Introduction
Since the end of World War II and the beginning of the human rights era, a common narrative has dominated international discussions of law and religion, especially in Europe, that emphasizes the alleged idiosyncrasy and uniqueness of United States Constitutional law regarding freedom of religion.Footnote 1 What I call the “standard story” notes that (1) unlike human rights instruments, and the constitutions of most European states, the U.S. Constitution contains an “Establishment Clause” prohibiting an establishment of religion, and (2) European countries do not have prohibitions on state establishments. Indeed, the relationships between religion and the state fall along a continuum running from cooperation, favored religions, to actual state establishments of religion.Footnote 2 According to the standard story, the Free Exercise Clause of the Constitution's First Amendment is a precursor of and has analogues in international human rights instruments' provisions protecting freedom of thought, conscience, and religion, but the Establishment Clause is characterized as being sui generis, a thing unto itself.Footnote 3 The U.S. experience with the antiestablishment principle, symbolized by Jefferson's wall of separation,Footnote 4 the standard story notes, is so unique and so different that the lessons gleaned there have very little to offer Europe, or indeed the rest of the world. In this article, I argue, as my title suggests, that the American experience is not as unique as some, especially Europeans, sometimes think it is.
Oversimplification and Exaggeration
The standard story was always an oversimplification and an exaggeration. A number of other constitutional democracies, including JapanFootnote 5 and Australia,Footnote 6 include constitutional provisions prohibiting an establishment of religion or providing for the separation of religion and the state.Footnote 7 Some strongly secular constitutions, especially in communist and formerly communist countries, contain even stronger separation of church and state provisions than the U.S. Constitution, and these are often genuinely unfriendly, suspicious, or even hostile to religion. Most Western European countries have constitutions that provide some fundingFootnote 8 or favored status to specific churches.Footnote 9 However, many Western European countries also prohibit the establishment of a state church.Footnote 10
According to one recent study by University of Texas law professor Frank B. Cross, nearly 40 percent of the constitutions in the world include some sort of antiestablishment provision.Footnote 11 Thus the U.S. antiestablishment provision is not as much of an outlier as is often suggested. Furthermore, those antiestablishment provisions correlate positively, although not overwhelmingly, with higher religious freedom.Footnote 12 According to Cross, constitutional antiestablishment provisions correlate positively with less oppression of minorities, less regulation of religion, and a lower likelihood that religious laws will be enacted in a country.Footnote 13 Other variables, such as a robust democracy, have a stronger correlation with religious freedom, while other variables, such as a large Islamic population, have a stronger correlation with a low degree of religious freedom.Footnote 14
Another cause of the exaggerated prominence of the standard story of U.S. antiestablishment exceptionalism is that Europeans have tended to see separation through the filter of French Jacobinism, which has meant that a more religion-friendly variation of the nonestablishment principle is not well understood.Footnote 15 The constitutions of many European countries contemplate, at a minimum, a close relationship between church and state, if not a complete recognition of a state-sponsored church.Footnote 16 France, which has a declared itself a “secular” (“laïque”) republic, is a major exception to this rule.Footnote 17 When Europeans consider the U.S. Establishment Clause, they often incorrectly assume that U.S. constitutional law is as rigidly secular as the French antiestablishment principle of laïcité.
While the French Revolution was in a very real sense a fight against a powerful religious establishment, and its victory viewed as a victory for freedom from religion,Footnote 18 the American Revolution was never viewed as a fight against religious establishment, and the history as well as the mythology of the American Revolution centers around the vindication of the principle of freedom of religion, or even freedom for religion, and religious pluralism, rather than a conquest or rejection of religion.Footnote 19 This may in part explain why the European Catholic reaction to the French Revolution was so different from the American Catholic reaction to the American Revolution, and the American Catholic embrace of religious freedom much easier than it was for some European Catholics.Footnote 20
American and European Convergences
To a remarkable extent, the last twenty years has seen a recognizable convergence between the U.S. Supreme Court's understanding of nonestablishment and the European approach to addressing institutional issues involving freedom of religion and belief. Whereas the idea of separation of church and state dominated the U.S. understanding of the Establishment Clause in the years after Everson v. Board of Education was decided in 1947,Footnote 21 beginning in the late 1980s and accelerating during the last decade of the twentieth century, U.S. Establishment Clause jurisprudence has been dominated by notions of endorsement,Footnote 22 neutrality,Footnote 23 and nondiscrimination.Footnote 24 Because this story has been extensively recounted elsewhere, my explanation will be truncated and somewhat simplified.Footnote 25
Everson: Separation vs. Accommodation
The first Establishment Clause case, Everson v. Board of Education,Footnote 26 set the stage for the contest between separationist and accommodationist interpretations. The question in that case involved a government program that reimbursed parents for the cost of busing children to religious (and almost exclusively Catholic) private schools.Footnote 27 The Court's opinion is schizophrenic.Footnote 28 The first half of the opinion is a passionate articulation of the value of freedom and separation, culminating in the invocation of Thomas Jefferson's, until then largely ignored, image of a “wall of separation between Church and State.”Footnote 29 Only a sentence later, however, the opinion is demarcated by an important, “but,”Footnote 30 which is followed by a defense of accommodation of religion by the state that is nearly as passionate.Footnote 31 The Court opines that the state “cannot exclude individual [members of any faith], because of their faith, or lack of it, from receiving the benefits of public welfare legislation.”Footnote 32 The bus fare reimbursement program the court notes is a “general program.”Footnote 33 The Court also invokes the concept of neutrality: “[The First] Amendment requires the state to be a neutral in its relations with groups of religious believers and non-believers; it does not require the state to be their adversary.”Footnote 34 The Court concludes by again invoking the wall of separation, saying “[t]hat wall must be kept high and impregnable.”Footnote 35 But the Court concludes, perhaps somewhat surprisingly, that there has been no breach of that wall by the public funding program.Footnote 36
The European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has similarly held that appropriating tax funds to benefit churches or religious education does not violate European antiestablishment principles. In X v. The United Kingdom, the ECtHR held that states are permitted, but not required, to subsidize religious education.Footnote 37 And in Darby v. Sweden, the ECtHR held that Sweden could use tax funds to directly support the state-sponsored church.Footnote 38
The Lemon Test and the Rise of a Separationist Understanding of Nonestablishment
Two decades after Everson, in 1971's Lemon v. Kurtzman,Footnote 39 another case involving state aid to religious schools,Footnote 40 the Supreme Court adopted a three-prong test, focusing on purpose, effect, and entanglement of religion and state, which came to be known as the Lemon test.Footnote 41 Over the jurisprudence of the next two decades, the most important consideration turned out to be “nonentanglement” of religion and the state, and over that period of time the Lemon test generally resulted in separationist outcomes in Establishment Clause cases, particularly those involving public schools.Footnote 42
So influential was the idea of the “wall of separation,” that if you had asked a school child, or even a lawyer or law professor, what the First Amendment said about nonestablishment, they would probably have answered with some variation of “separation of church and state” or “wall of separation,” even though those words never appear in the First Amendment.Footnote 43 Jefferson's wall was the dominant metaphor animating this ideal of separation of church and state, an ideal that focuses on demarcating appropriate boundaries and that evinces a strong preference for liberty or freedom of the state and religion from interference, or even engagement with each other.Footnote 44
Although the ECtHR has approved of state support of religion in ways that the U.S. Supreme Court would not (e.g., using tax funds to directly support a state-sponsored church), case law from the ECtHR from the 1970s to the 1990s reflected a similar concern with “nonentanglement” principles. In 1996, the ECtHR held that a nonbeliever may be required to pay the proportion of taxes to a state church that the church uses for carrying out “secular functions.”Footnote 45 And, as previously mentioned, the ECtHR also held in 1978 that states are permitted, but not required, to subsidize religious education.Footnote 46
The Rise of Indirect Benefits, Parental Choice, and Neutrality
In the late 1980s and early 1990s things began to change, with several cases that revisited issues of state support of religious schools and reached more flexible conclusions concerning some forms of state funding. The signpost cases, such as Agostini v. Felton,Footnote 47 involved support to schools in troubled school districts, and often involved support of special education programs designed to assist students with handicaps.Footnote 48 Two ideas began to compete with “nonentanglement” for dominance in Establishment Clause jurisprudence: “parental choice” and “neutrality.” Both of these ideas can be traced back to the latter “accommodationist” half of the Everson opinion.
The first is “parental choice”—the idea being that state aid to religious schools that is filtered through parental choice is sufficiently indirect that it does not constitute an “establishment” of religion.Footnote 49 In time, a variety of indirect mechanisms for including religious schools in public funding programs were permitted by the Supreme Court.Footnote 50 The second idea was “neutrality”—the proposition that it was discriminatory to exclude religious schools from general and broad programs that provided benefits to both secular and religious schools.Footnote 51 This was a significant shift.
This shift can be viewed as part of a general ascendance of equality and nondiscrimination norms above liberty and nonentanglement norms in American political life. As equality and nondiscrimination supplanted liberty as the primary political and legal ideal in Constitutional jurisprudence, separation and entanglement (principles that vindicate the principle of separation of church and state) were also supplanted by concepts such as parental choice and neutrality that reflected this equalitarian impulse.
To an extent that would surprise many Europeans, current U.S. Supreme Court doctrine allows considerable amounts of state funding to make its way to religious schools.Footnote 52 Participation in public funding programs is also evident in other programs, such as “charitable choice” and “faith-based initiatives,” embraced by President George H. W. Bush,Footnote 53 expanded by President Bill Clinton in the 1990s,Footnote 54 made a priority by President George W. Bush in the 2000s,Footnote 55 and continued by President Barack Obama.Footnote 56 These initiatives allow religiously affiliated charitable programs to participate in government funding programs of civil society social service programs. These programs were expanded under President George W. Bush,Footnote 57 and survived under President Barack Obama,Footnote 58 even in the face of threats to place curbs on faith-based organizations’ ability to favor hiring employees from the sponsoring religious group. Another example of religious participation in state funding programs is the Supreme Court's approval of school voucher programs, which give parents a “voucher” that can be used to enroll their children in religiously affiliated schools as well as nonreligious private schools.Footnote 59
A similar focus on neutrality principles is evident in recent ECtHR decisions. In Association Les Témoins de Jehovah v. France, the ECtHR held that taxing church donations of only certain religions violated the European Convention.Footnote 60 In Hasan and Eleym Zengin v. Turkey, the ECtHR held an exemption procedure in Turkey insufficient to protect those who are opposed to religious education in public schools.Footnote 61 These developments have resulted in levels of convergence between Europe and the United States that are not evident unless you are familiar with what has been is happening in the U.S. system over the past twenty years.
Common Issues, Common Principles, Common Pressures
There is another reason why the U.S. experience with the nonestablishment principle is not as unique as we sometimes imagine. Many issues that arise in the United States under the rubric of the Establishment Clause arise in other countries as well, even if they are not directly characterized as involving the question of the establishment of religion. For example, questions of the permissible scope of state funding of religion, and religious schools, the presence of religious symbols in public schools, or the appropriate ways to engage in religious instruction in public schools arise in many legal settings.Footnote 62
In addition, there is a common set of pressures both in the United States and Europe that put pressure on the establishment idea. Below I discuss three sets of pressures that have pushed U.S. and European systems towards greater common ground. The first are pressures from secularism; the second, pressures from pluralism; and the third, pressures from equalitarianism and nondiscrimination.
Pressures from Secularism
In both Europe and the United States, pressures from secularism have resulted in calls to reduce public support of religion, and to remove religion from public life.Footnote 63 For example, the GermanFootnote 64 and ItalianFootnote 65 controversies surrounding the presence of crucifixes in state schools reflect antiestablishment concerns that were thought to be more uniquely American phenomena.Footnote 66
In the German controversy, the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany decided that the affixation of a crucifix in the classrooms of a nondenominational state compulsory school infringed on German Basic Law.Footnote 67 The Bavarian State Ministry for Education and Cultural Affairs had declared that “[i]n every classroom a cross shall be affixed.”Footnote 68 The Court reasoned that “the cross cannot be divested of its specific reference to the beliefs of Christianity and reduced to a general token of the Western cultural tradition.”Footnote 69
The ECtHR on the other hand, has not accepted the reasoning of the German Constitutional Court. In Lautsi v. Italy, the ECtHR ruled that the requirement in Italian law that crucifixes be displayed in classrooms of state schools is permissible.Footnote 70 The Court endorsed the Italian government's claim that, “beyond its religious meaning, the crucifix symbolised the principles and values which formed the foundation of democracy and western civilisation, and that its presence in classrooms was justifiable.”Footnote 71
The ECtHR decision in Lautsi is reminiscent of the United States Supreme Court decision in Lynch v. Donnelly.Footnote 72 Lynch upheld the constitutionality of a state-funded Christmas display that included Christian symbols.Footnote 73 The Lynch majority, concurrence, and the dissent all listed numerous examples of state-sponsored religious symbols and proclamations that are commonplace in the United States.Footnote 74 The dissent suggested that these religious symbols are only acceptable because they are a form of “‘ceremonial deism,’ protected from Establishment Clause scrutiny chiefly because they have lost through rote repetition any significant religious content.”Footnote 75 It appears that the U.S. Supreme Court and the ECtHR agree that some religious symbols have become sufficiently secularized to justify their state-sponsored expression.
Pressures from Pluralism
A second powerful set of pressures comes from increasing religious pluralism. As societies around the world, including the United States and Europe, become more religiously diverse, pressures have increased for equal (or at least less overtly discriminatory) treatment of religious groups.Footnote 76 This can be accomplished either by leveling down state support of historically favored groups, or leveling up of state support of newer or previously disfavored groups. Countries have responded in a variety of ways, but the usual pattern seems to be a combination of leveling up and leveling down state support of religion. In this regard, high rates of Muslim immigration have made this process much more complicated.Footnote 77
The leveling down of historically favored groups or leveling up of state support for newer or previously disfavored groups is typically done by disestablishment of the official state religion and gradual increase in advantages and benefits available to minority religious groups. At the time of disestablishment, the assurance is often made that the former state church will continue to be treated with the same respect as other religious groups, but at times the former state church is accorded a “continuing special status.”Footnote 78
Such a leveling up of state support for religious minority groups occurred in Spain during its “transition from an authoritarian state-church system to a democratic cooperationist regime. The aim of the transition, which has brought major benefits to most religious groups, was to bring others ‘up to’ the level of the Roman Catholic Church.”Footnote 79 Professor Cole Durham and I have observed that “[t]he difficulty in Spain (and in many other cooperationist regimes) is that the intended upward equalization does not always trickle down to the full range of smaller religious groups.”Footnote 80
On the challenges Europe is facing in adapting to high rates of Muslim immigration, one scholar has noted,
Internal differences notwithstanding, western European societies are deeply secular societies, shaped by the hegemonic knowledge regime of secularism. As liberal democratic societies they tolerate and respect individual religious freedom. But due to the pressure towards the privatization of religion, which among European societies has become a taken-for-granted characteristic of the self-definition of a modern secular society, those societies have a much greater difficulty in recognizing some legitimate role for religion in public life and in the organization and mobilization of collective group identities. Muslim organized collective identities and their public representations become a source of anxiety not only because of their religious otherness as a non-Christian and non-European religion, but more importantly because of their religiousness itself as the other of European secularity. In this context, the temptation to identify Islam and fundamentalism becomes the more pronounced. Islam, by definition, becomes the other of Western secular modernity.Footnote 81
Germany, for example, has adapted to an influx of Muslim immigrants by leveling up support for Islam by making several accommodations for Muslims.Footnote 82
U.S. Supreme Court case law also reflects the pressure to accommodate historically disfavored or newer religious groups. In Church of Lukumi Babalu Aye v. City of Hialeah, the Court held that the City of Hialeah could not pass city ordinances that prohibited ritual animal sacrifice because the city ordinances in question targeted the petitioning Santeria church.Footnote 83 The Court also held that the federal government could not prohibit the importation of a hallucinogenic tea leaf used by a minority religious group.Footnote 84 In recent years, both the U.S. Supreme Court and Western European countries have been accommodating historically disfavored and new religious groups in a way that promotes a more pluralistic society.
Pressures from Equalitarianism and Nondiscrimination
Pluralism is closely related to the third set of pressures that have been brought to bear by equalitarianism and the ascendance of nondiscrimination. These have been the most powerful and salient political and legal values, at least since the civil rights, women's rights, and sexual rights revolutions.Footnote 85 Whereas a generation ago, discussions of nonestablishment in the United States were dominated by liberty values such as separation and nonentanglement, more recently equalitarian values of neutrality, nondiscrimination, and equal participation have been ascendant.Footnote 86 As far as I can tell, nondiscrimination has also become the dominant political/legal value in Europe as well.Footnote 87
Recognition of Religious Autonomy as an Important Value
Religious autonomy is a particular area where we see evidence of greater similarity than usually is recognized between Europe and the United States. Religious autonomy is recognized both in the United States and Europe, and indeed around the world as an important constitutionally protected right.Footnote 88 Legal protections of church autonomy reflect a recognition of a wide variety of ways in which religious groups are of value to a society—as buffering institutions that can protect individuals from the state;Footnote 89 as identity-forming associations that provide a context for the development of individual personality;Footnote 90 and for their envisioning value,Footnote 91 where religious groups are viewed as being part of a larger collection of social institutions that create, advocate, and maintain values important to a society.Footnote 92
A full discussion of religious autonomy throughout the world would encompass a discussion of government restrictions on religion of many stripes (e.g., registration, selection and regulation of clergy and their training, monitoring of worship, etc.).Footnote 93 However, religious autonomy has largely developed as an employment law issue in the United States and Europe. Additionally, in U.S. and European jurisprudence, the more pluralistic term of “religious autonomy” has been discarded for the more sectarian term of “church autonomy.” Accordingly, the next two sections will compare the U.S. and European development of “church autonomy” doctrine in the employment context.
Church Autonomy in the United States
In the United States, it has sometimes been unclear whether church autonomy is a matter of Free Exercise or Establishment Clause jurisprudence, or perhaps of both.Footnote 94 In the United States, cases involving church autonomy often arise in the context of disputes over church property,Footnote 95 as well as the hiring and firing of ministers and other church personnel.Footnote 96 For example, in the noteworthy 1952 case, Kedroff v. St. Nicholas Cathedral,Footnote 97 the U.S. Supreme Court deferred to the hierarchical decision-making procedures of the Russian Orthodox Church over a conflict regarding church property, even though it was during the Cold War and the state legislature of New York had sided with a U.S. splinter group that was seeking independence from the Russian Church, which was controlled by the Soviet Union.Footnote 98
More recently, in January 2012, the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously decided Hosanna-Tabor Evangelical Lutheran Church and School v. EEOC,Footnote 99 which was widely viewed as the most important religious freedom ruling of the Supreme Court in the previous two decades, and possibly longer.Footnote 100 The court upheld the “ministerial exception,” which creates an exception from the nondiscrimination laws of Title VII. The Court did not follow the principle articulated in an earlier precedent, Employment Division v. Smith,Footnote 101 which held that laws that are general and neutral are constitutionally permissible, even if they burden religious exercise. One interesting aspect of the Hosanna-Tabor case is that the Court decided the case not exclusively on the basis of the Free Exercise Clause or the Establishment Clause, but as a type of synthesis of the two clauses, with a general concern for religious freedom and church autonomy.Footnote 102 The Hosanna-Tabor case is, thus, significant because the Court unanimously endorsed the importance of protecting the core domain of the autonomy of religious communities and confirmed the constitutional grounding of the ministerial exception in both Free Exercise and Establishment Clause doctrines. More generally, it protected the fundamental divide, traceable at least to John Locke, of the distinction between temporal and spiritual authority that has been a hallmark of Western civilization.
Church Autonomy in Europe
Church autonomy has also been a value repeatedly recognized by the European Court of Human Rights. For example, in the case of Jehovah's Witnesses v. Austria,Footnote 103 the European Court of Human Rights noted,
While religious freedom is primarily a matter of individual conscience, it also implies, inter alia, freedom to “manifest [one's] religion” alone and in private or in community with others, in public and within the circle of those whose faith one shares … the autonomous existence of religious communities is indispensable for pluralism in a democratic society and is, thus, an issue at the very heart of the protection which Article 9 affords.Footnote 104
Thus, it is clear that freedom of religion and belief includes a corporate as well as an individual dimension, and the autonomous existence of religious communities is at the heart of democratic pluralism and is protected by Article 9. Under the European Convention, Article 9 rights work in conjunction with the freedom of assembly rights of Article 11. As the European Court explained in Hasan and Chausch v. Bulgaria, “Where the organization of the religious community is at issue, Article 9 must be interpreted in the light of Article 11, which safeguards associative life against unjustified State interference.”Footnote 105
Many of the recent European Court church autonomy cases have involved employees who are dismissed, or not renewed, after running afoul of religious doctrines or conditions of employment. These cases, including Obst v. Germany,Footnote 106 which involved the Latter Day Saints’ head of religious affairs who was terminated for adultery, and Schüth v. Germany,Footnote 107 which involved a Catholic organist also terminated for adultery, were decided based upon whether the national courts had done an adequate job of balancing religious autonomy rights with the privacy and family life rights. For example, in Schüth, the European Court held that the German courts had failed to balance all the relevant interests raised by the privacy claim.Footnote 108
In Siebenhaar v. Germany, a school teacher unsuccessfully appealed under Article 9 (religious freedom) her termination from a Protestant kindergarten for adherence to a different Christian sect.Footnote 109 Church autonomy rights were reaffirmed by the European Court in two significant cases decided in 2013 and 2014. In Sindicatul “Pastorul cel Bun” v. Romania, decided in 2013, the Court held that Romania could permissibly reject the right of a mixed clergy and worker union to organize out of respect for the religious autonomy rights of the Romanian Orthodox Church.Footnote 110 In Fernández Martínez v. Spain (2014), the Court held that the autonomy rights of the Catholic Church justified its decision not to renew the contract of a Catholic priest when his marriage and opposition to celibacy became publicly known.Footnote 111
What are the lessons or patterns that emerge from the U.S. and European church autonomy cases? For one thing, these cases illustrate the importance of church autonomy in the employment context. Church autonomy is essential to protect authentic pluralism, to avoid chilling effects on legitimate expressions of difference, and as a measure of respect regarding the limits on the state's competence to intervene in religious affairs. While this has been approached in the United States in large measure on quasi-jurisdictional grounds that express a view that judicial competence is limited, in Europe the protection of church autonomy with respect to personnel decisions has been accomplished as part of the balancing of the church autonomy interests and the employees’ interests. This is interesting because it flies in the face of our usual presumptions about common law versus civil law countries; here the usual presumption that common law judges are more likely to engage in a balancing analysis, while civil law judges would be more concerned about judicial activism and discretion, are reversed.Footnote 112
Conclusion
This summary has admittedly been a simplification and many complexities and nuances have been omitted. Nevertheless, the pattern of cases from the United States and Europe illustrate four striking conclusions regarding the nonestablishment principle. First, the standard story that has emphasized the uniqueness of U.S. antiestablishment preoccupations has been exaggerated. In recent years the U.S. antiestablishment principles have weakened as European antiestablishment principles have strengthened—resulting in something approaching a convergence in approaches in the two regions.
Second, over time, the U.S. Establishment Clause jurisprudence has undergone a remarkable transformation, from focusing on liberty-oriented concerns such as separation and nonentanglement, to focusing on equality-oriented concerns such as neutrality and nondiscrimination. This transformation in the United States is especially reflected in the “parental choice” cases of Mueller, Witters, Zelman, and Mitchell.Footnote 113 A similar pattern is evident in ECtHR jurisprudence, reflected especially in the recent cases of Association Les Témoins de Jehovah v. France Footnote 114 and Hasan and Eleym Zengin v. Turkey.Footnote 115
Third, in both the United States and Europe common pressures from secularism, pluralism, and equalitarianism (as manifested in the political and legal salience of nondiscrimination as the dominant post-civil rights movement value), have placed similar pressures on both the U.S. and Europe as they deal with the contemporary meaning of nonestablishment (in the United States) and nondiscrimination. This shift is most evident in the U.S. cases of Lukumi and O Centro Espirita Beneficente Uniao do Vegetal Footnote 116 and in the European trend of leveling down state support for historically favored religions and leveling up state support for historically disfavored and newer religions.
Fourth, in both the United States and Europe, similarities can be seen in the recurring issues that arise with respect to church autonomy, especially those arising in the employment law context. Although somewhat ironically, the common law U.S. system has taken a more categorical approach to these questions—that is, categorically deciding not to interfere in church hiring decisions—while the civil law dominated Europe has adopted sweeping balancing approaches that empower judges and give them broad discretionary powers—balancing the interests of churches in selecting their own employees with the rights of employees in not being discriminated against based on their religion.