐ-dì (kün tutuldï); 昆以夕 kūn-yǐ-xī (kün isig) ‘the weather is warm’; 昆克思哈 kūn-kè-sī-hā (kün qïsqa) ‘the day is short’; 昆土失的 kūn-tǔ-shī-dì (kün tüšdi) ‘midday’; and kūn-wǔ-zūn (kün uzun) ‘the day is long’

    馬難 in 阿噶都兒馬難 ā-gá-dū-ér-mǎ-nán (yaγadur manan) ‘fog is falling’

    門都兒 in 阿噶都兒門都兒 ā-gá-dū-ér-mén-dū-ér (yaγadur mündür) ‘it is hailing’

    手得林 in 阿噶都兒手得林 ā-gá-dū-ér-shǒu-dé-lín (yaγadur šüüderin) ‘dew is falling’

    躰呑 tǐ-tūn (titün) ‘smoke’

    引赤革 in 引赤革養兀兒 yǐn-chì-gé-yǎng-wù-ér (yinčige yamγur) ‘fine rain’

    噶林 in 木孑阿林 (sic ⇒ 木子噶林) mù-zǐ-gá-lín (muz qalïn) ‘the ice is thick’

  5. 5. The syllable-final ŋ is shown with n in the following Uighur word:

    忝額刀 (sic ⇒ 忝額力) tiǎn-é-lì (teŋgeri) ‘sky’

    忝額刀 in 噶剌忝額刀 (sic ⇒ 噶剌忝額力) gá-là-tiǎn-é-lì (qara teŋgeri) ‘black sky’; 忝額刀阿赤里的 (sic ⇒ 忝額力阿赤里的) tiǎn-é-lì-ā-chì-lǐ-dì (teŋgeri ačïldï) ‘the sky cleared up’; 忝額刀阿思廷 (sic ⇒ 忝額力阿思廷) tiǎn-é-lì-ā-sī-tíng (teŋgeri astïn) ‘world’; 忝額刀卜禄孛里的 (sic ⇒ 忝額力卜禄孛里的) tiǎn-é-lì-bǔ-lù-bó-lǐ-dì (teŋgeri bulut boldï) ‘the sky became cloudy’; 忝額刀得兒呒 (sic ⇒ 忝額力得兒呀) tiǎn-é-lì-dé-ér-yā (teŋgeri derya) ‘the Milky Way’; 忝額刀科来都兒 (sic ⇒ 忝額力科来都兒) tiǎn-é-lì-kē-lái-dū-ér (teŋgeri köredur) ‘the heaven watches/sees’; 忝額刀克即兒 (sic ⇒ 忝額力克即兒) tiǎn-é-lì-kè-jí-ér (teŋgeri qïzïl) ‘the sky is red’; 忝額刀克列 (sic ⇒ 忝額力克列) tiǎn-é-lì-kè-liè (teŋgeri qïrïγ) ‘horizon’; 忝額刀五思呑 (sic ⇒ 忝額力五思呑) tiǎn-é-lì-wǔ-sī-tūn (teŋgeri üstün) ‘upper part of heaven’; 忝額刀湯呀禄的 (sic ⇒ 忝額力湯呀禄的) tiǎn-é-lì-tāng-yā-lù-dì (teŋgeri taŋ yarudï) ‘the day broke / dawned’; 忝額刀也德子 (sic ⇒ 忝額力也德子) tiǎn-é-lì-yě-dé-zǐ (teŋgeri ėdiz) ‘the sky is high’

    This consonant is shown with ŋ in the following word:

    通的 in 木孑通的 (sic ⇒ 木子通的) mù-zǐ-tōng-dì (muz toŋdï) ‘ice formed’ (“the ice froze”)

  6. 6. The syllable-final consonant r is shown with the character 兒 ér in the Uighur words:

    阿噶都兒 in 阿噶都兒黑牢 ā-gá-dū-ér-hēi-láo (yaγadur qïraw) ‘frost is falling’; 阿噶都兒 馬難 ā-gá-dū-ér-mǎ-nán (yaγadur manan) ‘fog is falling’; and 阿噶都兒手得林 ā-gá-dū-ér- shǒu-dé-lín (yaγadur šüüderin) ‘dew is falling’

    阿噶都兒噶 (sic ⇒ 阿噶都兒噶兒) ā-gá-dū-ér-gá-ér (yaγadur qar) ‘it is snowing’

    阿噶都兒門都兒 ā-gá-dū-ér-mén-dū-ér (yaγadur mündür) ‘it is hailing’

    阿噶都兒養兀兒 ā-gá-dū-ér-yǎng-wù-ér (yaγadur yamγur) ‘it is raining’

    噶兒 gá-ér (qar) ‘snow’

    塔兒哈的 in 課克塔兒哈的 kè-kè-tǎ-ér-hā-dì (kök tarqadï) ‘clouds lifted’

    哭兒苦勒的 in 禄哭兒若勒的 (sic ⇒ 禄哭兒苦勒的) lù-kū-ér-kǔ-lè-dì (lu kürküredi) ‘it thundered’

    門都兒 mén-dū-ér (mündür) ‘hail’

    奴兒 in 與里都子奴兒 yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-nú-ér (yulduz nur) ‘starlight’

    科来都兒 in 忝額刀科来都兒 (sic ⇒ 忝額力科来都兒) tiǎn-é-lì-kē-lái-dū-ér (teŋgeri köredur) ‘the heaven watches/sees’

    養兀兒 yǎng-wù-ér (yamγur) ‘rain’

    養兀兒 in 覇忒養兀兒 bà-tè-yǎng-wù-ér (bat yamγur) ‘hard rain’; 乞赤養兀兒 qǐ-chì-yǎng-wù-ér (kičig yamγur) ‘light rain, drizzle’; 五魯養兀兒 wǔ-lǔ-yǎng-wù-ér (uluγ yamγur) ‘heavy rain’; 養兀兒約 yǎng-wù-ér-yuē (yamγur yoq) ‘there is no rain’; and 引赤革養兀兒 yǐn-chì-gé-yǎng-wù-ér (yinčige yamγur) ‘fine rain’

    養兀兒把兒 yǎng-wù-ér-bǎ-ér (yamγur bar) ‘there are rains’

    養兀兒禿兒 yǎng-wù-ér-tū-ér (yamγur tur-) ‘(the rain) to stop’

  7. 7. The syllable-final s is shown with the characters 思 or 習 in the Uighur words:

    克思哈 in 昆克思哈 kūn-kè-sī-hā (kün qïsqa) ‘the day is short’

    島習的 in 愛島習的 ài-dǎo-xí-dì (ay daγusdï) ‘the month has ended’

  8. 8. The syllable-final t is shown with the characters 習 or 忒 in the Uighur words:

    把習的 in 愛把習的 ài-bǎ-xí-dì (ay batdï) ‘the moon has set’; 昆把習的 kūn-bǎ-xí-dì (kün batdï) ‘the sun has set’; and 與里都子把習的 yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-bǎ-xí-dì (yulduz batdï) ‘star(s) fell’

    覇忒 in 覇忒養兀兒 bà-tè-yǎng-wù-ér (bat yamγur) ‘hard rain’

    This consonant is not shown in the following Uighur word:

    卜禄 in 忝額刀卜禄孛里的 (sic ⇒ 忝額力卜禄孛里的) tiǎn-é-lì-bǔ-lù-bó-lǐ-dì (teŋgeri bulut boldï) ‘the sky became cloudy’

  9. 9. The syllable-final z is shown with the character 子 in the Uighur words:

    木孑 (sic ⇒ 木子) mù-zǐ (muz) ‘ice’

    木子 in 木孑阿林 (sic ⇒ 木子噶林) mù-zǐ-gá-lín (muz qalïn) ‘the ice is thick’; 木孑噶惕 (sic ⇒ 木子噶惕) mù-zǐ-gá-tì (muz qatïγ) ‘the ice is hard’; 木孑通的 (sic ⇒ 木子通的) mù-zǐ-tōng-dì (muz toŋdï) ‘ice formed’ (“the ice froze”); and 木孑王補噶納 (sic ⇒ 木子玉補噶) mù-zǐ-yù-bǔ-gá (muz yupqa) ‘the ice is thin’

    也德子 in 忝額刀也德子 (sic ⇒ 忝額力也德子) tiǎn-é-lì-yě-dé-zǐ (teŋgeri ėdiz) ‘the sky is high’

    與里都子 yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ (yulduz) ‘star’

    與里都子 in 與里都子把習的 yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-bǎ-xí-dì (yulduz batdï) ‘star(s) fell’; 與里都子赤里的 (sic ⇒ 與里都子赤黑的) yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-chì-hēi-dì (yulduz čïqdï) ‘star(s) came out’; 與里都子奴兒 yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-nú-ér (yulduz nur) ‘starlight’; 與里都子脫羅 yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-tuō-luó (yulduz tolo) ‘there are a lot of stars’; and 與里都子呀禄 yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-yā-lù (yulduz yaruq) ‘stars are bright’

    與里都子阿 (sic ⇒ 與里都子阿子) yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-ā-zǐ (yulduz az) ‘there are a few stars’

  10. 10. A few words are not identified in modern Uighur:

    (lu) ‘thunder’

    島習的 in 愛島習的 ài-dǎo-xí-dì (ay daγusdï) ‘the month has ended’

    手得林 shǒu-dé-lín (šüüderin) ‘dew’

  11. 11. Some words are in somewhat different forms from those of modern Uighur:

    噶惕 in 木孑噶惕 (sic ⇒ 木子噶惕) mù-zǐ-gá-tì (muz qatïγ) ‘the ice is hard’

    哭兒苦勒的 in 禄哭兒若勒的 (sic ⇒ 禄哭兒苦勒的) lù-kū-ér-kǔ-lè-dì (lu kürküredi) ‘it thundered’

    門都兒 mén-dū-ér (mündür) ‘hail’

    撒力 in 撒刀忝額刀 (sic ⇒ 撒力忝額力) sā-lì-tiǎn-é-lì (sarïγ teŋgeri) ‘yellow sky’

    忝額刀 (sic ⇒ 忝額力) tiǎn-é-lì (teŋgeri) ‘sky’

    脫羅 in 與里都子脫羅 yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-tuō-luó (yulduz tolo) ‘there are a lot of stars’

    也德子 in 忝額刀也德子 (sic ⇒ 忝額力也德子) tiǎn-é-lì-yě-dé-zǐ (teŋgeri ėdiz) ‘the sky is high’

    引赤革 in 引赤革養兀兒 yǐn-chì-gé-yǎng-wù-ér (yinčige yamγur) ‘fine rain’

    與麻剌 in 愛與麻剌的 (sic ⇒ 愛與麻剌) ài-yǔ-má-là (ay yumalaq) ‘the moon is round’

  12. 12. A few words have different meanings from those of modern Uighur:

    課克 kè-kè (kök) ‘cloud’

    忝額刀 (sic ⇒ 忝額力) tiǎn-é-lì (teŋgeri) ‘sky’

    禿兒 in 養兀兒禿兒 yǎng-wù-ér-tū-ér (yamγur tur-) ‘for the rain to stop’ and 硯勒科卜 (sic ⇒ 硯勒禿兒) yàn-lè-tū-ér (yel tur-) ‘for the wind to stop blowing’

    硯勤 (sic ⇒ 硯勒) yàn-lè (yel) ‘wind’

  13. 13. Some words are, in fact, either from Mongolian or from Arabic or Persian:

    1. (1) Mongolian:

      苦運 in 若運硯勒 (sic ⇒ 苦運硯勒) kǔ-yùn-yàn-lè (quyun yel) ‘whirlwind’

      闊闊 in 闊闊課克 kuò-kuò-kè-kè (kök kök) ‘blue cloud’

      馬難 in 阿噶都兒馬難 ā-gá-dū-mén-dū-ér-mǎ-nán (yaγadur manan) ‘fog is falling’

      門都兒 mén-dū-ér (mündür) ‘hail’

      手得林 shǒu-dé-lín (šüüderin) ‘dew’

      忝額刀 (sic ⇒ 忝額力) tiǎn-é-lì (teŋgeri) ‘sky’

    2. (2) Arabic or Persian:

      得兒呀 in 忝額刀得兒呒 (sic ⇒ 忝額力得兒呀) tiǎn-é-lì-dé-ér-yā (teŋgeri derya) ‘the Milky Way’

      奴兒 in 與里都子奴兒 yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-nú-ér (yulduz nur) ‘starlight’

  14. 14. The compiler is seemingly not a native Uighur speaker due to the following points:

    1. (1) compound words without the third person possessive suffix, i.e. mere juxtaposition of two words

      忝額刀阿思廷 (sic ⇒ 忝額力阿思廷) tiǎn-é-lì-ā-sī-tíng (teŋgeri astïn) ‘world’ (“under part of heaven”)

      忝額刀得兒呒 (sic ⇒ 忝額力得兒呀) tiǎn-é-lì-dé-ér-yā (teŋgeri derya) ‘the Milky Way’

      忝額刀克列 (sic ⇒ 忝額力克列) tiǎn-é-lì-kè-liè (teŋgeri qïrïγ) ‘horizon’ (“edge of the sky”)

      忝額刀五思呑 (sic ⇒ 忝額力五思呑) tiǎn-é-lì-wǔ-sī-tūn (teŋgeri üstün) ‘heaven’ (“upper part of heaven”)

      與里都子奴兒 yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-nú-ér (yulduz nur) ‘starlight’

    2. (2) verb stems without any conjugation

      科卜 in 課克科卜 kè-kè-kē-bǔ (kök qop-) ‘(clouds) to gather’ and 硯勒科卜 yàn-lè-kē-bǔ (yel qop-) ‘(the wind) to rise’

      欠 in 硯勒欠 yàn-lè-qiàn (yel kel-) ‘(the wind) to blow’

      禿兒 in 硯勒科卜 (sic ⇒ 硯勒禿兒) yàn-lè-tū-ér (yel tur-) ‘(the wind) to stop blowing’ and 養兀兒禿兒 yǎng-wù-ér-tū-ér (yamγur tur-) ‘for the rain to stop’

    3. (3) mere translations of Chinese expressions

      1. (a) superficial literal translations

        愛噶剌 ài-gá-là (ay qara) ‘the moon is dark’ (“the moon is black”)

        愛禿赤的 (sic ⇒ 愛禿亦的 ⇒ 愛脫亦的 ⇒ 愛脫力的) ài-tuō-lì-dì (ay toldï) ‘the moon is full’

        噶剌忝額刀 (sic ⇒ 噶剌忝額力) gá-là-tiǎn-é-lì (qara teŋgeri) ‘black sky’

        闊闊課克 kuò-kuò-kè-kè (kök kök) ‘blue cloud’

      2. (b) translation with an excessive word

        忝額刀湯呀禄的 (sic ⇒ 忝額力湯呀禄的) tiǎn-é-lì-tāng-yā-lù-dì (teŋgeri taŋ yarudï) ‘the day broke / dawned’

      3. (c) noun or adjective regarded as a verb

        愛與麻剌的 (sic ⇒ 愛與麻剌) ài-yǔ-má-là (ay yumalaq) ‘the moon is round’

        昆土失的 kūn-tǔ-shī-dì (kün tüšdi) ‘midday’

    4. (4) expressions following the Chinese word order

      阿噶都兒養兀兒 ā-gá-dū-ér-yǎng-wù-ér (yaγadur yamγur) ‘it is raining’

      阿噶都兒噶 (sic ⇒ 阿噶都兒噶兒) ā-gá-dū-ér-gá-ér (yaγadur qar) ‘it is snowing’

      阿噶都兒門都兒 ā-gá-dū-ér-mén-dū-ér (yaγadur mündür) ‘it is hailing’

      阿噶都兒手得林 ā-gá-dū-ér-shǒu-dé-lín (yaγadur šüüderin) ‘dew is falling’

      阿噶都兒馬難 ā-gá-dū-ér-mǎ-nán (yaγadur manan) ‘fog is falling’

      阿噶都兒黑牢 ā-gá-dū-ér-hēi-láo (yaγadur qïraw) ‘frost is falling’

    5. (5) compiler's errors

      1. (a) 勒 instead of 克

        阿勒 in 阿勒課克 (sic ⇒ 阿克課克) ā-kè-kè-kè (aq kök) ‘white cloud’

      2. (b) 剌阿 instead of 阿剌

        禄 剌阿思 lù là-ā-sī may be an compiler's error for 禄 阿剌思 lù ā- là-sī (lu arasï).

      3. (c) 躰 instead of 土 or 禿

        躰呑 tǐ-tūn (titün) may be an compiler's error for 土呑 tǔ-tūn or 禿呑 -tūn (tütün).

  15. 16. Some scribal errors are observed as follows:

    1. (1) Chinese:

      電 (⇒ 雹) báo ‘hail’

      ‘dew’ (sic ⇒ 霜 shuāng ‘frost’)

      shuāng ‘frost’ (sic ⇒ 露 ‘dew’)

      下露 xià-lù (sic ⇒ 下霜 xià-shuāng) ‘to frost’

      下霜 xià-shuāng (sic ⇒ 下露 xià-lù) ‘(of dew) to fall’

    2. (2) Uighur:

      1. (a) 刀 instead of 力

        撒刀 in 撒刀課克 (sic ⇒ 撒力課克) sā-lì-kè-kè (sarïγ kök) ‘yellow cloud’ and 撒 刀硯勒 (sic ⇒ 撒力硯勒) sā-lì-yàn-lè (sarïγ yel) ‘yellow wind’

        撒刀忝額刀 (sic ⇒ 撒力忝額力) sā-lì-tiǎn-é-lì (sarïγ teŋgeri) ‘yellow sky’

        忝額刀 (sic ⇒ 忝額力) tiǎn-é-lì (teŋgeri) ‘sky’

        忝額刀 in 噶剌忝額刀 (sic ⇒ 噶剌忝額力) gá-là-tiǎn-é-lì (qara teŋgeri) ‘black sky’; 闊克忝額刀 (sic ⇒ 闊克忝額力) kuò-kè-tiǎn-é-lì (kök teŋgeri) ‘blue sky’; 忝額刀阿赤里的 (sic ⇒ 忝額力阿赤里的) tiǎn-é-lì-ā-chì-lǐ-dì (teŋgeri ačïldï) ‘the sky cleared up’; 忝額刀阿思廷 (sic ⇒ 忝額力阿思廷) tiǎn-é-lì-ā-sī-tíng (teŋgeri astïn) ‘world’; 忝額刀卜禄孛里的 (sic ⇒ 忝額力卜禄孛里的) tiǎn-é-lì-bǔ-lù-bó-lǐ-dì (teŋgeri bulut boldï) ‘the sky became cloudy’; 忝額刀得兒呒 (sic ⇒ 忝額力得兒呀) tiǎn-é-lì-dé-ér-yā (teŋgeri derya) ‘the Milky Way’; 忝額刀科来都兒 (sic ⇒ 忝額力科来都兒) tiǎn-é-lì-kē-lái-dū-ér (teŋgeri köredur) ‘the heaven watches/sees’; 忝額刀克即兒 (sic ⇒ 忝額力克即兒) tiǎn-é-lì-kè-jí-ér (teŋgeri qïzïl) ‘the sky is red’; 忝額刀克列 (sic ⇒ 忝額力克列) tiǎn-é-lì-kè-liè (teŋgeri qïrïγ) ‘horizon’; 忝額刀五思呑 (sic ⇒ 忝額力五思呑) tiǎn-é-lì-wǔ-sī-tūn (teŋgeri üstün) ‘upper part of heaven’; 忝額刀湯呀禄的 (sic ⇒ 忝額力湯呀禄的) tiǎn-é-lì-tāng-yā-lù-dì (teŋgeri taŋ yarudï) ‘the day broke / dawned’; 忝額刀也德子 (sic ⇒ 忝額力也德子) tiǎn-é-lì-yě-dé-zǐ (teŋgeri ėdiz) ‘the sky is high’

      2. (b) 孑 instead of 子

        木孑 (sic ⇒ 木子) mù-zǐ (muz) ‘ice’

        木孑 in 木孑阿林 (sic ⇒ 木子噶林) mù-zǐ-gá-lín (muz qalïn) ‘the ice is thick’; 木孑噶惕 (sic ⇒ 木子噶惕) mù-zǐ-gá-tì (muz qatïγ) ‘the ice is hard’; 木孑通的 (sic ⇒ 木子通的) mù-zǐ-tōng-dì (muz toŋdï) ‘ice formed’ (“the ice froze”); 木孑王補噶納 (sic ⇒ 木子玉補噶) mù-zǐ-yù-bǔ-gá (muz yupqa) ‘the ice is thin’

      3. (c) 若 instead of 苦

        若運 in 若運硯勒 (sic ⇒ 苦運硯勒) kǔ-yùn-yàn-lè (quyun yel) ‘whirlwind’

        哭兒若勒的 in 禄哭兒若勒的 (sic ⇒ 禄哭兒苦勒的) lù-kū-ér-kǔ-lè-dì (lu kürküredi) ‘it thundered’

      4. (d) 勤 instead of 勒

        硯勤 (sic ⇒ 硯勒) yàn-lè (yel) ‘wind’

      5. (e) 黑 instead of 里

        愛土禿黑的 (sic ⇒ 愛土禿里的) ài-tǔ-tū-lǐ-dì (ay tutuldï) ‘the moon was eclipsed’

      6. (f) 阿 instead of 噶

        阿林 in 木孑阿林 (sic ⇒ 木子噶林) mù-zǐ-gá-lín (muz qalïn) ‘the ice is thick’

      7. (g) 科卜 instead of 禿兒

        科卜 in 硯勒科卜 (sic ⇒ 硯勒禿兒) yàn-lè-tū-ér (yel tur-) ‘for the wind to stop blowing’

      8. (h) omission of 兒

        噶兒 in 阿噶都兒噶 (sic ⇒ 阿噶都兒噶兒) ā-gá-dū-ér-gá-ér (yaγadur qar) ‘it is snowing’

        克即兒 in 克即課克 (sic ⇒ 克即兒課克) kè-jí-ér-kè-kè (qïzïl kök) ‘red cloud’

      9. (i) omission of 子

        阿子 in 與里都子阿 (sic ⇒ 與里都子阿子) yǔ-lǐ-dū-zǐ-ā-zǐ (yulduz az) ‘there are a few stars’

        The mere translations of Chinese words, the compiler's errors, and the scribal errors show that the compilers/scribes did not fully master Chinese or Uighur.Footnote 204 Apart from the shortcomings of the Chinese characters, this may be the main reason why the Uighur word materials in the wordbooks of this class are not highly regarded.

Footnotes

This work was supported by the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF-2016S1A5B5A07918222). This is the corrected version of the paper read at the winter conference of the Korean Association for Central Asian Studies, Seoul, Korea, 3 December 2016.

1 Sìyíguǎn (四夷館) was renamed Sìyìguǎn (四譯館) in the first year of the Shunzhi (順治) Emperor (r. 1643~1661) of the Qing (淸) dynasty (1636~1912).

2 Ligeti (1966, 1969) and Kemal (Reference Kemal1997 = Yunusoğlu (Reference Yunusoğlu2012)) researched the Uighur word materials of this class.

The wordbooks belonging to this class are comprised of 10 volumes as follows: (1) 韃靼 Dada (Tatar = East Mongols), (2) 女直 Nüzhi (Jurchen), (3) 西番 Xifan (“Western Barbarians” = Tibetans of the Kham region), (4) 西天 Xitian (“Western Heaven” = India (ancient Chinese Buddhists’ name)), (5) 回回 Huihui (Muslims = Persians), (6) 高昌 Gaochang (Qocho = Uighur), (7) 百夷 baiyi (傣族 Daizu ‘Dai people’), (8) 緬甸 Miandian (Myanmar), (9) 八百 Babai (Lanna), and (10) 暹羅 Xianluo (Siam = Thailand).

In connection with the Turkic language dealt with in this paper, one reviewer pointed out as follows:

“Uighur, Turki or Chagatai? The naming of the Turkic language found in the Hua-Yi Yiyu is an academical challenge in itself. The JRAS's anonymous reviewer acknowledges the widespread usage of Uighur as a name for the Turkic language quoted in the Hua-Yi Yiyu, but strictly speaking, Uighur as a language name is a modern coinage, only chosen in 1921. The Turkic languages described in the Hua-Yi Yiyu are certainly not Old Turkic (also known as Uighur in the proper sense), rather they are Chagatai, or, in a broader sense, Turki”.

The same reviewer gave the author information on the Hirth manuscript of the second class as follows:

“四夷館:華夷譯語 24本。1579年。Libri sin. Hirth Ms. 1, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin. Digitized and available und the URL: http://resolver.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/SBB000103AF00000000.

Turki materials are located in volume 5, folia 1–100 (pages 877–1078), and volume 10, folia 1–38 (pages 1908–1984)”.

The author thanks the reviewer for the valuable comments and information. Being a manuscript belonging to the second class, the Uighur words of the Hirth manuscript are practically the same with as those words treated by L. Ligeti.

3 The wordbooks belonging to this class are comprised of 13 volumes as follows: (1) 朝鮮 Chaoxian (Korea), (2) 琉球 Liuqiu (Ryukyu), (3) 日本 Riben (Japan), (4) 安南 Annan (Annam = North Vietnam), (5) 暹羅 Xianluo (Siam = Thailand), (6) 韃靼 Dada (Tatar = East Mongols), (7) 畏兀兒/委兀兒 Weiwuer (Uighur), (8) 滿剌加 Manlajia (Malacca), (9) 占城 Zhancheng (Champa = South Vietnam), (10) 西番 Xifan (“Western Barbarians” = Tibetans of the Kham region), (11) 回回 Huihui (Muslims = Persians), (12) 女直 Nüzhi (Jurchen), and (13) 百夷 Baiyi (傣族 Daizu ‘Dai people’). Shōgaito (Reference Shōgaito1984) researched the Uighur word materials of this class. He used three manuscripts preserved respectively in Awanokuni Bunko (阿波國文庫), in Seikadō Bunko (靜嘉堂文庫), and in The School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) of University of London. The author also researched the Uighur word materials of this class. See Li Reference Li2006, Li Reference Li2009, Li Reference Li2011, and Li Reference Li2015.

In order to obtain the copies of the Uighur materials in the other manucripts of this third class, the author made an application to the Central Library Inter-Library Loan Desk of Seoul National University in September 2017. However, Kyoto University refused to loan copies on the ground that “it is not available for loan or photocopy.” The School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) of University of London also refused to loan copies because “the library identified as a possible source will not provide offsite scanning”.

For the copies of the manuscripts in Tōyō Bunko (東洋文庫 “Oriental Library”) the author asked the Japanese scholar Prof. Dr. Umemura Hiroshi (梅村坦) for help. He visited this library and learned that “it is prohibitted to make copy in Tōyō Bunko”. He compared the Chinese characters of the manuscript of Awanokuni Bunko (阿波國文庫) with those of the word list in the article of Shōgaito Masahiro (庄垣內正弘) (1984) in person in Tōyō Bunko. He sent the author this comparative list. The author thanks him for his help.

4 Huitongsiyiguan (會同四譯館) was divided into Xiyuguan (西域館) and Baiyiguan (百譯館):

  • (A) Xiyuguan (西域館): (1) 西番 Xifan (“Western Barbarians” = Tibetans of the Kham region), (2) 西天 Xitian (“Western Heaven” = India (ancient Chinese Buddhists’ name)), (3) 回回 Huihui (Muslims = Persians), (4) 高昌 Gaochang (Qocho = Uighur)

  • (B) Baiyiguan (百譯館): (1) 百譯 Baiyi (傣族 Daizu ‘Dai people’), (2) 緬甸 Miandian (Myanmar), (3) 八百 Babai (Lanna), (4) 暹羅 Xianluo (Siam = Thailand), (5) 蘇祿 Sulu (Sulu), (6) 南掌 Nanzhang (Lan Xang = Laos)

Later, Xiyangguan (西洋館; 西洋 ‘the West’) was also formed. Here such wordbooks as 弗喇安西雅話 Fulaanxiya Hua ‘French’, 額哷馬尼雅話 Elemaniya Hua ‘German’, 伊達禮雅話 Yidaliya Hua ‘Italian’, 播哷都噶禮雅話 Boledugaliya Hua ‘Portuguese’, 拉氐諾話 Ladinuo Hua ‘Latin’, and 唎國譯語 Yingjili Guo Yiyu ‘English’ were compiled.

The wordbooks belonging to this class are comprised of 98 volumes and 36 languages/dialects. According to the name of 高昌 Gaochang (Qocho = Uighur), the Uighur materials belong certainly to the second class. The author could not see this wordbook.

5 This manuscript is at present in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. It was published in 2010 by the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University as follows:

서울大學校 奎章閣韓國學硏究院, 象院題語; 華夷譯語, 奎章閣資料叢書 語學篇 10 (서울, 2010). [The Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University, Sangwŏnjeŏ; Hwaiyŏgŏ, Kyujanggak charyo ch'ong'sŏ (Kyujanggak Series) Ŏhakp'yŏn 10 (Seoul, 2010).]

It is also accessible to the researcher by means of microfilm (M/F 73-102-31-F). It was reproduced in 1979 in Taipei (= Huo Reference Huo and Di1979). This reproduction was printed by phototypography in 1982 in Seoul. The information about Hua-Yi Yiyu in this paper is largely based on the Korean Foreword entitled 華夷譯語 解題 Hwaiyŏgŏ haeje in that reproduction by phototypography in Seoul. Endo et al was also referred to.

6 Inaba Kunzan's version disappeared at the end of World War Two.

7 Regarding the Morrison manuscript of this class, West (Reference West1998: 23) gives the following information:

Foreign Languages 經部小學類•譯語

Vocabulary Lists for Foreign Languages 華夷

Geguo yiyu. 1549. RM 128.

Vocabulary lists in Chinese transliteration for Korean, Dai (Dehong dialect), Uighur, Malay, Cham, Persian, Vietnamese, Thai, Japanese, and Ryukyuan. This is one of a number of extant manuscript copies of a set of thirteen phonetic vocabulary lists that are believed to have been compiled by the Interpreters Institute (會通館) during the mid-Ming (between about 1492 and 1549). Some of the other extant copies derive from a copy of the thirteen Interpreters Institute vocabulary lists made by Mao Ruizheng 茅瑞徵 during the late Ming, but as the Morrison manuscript includes colophons dated at 1549 that are not found in the Mao Ruizheng copies, it is probable that it is an earlier manuscript copy of the Interpreters Institute vocabulary lists independent of the Mao Ruizheng manuscript tradition. The Morrison copy is incomplete, lacking the vocabulary lists for the Tartar (i.e. Mongolian), Tibetan and Jurchen languages.

ff. [31, 19, 23, 14, 17, 19, 20, 15, 16, 16].

MS 48363. 10 fascs. in 1 vol. 26.5 cm.

8 This category had originally 87 words. The scribe omitted one word.

9 This category had originally 63 words. The scribe made a mistake in the sequence and omitted one word.

10 This category had originally 21 words. The scribe made a mistake in the sequence and omitted one word.

11 This category had originally 38 words. The scribe omitted four words.

12 This is not a separate category, but within the category 器用門 qiyongmen.

13 This category had originally 59 words. The scribe omitted six words.

14 This category had originally 66 words. The scribe made a mistake in the sequence and omitted one word.

15 This category had originally 38 words. The scribe omitted one word.

16 “… Early Mandarin represents the speech of the Yuan capital, Dadu (present Beijing), around the year 1300, …” (Pulleyblank Reference Pulleyblank1991: i); j and y in “Early Mandarin” represent y and ü respectively. This paper follows the system of Pulleyblank (Reference Pulleyblank1991).

17 Although an excellent work on Wuti Qingwenjian by Corff et al. was published in Reference Corff2013, the author preferred to use the work by Tamura et al. (1966). The meaning of the Uighur words in WT is given according to the meaning of the Manchu counterparts. To do this work the author consulted the Manchu dictionaries compiled by Norman (Reference Norman1978, Reference Norman2013).

18 Although the etymological dictionary of Räsänen (Reference Räsänen1969) was referred to for several words, the author used the etymological dictionary of Clauson (1972) as the main source.

19 täŋŋäri in the original. ä, e and ė are used instead of æ, ä and e for the Turkic words in this paper.

20 tngri in the original. ŋ is used instead of ng for the Turkic words in this paper.

21 The Chinese characters are not in the original.

22 Mongolian teŋgeri, tŋri, tegri ‘heaven; god; sky; weather’ (MED 802b, 809b, 794a; < Turkic). The Turkic loan words of the Hua-Yi Yiyu of the first class are dealt with in pp. 216–247 of Clauson (Reference Clauson1962).

23 Persian آسمان āsmān ‘heaven, the celestial orb; the ceiling of a house; name of a genius who presides over the 27th day of every Persian solar month; name of the angel of death’ (PED 60a).

24 As a counterpart of Manchu lamun and Chinese 藍 lán.

25 The counterpart of the 20th word 天陰 tiān yīn ‘the sky is cloudy’ is given as 忝額刀卜禄孛里的 (sic ⇒ 忝額力卜禄孛里的) tiǎn-é-lì-bǔ-lù-bó-lǐ-dì ‖ tʰjεm̌-jajˋ/njεˋ (?)-liˋ-pǔ-luˋ-pɔˊ-lǐ-tǐ (teŋgeri bulut boldï “the sky became cloudy”) in 天文門 tianwenmen ‘the category of astronomy’.

26 As a counterpart of Manchu inenggi and Chinese 日 .

27 ai in the original. Ligeti used i instead of y after a vowel.

28 .

29 As a counterpart of Manchu ya and Chinese 煙靄 yān'ǎi.

30 As a counterpart of Manchu sukdun and Chinese 氣 .

31 Correctly, bowels.

32 Arabic شمال šamāl, šimāl ‘north; north wind’ (DMWA 487a).

33 王敦 wáng-dūn due to a scribal error.

34 As a counterpart of Manchu gūlambi and Chinese 烟洞倒風 yāndòng dào fēng.

35 Persian دريا daryā ‘a sea, ocean; a river; (in the language of mysticism) pure, uncreated, divine essence’ (PED 516b).

36 Although ï became i except in the vicinity of x, q and γ in modern Uighur, ï is always shown in this paper when used with the back vowels.

37 ED sama:n ‘straw’; s.i.a.m.l.g.; in SE: NC Kır.: SC: NW Kaz.: SW saman (Tkm. sa:man, with long vowel transposed): NE Tuv. savaŋ: NC Kzx.: NW Kk. saban. NW Kumyk, Nog. salam is a corruption of Russian soloma and not connected. (p. 829b).

38 In the form of samanyoli.

39 Mongolian šigüderi[i] ‘dew’ (MED 703a).

40 Cf. BT 下露 阿噶都兒手得林 [ā-gá-dū-ér-shǒu-dé-lín ‖ ɔ-[kɔ̌] ?-tu-rr̩ˊ-ʂiw̌-təǰ-limˊ (yaγadur šüüderin)] (p. 598).

41 Persian شبنم šab-nam ‘(night-moisture) dew’ (PED 732a).

42 An editorial error for šeb nem?

43 Cf. BT 下霜 阿噶都兒黑牢 [ā-gá-dū-ér-hēi-láo ‖ ɔ-[kɔ̌] ?-tu-rr̩ˊ-xəǰ-lawˊ (yaγadur qïraw)] (p. 598).

44 Mongolian kiraγu(n) ‘hoarfrost’ (MED 470b).

45 Mongolian möndür ‘hail, sleet’ (MED 547a).

46 Considering KY ara ‘entre’: arasïnda (a-la-sin-ta [阿喇信答 ā-lǎ-xìn-dá]) ‘entre, dans’ (Ligeti 1966: 130), 禄 剌阿思 may be an error for 禄 阿剌思 lù ā-là-sī ‖ luˋ ɔ-là-sz̩ (lu arasï) ‘the interval of thunders, between thunders’. If that is the case, the character 思 denotes the third person possessive suffix -sï.

Cf. Arabic رعد raʿd ‘thunder’ (DMWA 345b).

47 Cf. Yellow Uighur ayaqʰ ‘bowl, basin; 10,000’ (XYHC 14). The Chinese 碗 wǎn ‘bowl’ and 萬 wàn ‘10,000’ are very similar in pronunciation. Therefore, ayaqʰ ‘bowl, basin’ came to mean also ten thousand in Yellow Uighur.

ED ayak ‘a vessel’, particularly a drinking vessel, for individual use; ‘cup, goblet, bowl’. S.i.a.m.l.g. (p. 270a)

48 Cf. Mongolian luu ‘[T. klu, snake or serpent “demon,” S. nāga] dragon’ (MED 517b)

luu ǰil ‘fifth year of the duodenary cycle’ (MED 517b).

49 An editorial error for üstün.

50 As a counterpart of Manchu ninggu and Chinese 上頭 shàngtóu.

51 As a counterpart of Manchu dekjike and Chinese 興旺 xīngwàng.

52 As a counterpart of Manchu fejergi and Chinese 下 xià.

53 This Uighur word should be in the form of tŋri altï with the third person possessive suffix, because altïn is not a noun.

54 Arabic دنيا dunyā ‘world; earth; this world …’ (DMWA 295a).

55 Arabic عالم ʿālam ‘world; universe, cosmos’ (DMWA 636a).

56 Cf. Mongolian tŋriyin kiǰaγar ‘horizon’ (MED 809b; “border of the sky”).

57 kè-dào ‖ kʰjaǰ/kʰjε̌-tawˋ. 到 should be a scribal error for 列.

58 An editorial error for kırğa:ğ.

WT qïrγaq ‘eaves’ (No. 10764; as a counterpart of Manchu sihin and Chinese 簷 yán), ‘selvedge of silk goods’ (No. 11991; as a counterpart of Manchu hešen and Chinese 紬緞邊子 chóuduàn biānzǐ)

This word is found in modern Uighur as follows:

qïrγaq ‘edge’ (ETED 248)

qirγaq ‘bank, shore’ (XUL 7b), ‘bank, shore, edge’ (UXL 696b), ‘shore; edge, border; tape (for the edging of the sides of a costume)’ (URS 623c)

Cf. Mongolian kirqaγ ‘border, edge’ (MED 473a: < Turkic)

59 KY qïdïγ ‘frontière’, dans [邊地 biān-dì] qïdïq yïr [correctly, qïdïγ yir] (k'i-ti ye-eul [起的葉兒 qǐ-dì-yè-ér]) (Ligeti 1966: 166)

qïdïγ ‘frontière’ (Ligeti 1969: 31)

ED kıḏığ Dev. N. fr. kıḏ-; basically ‘the edge’ of something, in such applications as ‘the sea shore; the frontier (of a country), the lip (of a cup), and the like. S.i.s.m.l. with these and extended meanings, usually as kıyığ/kıyı. (p. 598a).

60 Cf. 克列額 kè-liè-é ‖ [kʰəǰ]-ljεˋ-jajˋ/njεˋ (?) (qïrïγï) in 身體門 shentimen ‘the category of human body’. The form qïrïγï is analyzed as qïrïγ +  ‘the third person possessive suffix’. The compiler seems to have confused 唇 (脣) chún ‘lip’ with 滣 (漘) chún ‘waterside’. The genuine Uighur word for lip is ėrin.

61 As a counterpart of Manchu dalan and Chinese 堤 .

62 As a counterpart of Manchu irun and Chinese 壟 lǒng.

63 Arabic افق ufq, ufuq ‘horizon; range of vision, field of vision; …’ (DMWA 20b).

64 tǐ.

65 As a counterpart of Manchu den and Chinese 高 gāo.

66 As a counterpart of Manchu den and Chinese 高 gāo.

67 As a counterpart of Manchu etuhun and Chinese 高 gāo.

68 In Kazakh and Karakalpak, word-initial /e/ often exhibits a prothetic y-, e.g. yeki ‘two’. See (Kirchner Reference Kirchner, Johanson and Csató1998: 319).

69 Peut-être peut-on ranger le mot ačïldï, en tant que nom déverbal, au nombre des noms comme ögdi «louange» (si ce dernier n'est pas simplement une forme verbale de ög- «louer»), recueillis dans notre lexique. Cependant, il est fort possible qu'on doive tout simplement compter là avec une erreur du scribe chinois sachant plus ou moins imparfaitement l'ouigour (Ligeti 1966: 125, footnote 10). The latter should be the case. It seems that the scribe knew Uighur somewhat imperfectly or was influenced by boldï of the preceding and following words. Besides ačïldï boldï, there are 5 words with boldï out of 8 words on this page of the manuscript.

70 As a counterpart of Manchu galga oho and Chinese 晴了 qíng le.

71 Arabic هواء hawāʾ ‘air; atmosphere; wind, draft; weather, climate’ (DMWA 1040ab).

72 The right part of this character is erroneously 易, not 昜.

73 jǎ.

74 As a counterpart of Manchu uldeke and Chinese 晨光現出 chénguāng xiànchū.

75 As a counterpart of Manchu gereke and Chinese 天亮 tiān liàng.

76 As a counterpart of Manchu gehun gereke and Chinese 天大亮 tiān dà liàng.

77 An editorial error for täŋŋäri, i.e. teŋŋeri.

78 As a counterpart of Manchu tuwambi and Chinese 看 kàn.

79 As a counterpart of Manchu sabumbi and Chinese 看見 kànjiàn.

80 Cf. Mongolian köke tŋri ‘blue sky’ (MED 810a).

81 ED kalık Dev. N. fr. kalı:-; normally ‘the air, atmosphere’ or, occasionally by itself but usually in the phr. kök kalık, ‘the (visible) sky’; in one or two cases perhaps ‘a structure open to the sky’ or the like. N.o.a.b. (p. 620a).

82 As a counterpart of Manchu niohon abka and Chinese 蒼天 cāngtiān.

83 liˋ.

84 Mongolian šira ‘yellow; yolk of an egg; bile; heartburn, acidity of the stomach; hangover’ (MED 714b).

85 Mongolian qara ‘black, dark, obscure; unrefined, common, plain, vulgar; rough, unpolished; …’ (MED 931ab).

86 As a counterpart of Manchu dobori and Chinese 夜 .

87 As a counterpart of Manchu dobon dulin and Chinese 夜半 yèbàn. The pronunciation of this word is given as tun utarasi in Manchu script.

88 As a counterpart of Manchu dobori dulin and Chinese 夜半 yèbàn. The pronunciation of this word is given as tun yarmi in Manchu script.

89 ‖ kjaǰ.

90 Cf. al (ngan [俺 ǎn]) ‘rouge foncé (hong [紅 hóng])’ (Ligeti 1966: 128).

al ‘rouge foncé (hong [紅 hóng])’ (Ligeti 1969: 6).

91 As a counterpart of Manchu fulgiyan and Chinese 丙 bǐng.

92 As a counterpart of Manchu fulgiyan and Chinese 紅 hóng.

93 Cf. Koko Nor ‘Qinghai (青海) Lake’ in English (< Mongolian köke naγur ‘Koko Nor (Ch. Ch'ing-hai 靑海)’ (MED 482a; “blue lake”)).

94 Arabic مرتبة martaba ‘step; a steplike elevation serving as a seat; mattress; grade, degree, rank, class’ (DMWA 325a).

95 ED yokaru: crasis of *yokğaru:, Directive f. of 2 yok; ‘upwards’ and the like; in Türkü the form is yoğaru. S.i.a.m.l.g. w. some fluctuations in the first vowel; NE Khak. çoğar: SE Türki yokarı Shaw; yukuri/jukuri ; yokarı/yukarı Jarring: NC Kır. joğoru; Kzx. joğarı: SC Uzb. yukori: NW Kk. jokarı; Kaz. yuğarı; Nog. yoğarı: SW Az. yuxarı; Osm., Tkm. yokarı. (p. 906b)

orun (oron) originally ‘place’, and more specifically ‘high place, throne’; the first is quite clear in phr. like yé:r orun ‘a place’ (Hend.) and the second in phr. like linxwa orun ‘lotus throne’; also used abstractly in phr. like ornınta ‘in place of (something else)’. An early l.-w. in Mongolian as oron ‘throne’ (Haenisch 126), later ‘place, country, province’, and other meanings (Kow. 447, Haltod 82). S.i.a.m.l.g., but not current in Osm. after about XVI until revived recently. (p. 233a)

96 qïzïl is found in the manuscript as follows:

忝額刀克即兒 (sic ⇒ 忝額力克即兒) tiǎn-é-lì-kè-jí-ér ‖ tʰjεm̌-jajˋ/njεˋ (?)-liˋ-[kʰəǰ]-[tsǐ]-rr̩ˊ (teŋgeri qïzïl) as a counterpart of Chin. 天紅 tiān hóng ‘The sky is red.’ in 天文門 tianwenmen ‘the category of astronomy’

闊克革即兒孛子 kuò-kè-gé-jí-ér-bó-zǐ ‖ kʰwɔ̌-[kʰəǰ]-kjaǰ-[tsǐ]-rr̩ˊ-pɔ́-tsž̩ (kök qïzïl böz) as a counterpart of Chin. 青紅布疋 qīnghóng bùpǐ ‘blue and red cloth’ in 衣服門 yifumen ‘the category of clothing’

五魯克即児 wǔ-lǔ-kè-jí-ér ‖ ǔ-lɔ̌-[kʰəǰ]-[tsǐ]-rr̩ˊ (uluγ qïzïl) “big red” as a counterpart of Chin. 大紅 dàhóng ‘scarlet, bright red’ in 聲色門 shengsemen ‘the category of colour’.

97 ‖ kʰaǰ.

98 ‖ ləjˋ.

99 ‖ liˋ.

100 KY yṳrüŋ (yu-long [羽隆 yǔ-lóng]) ‘blanc’ (Ligeti 1966: 288)

yṳrüŋ ‘blanc’ (Ligeti 1969: 216)

ED ürüŋ ‘white’ in a general sense, cf. 1 a:k. Very common down to XI but almost obsolete thereafter. Survives in Yakut ürüŋ ‘white’ (Pek. 3178), and perhaps NC Kır. ürüŋ baraŋ ‘dawn’ and SW XX Anat. ürün ‘milk, yoğurtSDD 1436. Sporadic Uyğ. Spellings yürüŋ are unlikely to represent an earlier form. (p. 233b)

yürüŋ See ürüŋ. (p. 970b)

101 ED a:l ‘scarlet’; a l.-w. in Mongolian (Kow. 71; Haltod 16) for the colour of the (Chinese) scarlet ink with which the rulers sealed documents; also borrowed in Russian as alyi, same meaning. (p. 120b)

102 ‖ [laˋ].

103 五色 wǔsè (or 五彩 wǔcǎi) means ‘five colours of blue, yellow, red, white and black; (in a broad sense) multicoloured’.

104 Cf. 別失郞吉土兒律 bié-shī-láng-jí-tǔ-ér-lǜ ‖ pjεˊ-ʂǐ-laŋ́-kǐ-tʰǔ-rr̩ˊ-lyˋ (bėš raŋgi türlük) as a counterpart of 五綵 wǔcǎi ‘five colours’ in 聲色門 shengsemen ‘the category of colour’. The vowel i in raŋgi is the third person possessive suffix. The expected form of this Uighur word is 別失土兒律郞 bié-shī-tǔ-ér-lǜ-láng ‖ pjεˊ-ʂǐ-tʰǔ-rr̩ˊ-lyˋ-laŋ́ (bėš türlük raŋ), i.e. with türlük (< türlüg) before raŋ and without the third person possessive suffix.

Considering 翁六克 wēng-liù-kè ‖ uŋ-liwˋ-[kʰəǰ] (öŋlük) ‘colour’ (correctly ‘coloured, having the colour of’) as a counterpart of Chin. 顔色 yánsè ‘colour’, 翁六 wēng-liù should be written as öŋlük, not the original öŋlüg. In other cases, the original γ/g is shown in this paper when any character denoting q/k, e.g. 克 , not used.

105 L'expression biš öŋlük est une expression calquée sur le chin. wou-chö [五彩 wǔcǎi] «cinq couleurs» désignant noir, rouge, azur, blanc, jaune, en un mot: toutes les couleurs (Ligeti 1969: 17, footnote 21).

106 ED karğıla:ç ‘swallow, swift’, and similar birds; this is the earliest form of the word, with the ending -laç, which also appears in other bird names; it was very soon metathesized to karlığa:ç, probably because -ğa:ç was a familiar, though in this context inappropriate, Turkish Suff. S.i.a.m.l.g., often with large phonetic changes, e.g. SC Uzb. kaldirğoç; SW Az. ğaranğuş; Osm. kırlanğıç; Tkm. garla:va:ç. L.-w. in Persian, etc., Doerfer III 1513. (p. 657a)

107 As a counterpart of Manchu alha cibirgan (< alha ‘many coloured, variegated, mottled’ + cibirgan ‘a small bird resembling a swallow with reddish head and back’) and Chinese 五色子 wǔsèzi.

108 Persian رنگ rang (S. raṅga) ‘colour, hue; complexion; paint, stain, dye; …’ (PED 588b).

109 It seems that No. 35. 雲開 yún kāi and No. 36. 雲散 yún sàn stemmed from the phrase 雲開霧散 yún kāi wù sàn “When the clouds part, one sees the sun” (literally, “The clouds clear away and the fog lifts”).

110 As a counterpart of Manchu facambi and Chinese 散 sàn.

111 Mongolian tarqa- ‘to scatter, spread, be dispersed’ (MED 782a).

112 ED bas- ‘to press, crush, oppress, make a surprise attack (on someone Acc.)’, and the like. S.i.a.m.l.g. in a wide range of basic and extended meanings, e.g. ‘to print’. (p. 370b).

113 ED kuya:ş originally ‘the blazing heat of the (midday) sun’; later, more generally, ‘the sun’. S.i.a.m.l.g. except NE, SW in the latter sense as well as, or instead of, 1 kün. (p. 679a).

114 ‖ tʰǔ.

115 As a counterpart of Manchu inenggi dulin and Chinese 日午 rìwǔ.

116 This word should be qïsqa. It seems that the scribe knew Uighur somewhat imperfectly or was influenced by γ/q of the following three words out of 8 words on this page of the manuscript.

117 As a counterpart of Manchu šun niyancame and Chinese 日暖 rì nuǎn.

118 As a counterpart of Manchu halhūn and Chinese 熱 .

119 As a counterpart of Manchu halhūn and Chinese 熱 .

120 As a counterpart of Manchu halukan and Chinese 暖 nuǎn.

121 As a counterpart of Manchu halukan and Chinese 暖溫 nuǎnwēn.

122 As a counterpart of Manchu tulhušembi and Chinese 陰了 yīnle.

123 ED küñ- (g-) ‘to catch fire, to burn (Intrans.)’, both lit. and metaph., ‘to burn (with anger, and the like)’. (p. 726b).

küy- See küñ-. (p. 754b).

124 Persian آفتاب āftāb ‘(sunshine), the sun; a day; wine; the soul’ (PED 79a).

125 As a counterpart of Manchu muheliyen and Chinese 圓 yuán. The pronunciation of this word is given as yumlak in Manchu script.

126 As a counterpart of Manchu bongko and Chinese 兎兒叉上圓鼓肚 tùérchā shàng yuán gǔ dù.

127 As a counterpart of Manchu muheren and Chinese 記念套環 jìniàn tàohuán.

128 This verb is found in modern Uighur as follows:

yumila- ‘to roll’ (XUL 297b)

yumula- ‘to roll, to roll about’ (UXL 609b), ‘to roll, to roll down’ (URS 795a)

žumula- ‘to roll, to roll down’ (URS 486c)

yumulan- ‘to roll, to roll about’ (UXL 609a), ‘to roll down, to roll’ (ETED 160)

yumulat- ‘the causative voice of yumula-’ (UXL 609a; URS 795a), ‘to roll’ (ETED 160)

žumulat- ‘the causative voice of yumula-’ (URS 486b)

Cf. ED yumur basically ‘something round, globular, coiled’; hence ‘the bowels’, esp. of an animal. (p. 937ab)

yumurla:- Den. V. fr. yumur; Hap. leg., but kattala ‘to knead (dough) into a ball’ yumurlat- is noted as Kıp. XIII in Hou. 43, 11. (p. 938a)

yuv- n.o.a.b., but see yuvtur-, yuvul-; clearly the basis of SW Az., Osm. yuvarla- ‘to roll, rotate’, and the other cognate words. (p. 871b)

129 ED to:lun (d-) Intrans. Dev. N./A. fr. to:l-; used only in the phr. tolun (a:y) ‘the full moon’; a:y sometimes omitted; s.i.s.m.l., in SW Osm. dolun. (p. 501a).

130 The character of 鈌 jué ‘to pierce, to stab’ was written at first and the the character of 缺 quē ‘to be short of, to lack; incomplete; imperfect’ was added later.

131 ‖ jǎ.

132 As a counterpart of Manchu dulga and Chinese 盛的淺 shèngdeqiǎn.

133 This word is given as a counterpart of Chin. 月亏 yuèkuī in http://www.uyghurche.com/cgi-bin/search.pl (2016-11-25).

134 Persian كم kam ‘few, little; deficient, defective, mutilated, wanting, diminished, scarce, less (hence frequently imparting a negative sense); …’ (PED 1046a).

135 ‖ jǎ.

136 As a counterpart of Manchu ulden and Chinese 晨光 chénguāng.

137 An editorial error for k'o-tch'o.

138 As a counterpart of Manchu farhūn and Chinese 昏暗 hūn àn.

139 As a counterpart of Manchu farhūn oho and Chinese 昏暮 hūn mù.

140 Mongolian qaraŋγuy, qaraŋγu, qaraŋquy ‘dark[ness]; dusk’ (MED 935a).

141 ED tuy- (d-) ‘to perceive, notice, feel’, and the like. S.i.a.m.l.g. except NE; SW Az., Osm., Tkm. duy-. (p. 567b)

to:ḏ- (?d-) ‘to be full, satiated’, and the like; apparently a der. F. in -ḏ- (…) fr. to:-, which in this case seems to be a Pass. Suff. S.i.a.m.l.g., usually as toy-; SW Az., Osm., Tkm. doy-. (p. 451a)

142 One of the four main characters of the Qutaðγu Bilig is Aytoldï (< ay ‘moon’ + tol- ‘to be full’ + -dï ‘past tense suffix of the third person singular’; “the moon is full”) who is a vizier and represents the abstract principle of fortune.

143 This 島習的 dǎo-xí-dì ‖ taw̌-siˊ-tǐ (daγusdi) is also attested as a counterpart of Chinese 終 zhōng ‘end, finish; to come to an end’ in 數目門 shumumen ‘the category of number’.

144 The Uighur counterpart of Manchu dedure biya and Chinese 臨月 línyuè ‘month when baby is due after full term pregnancy’ is given as ay pütdi ‘the month has ended’ (No. 6350) in WT.

ED büt- has an extraordinarily wide range of meanings, the starting-point of which seems to be ‘to become complete’. This developed in two contrary directions, ‘to come to an end, be finished’, and ‘to be ready to start’ with various special applications. S.i.a.m.l.g., in NE, SE, NC Kır. büt-/püt in NC Kzx., SC, NW, and SW bit-. (p. 298b).

145 ED tüke:- ‘to come to an end, finish’, and the like. Survives in SE Tar., Türki tüge-/tügü-; SC Uzb. tuga-. (p. 479a).

146 Mongolian daγus- ‘to end, finish, lapse; to become accomplished’ (MED 220a).

147 The Uighur counterpart of Manchu holton tuheke and Chinese 星隕 xīng yǔn ‘a meteor fell’ is given as yulduz tüšdi ‘star(s) fell’ (No. 128) in WT.

148 Cf. Arabic نور nūr ‘light; ray of light, light beam; brightness, gleam, glow; illumination; light, lamp; headlight (of an automobile); lantern’ (DMWA 1009a).

149 ‖ jǎ.

150 As a counterpart of Manchu akjan and Chinese 雷 léi ‘thunder’.

151 Cf. Mongolian kürkire- ‘to growl, grunt, snarl; to roar (as a waterfall)’ (MED 506b).

152 As a counterpart of Manchu edun dekdehe and Chinese 風起 fēng qǐ.

153 王喇因 wáng-lā-yīn due to a scribal error.

154 As a counterpart of Manchu edun toroko and Chinese 風定 fēng dìng.

155 Mongolian toγta- ‘to stop, rest, become immobile; to set; …’ (MED 815a).

156 ED buyan a metathesis (cf. koñ > koyun) of Sanskrit puṇya ‘merit; meritorious deeds; the happy condition which results fr. meritorious deeds’; a Buddhist technical term, which became a l.-w. in Mongolian (the occurrence in Xwar. is probably a reborrowing fr. Mongolian) and became muya:n in Xak. (p. 386a).

Mongolian buyan ‘[S. punya] a) moral, merit, meritorious act, virtuous deed, virtue; b) religious services performed for a deceased person or meritorious acts performed on his behalf’ (MED 132b).

157 As a counterpart of Manchu wesihun and Chinese 貴 guì.

158 An editorial error for tch'e.

159 As a counterpart of Manchu ajigan and Chinese 幼 yòu.

160 As a counterpart of Manchu ajige and Chinese 小 xiǎo.

161 As a counterpart of Manchu jio and Chinese 覿面呌人來 dímiàn jiào rén lái.

162 As a counterpart of Manchu jimbi and Chinese 來 lái.

163 Mongolian quyi ‘tornado, whirlwind’ (MED 982b)

quyi salki ‘tornado, whirlwind’ (MED 982b)

quyi salkin ‘whirlwind, tornado’ (MED 665b).

164 Cf. Mongolian qara salkin ‘storm with clouds and dust (lit. “black wind”)’ (MED 665b), ‘strong or violent wind; sand storm’ (MED 931b).

165 The Uighur counterpart of Manchu ayan edun ‘storm wind’ (“big wind”) and Chinese 大風 dàfēng ‘gale, strong wind’ (“big wind”) is given as buran (No. 266) in WT. Cf. Mongolian boruγ-a(n) ‘rain’ (MED 121b).

166 liˋ.

167 As a counterpart of Manchu šahūrun edun and Chinese 寒風 hánfēng.

168 As a counterpart of Manchu šahūrun and Chinese 寒 hán.

169 As a counterpart of Manchu šahūrun and Chinese 冷 lěng.

170 As a counterpart of 暴雨 bàoyǔ ‘torrential rain’.

171 See No. 84. 氷硬.

172 As a counterpart of 暴雨 bàoyǔ.

173 As a counterpart of 大雨 dàyǔ.

174 ED azrak Comparative f. of 1 a:z; ‘smaller, fewer, less; very little’. S.i.a.m.l.g. except NC Xak. (p. 289b).

a:z ‘few, scanty, a little’. S.i.a.m.l.g.; in NE as. (p. 277a).

175 As a counterpart of 小雨 xiǎoyǔ.

176 As a counterpart of 毛毛雨 máomáoyǔ ‘drizzle’.

177 As a counterpart of 牛毛雨 niúmáoyǔ ‘drizzle’.

178 As a counterpart of 毛毛雨 máomáoyǔ ‘drizzle’ and 牛毛細雨 niúmáo xìyǔ ‘drizzle’.

179 ED a:ğ- ‘to rise (from somewhere Abl.); to climb (up something Dat.)’. (p. 77a).

180 As a counterpart of Manchu agambi and Chinese 下雨 xià yǔ.

181 ED tüş- (d-) has a general connotation of movement downwards both voluntary, ‘to settle (somewhere); to dismount; to retire, withdraw (to somewhere)’, and involuntarily ‘to fall (off something)’. (p. 560a)

182 This 覇忒 bà-tè ‖ paˋ-[tʰəǰ] (bat) is also attested as a counterpart of Chinese 緊 jǐn ‘fast, quick, rapid’ in 通用門 tongyongmen ‘the category of common use’.

183 Cf. Mongolian batu ‘firm, strong, solid, stable; reliable, loyal, true; chaste’ (MED 91a).

184 ‖ kjaǰ.

185 An editorial error for tch'e.

186 As a counterpart of Manchu narhūn and Chinese 細 .

187 As a counterpart of Manchu aga galaka and Chinese 雨晴 yǔ qíng.

188 As a counterpart of Manchu bi and Chinese 有 yǒu.

189 Cf. Mongolian šigüderi[i] baγubayi ‘dew has fallen’ (MED 703a).

190 As a counterpart of Manchu suman and Chinese 煙氣 yānqì.

191 Mongolian manaŋ, manan ‘mist, steam, fog’ (MED 525b).

192 As a counterpart of Manchu talman and Chinese 霧 .

193 As a counterpart of Manchu talmaka and Chinese 下霧 xià wù.

194 tǒng ‖ tʰuŋ̌.

195 As a counterpart of Manchu juktu and Chinese 厚實 hòushi.

196 As a counterpart of Manchu jiramin and Chinese 厚 hòu.

197 As a counterpart of Manchu luku and Chinese 厚密 hòumì.

198 In the footnote 83 on the same page, Shōgaito wites that /-na/ of /yupqana/ is a Persian adjective.

199 As a counterpart of Manchu nekeliyen and Chinese 薄 báo. This adjective is given in the form of يوفقا yufqa.

200 As a counterpart of Manchu mangga and Chinese 硬 yìng.

201 As a counterpart of Manchu akū and Chinese 沒有 méi yǒu.

202 The majority of the characters in question had a syllable-final k in Early Middle Chinese (= E.) and Late Middle Chinese (= L.) as follows:

夕 E. ziajk L. sɦiajk 赤 E. ʨʰiajk L. tʂʰiajk 六 E. luwk L. liwk

惕 E. tʰεjk L. tʰiajk 力 E. lik   L. liə̆k  約 E. ʔɨak  L. ʔiak

禄 E. ləwk L. ləwk

“... Early Middle Chinese is the language of the Qieyun rhyme dictionary of A.D. 601, which codified the standard literary language of both North and South China,... Late Middle Chinese is the standard language of High Tang Dynasty, based on the dialect of the capital, Chang'an.... ” (Pulleyblank Reference Pulleyblank1991: i).

203 The pronunciation of 林 was as follows in Early Middle Chinese (= E.), Late Middle Chinese (= L.), and Early Mandarin (= Y.):

E. lim L. lim  Y. limˊ

204 It is also likely that the later scribes made mistakes, whereas the original manuscript by the compilers was normal. If all of the remaining manuscripts of the third class of the Huá-Yí Yìyǔ are compared, then one can form a definite conclusion.

References

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Figure 0

Hua-Yi Yiyu 1: The Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University, Sangwŏnjeŏ; Hwaiyŏgŏ (Seoul, 2010), p. 485.

Figure 1

Hua-Yi Yiyu 2: The Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University, Sangwŏnjeŏ; Hwaiyŏgŏ (Seoul, 2010), p. 487.

Figure 2

Hua-Yi Yiyu 3: The Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University, Sangwŏnjeŏ; Hwaiyŏgŏ (Seoul, 2010), p. 488.

Figure 3

Hua-Yi Yiyu 4: The Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University, Sangwŏnjeŏ; Hwaiyŏgŏ (Seoul, 2010), p. 489.

Figure 4

Hua-Yi Yiyu 5: The Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University, Sangwŏnjeŏ; Hwaiyŏgŏ (Seoul, 2010), p. 490.

Figure 5

Hua-Yi Yiyu 6: The Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University, Sangwŏnjeŏ; Hwaiyŏgŏ (Seoul, 2010), p. 491.

Figure 6

Hua-Yi Yiyu 7: The Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University, Sangwŏnjeŏ; Hwaiyŏgŏ (Seoul, 2010), p. 492.

Figure 7

Hua-Yi Yiyu 8: The Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University, Sangwŏnjeŏ; Hwaiyŏgŏ (Seoul, 2010), p. 493.

Figure 8

Hua-Yi Yiyu 9: The Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University, Sangwŏnjeŏ; Hwaiyŏgŏ (Seoul, 2010), p. 494.