Hostname: page-component-7b9c58cd5d-hpxsc Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2025-03-16T12:00:45.448Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The knight, the cross, and the song. Crusade propaganda and chivalric literature, 1100–1400. By Stefan Vander Elst. (The Middle Ages Series.) Pp. xiv + 270. Philadelphia, Pa: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2017. £45. 978 0 8122 4896 8

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 July 2018

Valentin Portnykh*
Affiliation:
Novosibirsk State University
Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

Type
Reviews
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2018 

Stefan Vander Elst's book is dedicated to the propaganda of crusades in crusading epics and in some chronicles which seem to contain passages originating from the chanson de geste or chivalric romance. Chronologically and geographically, the study embraces crusading in a broad sense, including the Northern crusades and even the expedition of Peter i Lusignan to Alexandria in 1365. The chronicles selected for the study are very few: the anonymous chronicle of the First Crusade called the Gesta Francorum, the chronicle of Robert the Monk dealing with the same expedition and based on the Gesta Francorum, the chronicle of the Third Crusade written by Ambroise in verse, the chronicle of Nikolaus of Jeroschin written in verse as well (Baltic crusades) and La Prise d'Alexandrie by Guillaume de Marchaut which is usually considered as more history than poem. The author points out many times that these historical writings, as well as some others mentioned briefly (p.103) contain numerous passages coming from the chanson de geste or the chivalric romance, but it is unclear whether the examples considered are exhaustive.

It is demonstrated that at least sometimes crusading poems were expected to serve as a kind of propaganda for the recruitment of new crusaders. In the Chanson d'Antioche there is a clear statement (p.82, see also p.85) that the listeners are encouraged to join the crusade. Furthermore (ch. iv), the crusade itself is seen as a kind of vengeance and, what is extremely curious, not only on the heavenly level, that is for the insult committed towards God, but on the earthly one as well. In the epics both Christians and Muslims take vengeance on their rivals for their relatives or brothers in the faith dead on the crusade. This could actually have an effect as propaganda: the listeners could be encouraged to avenge people previously killed in Palestine expeditions.

Vander Elst also suggests that there are a lot of passages recalling the chanson de geste in the chronicles of the First Crusade (Gesta Francorum and the chronicle of Robert the Monk) which also served propaganda purposes (chs ii, iii). It is doubtful that the chronicles can actually be seen as propaganda sources, or at least this statement should have been extensively proved, which is not done in the book. At least formally the chroniclers usually declared that their writings were destined to glorify the deeds of valiant people and God, but not to encourage new people to take part in the crusade. Nor it is clear that the chronicle of Nikolaus of Jeroschin is also examined here for propaganda purposes: its author declares that it was to ‘explain to all German people the signs and miracles which God in His goodness performed in Prussia’ (p.140).

In chapter v the author points out that although crusade propaganda took a lot from the chanson de geste, it avoided using the chivalric romance which appeared at the end of the twelfth century and the most definitive principle of which was courtly love. First, this love was usually extramarital and thus sinful, and sinfulness was usually the major factor in disasters befalling the crusaders. Second, sexual misbehaviour was usually ascribed to the Muslims, and while committing it, the crusaders resembled their enemies. Initially crusade poems had nothing to do with courtly love. However, the situation changes in the fourteenth century (ch. vi): in the Krônike von Prûzinlant (c. 1331–4) by Nikolaus of Jeroshin (based on the Chronica Terrae Prussie by Peter of Duisburg), which is a good example of the use of romance in the propaganda of the Baltic crusades. There is an idea of love for the Virgin Mary, the patroness of the Baltic conquest by the Teutonic knights, which has similarities with the courtly love present in chivalric romance (pp.142–3). In the same way, in the crusading poems of the so-called Second Old French Cycle, composed mostly in the fourteenth century, we can observe some liaisons between Christian men and Muslim women (ch. vii), and the crusade itself is presented as an adventure where not only lands, but women as well can be conquered. In the La Prise d'Alexandrie, relating the expedition of Peter i Lusignan in 1365, there is an idea that the crusade is an adventure necessary to gain honour, ladies and love of ladies (chapter viii). Vander Elst does not give much attention to the reasons for these changes: probably a lack of interest in crusading both to the Holy Land after the fall of Acre in 1291 and in the Baltic, and consequently the need to recruit new participants for these holy wars (pp.124–7, 133–5).

All in all, this book offers new insights in the history of crusade propaganda, especially in its second part, but at the same time the use of each of the sources examined in the book in crusade propaganda should have been more clearly proved.