INTRODUCTION
The question of what is tax (and / or taxation) has assumed the status of a conundrum as people and institutions perceive and define it differently. The variety of perceptions, definitions, ideologies, etc brings to mind a Hindu fable and an aphorism. In the fable, six blind men were asked to describe an elephant after meeting one, interacting with it and touching different parts of its anatomy for the first time. The story goes that each blind man vehemently argued on the basis of his perception of the part of the anatomy with which he interacted. Thus, for the man who touched the swinging tail, the ear, the side, the wriggling trunk, the tusk and a limb, the respective inferences and consequential conclusions were that the elephant was a rope, a fan, a wall, a snake, a spear and a tree trunk respectively.Footnote 1 The takeaway from this is that inferences and conclusions, notwithstanding the subject matter, are the product of our methodology of enquiry or questioning.Footnote 2
The aphorism of reference is that credited to Jean-Baptiste Colbert and has to do with “plucking the goose”. According to him, taxation is an act that “consists in so plucking the goose [ie the people] as to procure the largest quantity of feathers with the least possible amount of squealing”.Footnote 3 It is without doubt that the message in this famous aphorism is that taxation (ie tax law, policy and administration) should be such as to inflict the least pain and / or actuate the least protest or resistance from the taxpayer.
With this fable and aphorism as background, this articleFootnote 4 attempts to synthesize from literature the prevailing perspectives with regard to tax and taxation as well as undertake an appraisal of regulation 7(5) of Nigeria's Income Tax (Transfer Pricing) Regulations 2018 (TPR). In the context of the fable, tax and taxation is the elephant, while economic actors (ie the entities that make trade and / or business decisions for the purpose of profit generation), pundits and the tax administration (as well as the state) are cast in the cloth of the blind men. In the context of the aphorism, economic actors are the geese being plucked by the tax administration (ie the farmer) that acts as the agent of the state.
CONCEPTUALIZING THE ELEPHANT
Taxation is everything that goes into the process of levying or administering a tax. Taxation is driven and shaped by policy, law and administration. This trio are the pillars on which any tax system stands. Tax policy is a function of the prevailing socio-political, as well as economic, factors in the state.Footnote 5 It heralds and shapes the state's tax law. Tax law is the gamut of primary and secondary legislative instruments that form the basis of taxation. Their importance stems from the fact that no tax can be imposed on an entity without words in an act of Parliament clearly showing an intention to lay a burden on it.Footnote 6 In some jurisdictions, this principle has been made constitutional. Section 149 of the Gambian Constitution expressly provides: “[N]o taxation shall be imposed except by or under the authority of an Act of the National Assembly”.Footnote 7 Tax administration or the administrative dimension of taxation is established by tax lawFootnote 8 and gives value to tax policy. In the absence of tax administration, tax policy is inconsequential and of no effect.Footnote 9 For a tax administration to be effective, it is essential that it entrenches a system that facilitates taxpayer compliance. As a matter of fact, this is the first obligation of tax administration. The enforcement of compliance and the improvement of internal governance are second and thirdFootnote 10 respectively.
That said, a consequential question is what is tax? The literature is replete with definitions of tax.Footnote 11 What is obvious from the definitions is that taxes are essentially levied on individuals and companies and are one of the means by which a government raises revenue to fund public expenditure, and that there is no quid pro quo [nothing is specifically provided in return] for the tax paid.Footnote 12
Of interest to the authors is the absence of a quid pro quo. This absence means that the imposition of taxes does not leave the state with a liability to the taxpayer. It also does not make the state obliged to distribute, or put to use, the proceeds in a manner that would guarantee that the enjoyment or utility to be derived by the taxpayer is equivalent to or contemporaneous with its contribution. This distinction is important as it sets taxes apart from fines, penalties,Footnote 13 regulatory or user charges and fees for a service.Footnote 14 The absence of any quid pro quo also means that the capacity to levy tax is not a function of a state's ability to offer and / or provide specific recompense to taxpayers. It is a power inherent in the sovereign and an obligation on those upon whom it is imposed.Footnote 15
This is at variance with some theories of taxation that provide a foundation for tax compliance. One such theory is that taxation is the basis for the relationship between the state and the governed.Footnote 16 The premise for this opinion is the idea that states that desire and seek the expansion of tax revenue are more likely to be faced with demands for reciprocity in the form of service provision and accountability from the citizens who are the source of the tax revenue. While asserting that this perception has the propensity to yield broad as well as diverse governance gains,Footnote 17 Prichard opined that the perception is reflected in well-known accounts of the role of tax bargaining in the emergence of representative political institutions in early modern Europe and the well-known American revolutionary slogan “no taxation without representation”. Berenson is of the opinion that:
“… without extracting revenue from society, a state cannot function and cannot do what it sets out to do. Taxation is the sine qua non of the contemporary state and the social contract. When taxpayers pay their taxes, they enter into a financial relationship with their state, a financial reconciliation, if you will, relinquishing private information about their economic activities while trusting the state to treat them and that information fairly and confidentially”.Footnote 18
These opinions highlight the fact that taxes and taxation amount to more than the state putting the largest possible shovel into the stores of its citizens.Footnote 19 They affirm that taxation is the most critical of all the activities assumed by the state and provides a justification for the existence of tax in society. However, the difference between Berenson's opinion and the lack of a quid pro quo variant is that the latter conceives taxation within the penumbra of sovereignty,Footnote 20 while the former conceives taxation in terms of the cost and benefit for both the state and the taxpayer (ie the governed).
Whether taxes are perceived as resources forfeited by the taxpayer to the government in exchange for the public goods and services provided or the price paid by the governed for democratization and its benefits,Footnote 21 Prichard and Berenson's position gives taxation the hue of a contract.Footnote 22 It makes the existence of a quid pro quo in the form of public goods and services an essential prerequisite for the state's claim to the right to levy a tax and vice versa. From this perspective, the right to tax is not absolute and a demand by a taxpayer for a quid pro quo could be interpreted as a challenge to the sovereign power of the state to levy tax. It also raises the question of what the state's fate should be when the goods and services for which the citizens pay through their taxes are provided by non-state actors or the citizens themselves.
Furthermore, Bird and Zolt have stated:
“The dominant tax policy ideas in different countries (such as equity, efficiency, and growth), along with the dominant economic and social interests (such as capital, labor, regional, ethnic group, rich, and poor) and the key political institutions (democracy, decentralization, budgetary), and economic institutions (free trade, protectionism, macroeconomic policy, and market structure) all interact in tax policy formulation and implementation. Taxation - its level, structure, and administration - is one of the major battlegrounds on which these complex forces meet.”Footnote 23
This highlights that taxation is the melting pot for a plethora of issues. Although von Haldenwang and von Schiller chose a path that focuses on the political economy of taxation, they affirmed the foregoing when they stated that “[t]here are probably few issues in everyday politics as contested and conflictive as taxation. Citizens and companies tend to have strong opinions on how much they pay (usually too much) and how much they get in return (usually too little)”.Footnote 24 Berenson's description of tax falls within this paradigm, as he avers that:
“Tax collection is a great policy arena to investigate the role and function of the state. Taxation is such a wonderful and increasingly popular topic for study … because it lies at the centre of state-society interactions, at the heart of the fiscal state and at the foundation of a successful market economy. Getting citizens to pay taxes … presents a major, if not the central, problem for states pursuing greater economic development and growth.”Footnote 25
Nevertheless, it should be noted that, irrespective of how and through which prism taxes and taxation are conceptualized, they are bound to have an effect on economic actors and systems. For example, it is now beyond conjecture that the privileges associated with incorporation as well as the existence of different regimes for business and wage (personal) income taxation influence the decision of economic actors with regard to business form,Footnote 26 structure and location,Footnote 27 the valuation of the assets of the business,Footnote 28 profitability and profit distribution,Footnote 29 etc. This consequence is a premise for the positiveFootnote 30 and negativeFootnote 31 perspectives of the impact of taxes on economic actors and systems. It also leads to intended and unintended consequences, such as the substitution effect,Footnote 32 deadweight loss and the adoption of tax minimization strategies.Footnote 33 The conclusion is that the perception of an assessor is anchored in either its situation, ideology, disciplinary orientation or a combination of these. Thus, the perception of economic actors may vary from that of the tax authority or its principal and, when this is the case, the opportunity for dispute is created. It is against this backdrop that the next section appraises the TPR as a tool for “plucking the goose”.
PLUCKING THE GOOSE USING THE TPR
The fons et origo
There has been a surge in global attention on the importance of taxation as a revenue raising tool. This has been catalysed by the global financial crisis,Footnote 34 the need for revenues to fund infrastructure critical to the achievement of the sustainable development goals and growing concern about increasing inequality in the world's tax systems,Footnote 35 the possibility that expanded taxation may offer a platform and opportunity for strengthening the fiscal contract between taxpayers and governments,Footnote 36 the nexus between transfer pricing and illicit financial flows,Footnote 37 etc. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) / G20 Base Erosion and Profit Shifting (BEPS) Project and other post-BEPS outputsFootnote 38 are testament to this orientation. In relation to Nigeria, the TPRFootnote 39 are a product of the current orientation. The TPR are considered a means for “plucking the goose” (ie the economic actors), as they gave effect to the general anti-avoidance rules that are part of Nigeria's tax jurisprudence.Footnote 40 Regulation 2 of the TPR provides that the TPR's objectives are to:
“
(a) ensure that Nigeria is able to tax on an appropriate taxable basis corresponding to the economic activities deployed by taxable persons in Nigeria, including in their transactions and dealings with related persons;
(b) provide the Nigerian authorities the tools to fight tax evasion that may arise through over or under pricing of transactions between related persons;
(c) reduce the risk of economic double taxation;
(d) provide a level playing field for both multinational enterprises and independent enterprises carrying on business in Nigeria; and
(e) provide taxable persons with certainty of transfer pricing treatment in Nigeria.”
Regulation 12 of the TPR provides that, for benchmarking and interpretative guidance, recourse is to be had to the OECD Transfer Pricing Guidelines (OECD TPG)Footnote 41 and the UN Practical Manual on Transfer Pricing for Developing CountriesFootnote 42 (UN MTP). However, where there are inconsistencies between a provision of a municipal law, rule or regulation and the provisions of the OECD TPG and the UN MTP, the municipal law, rule or regulation shall prevail.Footnote 43
Noteworthy is the fact that, under the TPR, the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS)Footnote 44 can: disregard a transaction or disposition where it is of the opinion that it is not in fact given effect to or that the transaction reduces or would reduce the amount of tax payable; or effect corresponding adjustments to offset the tax savings effected by the transaction or disposition. Once a choice has been made, the affected party is assessed and taxed accordingly. In the context of the fable and against the background of the TPR, it is surmised that transfer pricing (a critical part of the tax discourse) is a risk that can impact on the outcome of FIRS's efforts and objectives. For the taxpayer, the opposite is the case, as a result of the opportunities provided by transfer pricing methodologies for increasing profits after tax.
Regulation 7
Regulation 7 of the TPR is dedicated to providing guidance for determining the arm's length conditions for transactions involving the transfer or use of intangibles.Footnote 45 Although the intention is to avoid the pitfalls associated with definitions, it should be noted that intangibles in the context of transfer pricing are essentially non-physical or non-financial assets that: are capable of being owned or controlled for use commercially; and whose use or transfer would be associated with compensation, had it occurred in a transaction between unrelated parties in comparable circumstances.Footnote 46 Compared to the old transfer pricing regulations, regulation 7 is one of the novelties of the TPR. This is because it introduced a performance cum risk-oriented approach to the determination of whether the pricing of an intangible asset is or was at arm's length.Footnote 47 According to Ndajiwo and Aniyie, the presence of regulation 7 conforms the TPR with the OECD TPG.Footnote 48 They further argue that the provision makes the determination of an arm's length price a functional analysis that takes into cognisance the role of a licensor (and the specific risks they assume) in connection with the development, enhancement, maintenance, protection and exploitation of the intangible property in question.Footnote 49 Noteworthy is the fact that this provision is relevant even in situations of shared use or where the constituents of a group are able to derive income that could be described as a consequence of group synergy and would not be possible for similarly situated independent enterprises. Thus, where a bank shares its client list with its insurance affiliate for commercial exploitation, a transfer that is subject to scrutiny pursuant to this regulation has occurred within the group. Hence, a profit split measure that utilizes allocation keys (ie risks relating to the development, enhancement, maintenance, protection or exploitation (DEMPE) of the intangible property or their contribution to the control of economically significant risks associated with the intangible asset)Footnote 50 would be utilized to bring about corresponding adjustments (which would take cognisance of the price of the client list if the shared use was between unconnected parties) in the income statement of each group affiliate.
Although regulation 7 has the potential to ensure that Nigeria is able to tax juristic economic actors to the extent that is commensurate with the proceeds from the economic activities embarked upon in or attributable to Nigeria, sub-regulation 5 merits a closer look. It states:
“Notwithstanding any other provision of the Regulations, where a person engages in any transaction with a related person that involves the transfer of rights in an intangible, other than the alienation of an intangible, the consideration payable in that transaction that is allowable for deduction for tax purposes shall not exceed 5% of the earnings before interest, tax, depreciation, amortisation and that consideration, derived from the commercial activity conducted by the person in which the rights transferred are exploited.”
From the perspective of a plain meaning approach to interpretation,Footnote 51 the effect of regulation 7(5) is that, for any transaction between connected personsFootnote 52 other than a sale of tangible property, the portion of the consideration that would be recognized for tax purposes is capped at 5 per cent of its earnings before interest, tax, depreciation and amortization (EBITDA).Footnote 53 Thus, for tax purposes, an entity would be allowed the portion of consideration given for the acquisition of a licence (or other third party intangible property) that represents the equivalent of 5 per cent of its EBITDA. It also means that, in a situation where the transaction involves unconnected persons or is between connected persons but relates to tangible property, regulation 7(5) of the TPR would not apply. In this scenario, it would be logical to conclude that the entire consideration paid would be recognized and treated as an allowable deduction for tax purposes.
It should be noted that, although the OECD TPG and UN MTP provide the benchmark against which the TPR are to be construed, they both lack a provision that caps EBITDA. What exists in both are recommendations geared towards ensuring that the allocation of profit or loss associated with connected persons transacting intangible assets is a function of the parties’ exposure to the DEMPE-control risk associated with the intangible.Footnote 54 Instead, credit for the origins of regulation 7(5) of the TPR goes to the African Tax Administration Forum's (ATAF) suggested approach to drafting transfer pricing legislation (ASADTPL).Footnote 55 Ordinarily, the ASADTPL is of no legal moment as it is a guide to what transfer pricing legislation should contain. Thus, its adoption is optional. Nevertheless, ATAF recommends in the ASADTPL that:
“Where a person engages in a transaction with a connected person that involves the transfer of rights in an intangible, other than the alienation of an intangible, the deduction allowable for tax purposes in that transaction shall not exceed X% of the [tax EBITDA + plus royalties payable] derived from the commercial activity conducted by the person in which the rights transferred are exploited.”Footnote 56
Situating regulation 7(5) in the social space
The following examination of regulation 7(5) of the TPR deviates from typical legal scholarship. The basis of this endeavour is that, although taxation starts with law,Footnote 57 the subject and mechanics of taxation are beyond the realm of law,Footnote 58 and the solution(s) to problems and or answer(s) to questions are never within the boundaries of a single academic discipline.Footnote 59 The latter is true with regard to the issues of interest to this study. For example, the gamut of tax morale literature has put beyond conjecture the inadequacy of sanctions and / or the economic deterrence model in relation to tax compliance.Footnote 60 In the same vein, amid the tax compliance discourse, manifestations like the “puzzle of compliance” and the Peter Pan syndromeFootnote 61 do not make sense from an economic perspective. Hence, relying solely on economic theories like rationalityFootnote 62 and a profit maximizationFootnote 63 solution would not do justice to the discourse.
It is on this premise that this examination of regulation 7(5) of the TPR is deemed socio-legal in nature. That being said, it should be reiterated that regulation 7(5) creates two regimes for determining the profit after tax of licensees of intangibles: one involving connected persons (Taxpayer A-type regime) and one relating to unconnected persons (Taxpayer B-type regime). Hence, the following comments attempts to situate regulation 7(5) as a tool for “plucking the goose” within the context of society and other aspects of it.
(Mis)alignment of commercial, fiscal and monetary policy
According to Henry Simons, taxation is:
“[A] small element in the structure of rules and conventions which constitute the framework of our existing economic systems; and problems of taxation can be clearly apprehended only as phases of a broad problem of modifying this framework (the rules of the game) in such a manner as to make the system more efficient and more secure”.Footnote 64
The gist of this is that: as a part of an economic system, taxation is of no greater importance than the functioning of free enterprise or any other subset of the economy; and any modification to the tax system to fix a problem should be actuated and done with the goal of making the entire economic system more efficient. Thus, it is contended that, in the light of regulation 19(2) of the TPR, which provides that “the provisions of these Regulations shall prevail in the event of inconsistency with other regulatory authorities’ approval”, regulation 7(5) is not in line with Simons's thesis. This is because, instead of furthering the synching of policies relating to the pricing of intangibles in Nigeria, it introduces misalignment and uncertainty. For example, there is the question of reconciling the difference between the National Office for Technology Acquisition and Promotion (NOTAP)Footnote 65 regime and the TPR caps on the pricing of intangibles. NOTAP is saddled with responsibilitiesFootnote 66 that are underpinned by developmental and promotional objectives. Its existence also contributes to making Nigeria attractive to foreign technologies, investment and the development of indigenous technology.Footnote 67 In addition to being part of the fiscal architecture for the mobilization of revenue, the TPR, among other things, provide Nigeria with a means of imposing on economic actors taxes that correspond to their economic activities in Nigeria.Footnote 68
In the context of revenue mobilization for development, it is surmised that the objectives associated with NOTAP and TPR are in tandem. Also, the NOTAP and TPR regimes have the capacity to impact on the pricing of intangibles in the books of owners and users. It is at this point that differences leading to misalignment become apparent. First, their consequences are different. From NOTAP, there is approval to utilize the official foreign exchange remittance channelFootnote 69 to pay fees for licences, franchises, royalties, etc. The TPR are part of the template used for determining whether the price paid is recognizable as a deductible expense for tax purposes. Secondly, what a Nigeria-based user remits through the official foreign exchange remittance channel to a foreign owner of an intangible is that which NOTAP has approved. Where the transaction is between connected persons, FIRS would only allow the Nigeria-based user 5 per cent of its EBITDA as a deductible expense, notwithstanding the existence of NOTAP approval for the entire remitted fee. These differences make both legislation (ie the NOTAP Act and the TPR) distinct and specialized in terms of their scope and effect.
A corollary of this is uncertainty with regard to the superiority of the legal frameworks and / or policies that underpin the pricing of intangibles. Thus, for resolution, recourse is had to the reasoning and decision in Oando PLC v FBIR Footnote 70 and the TPR. In the former, the issue before the court was the determination of superiority between section 19 of the Companies Income Tax Act (CITA) and section 380 of the Companies and Allied Matters ActFootnote 71 (CAMA). This question was asked in the context of the taxation of dividends. The court held inter alia that:
“While section 380 of CAMA provides a general guideline for companies on the source of payment of dividends, section 19 of CITA in its own right deals with when and how tax is to be paid on dividends so declared. In other words, it regulates the mode and manner of payment of tax payable by a company where dividends are declared and paid to shareholders. Besides, where CAMA deals generally with the modus operandi of companies by providing the necessary guideline, CITA deals strictly with the assessment and payment of tax by companies taxation. It follows that in any matter pertaining to companies taxation the provisions of CITA will prevail over that of the CAMA in the event of any conflict of application of relevant provisions.”Footnote 72
Furthermore, regulation 19(2) of the TPR provides that the provisions of the TPR shall prevail in the event of inconsistency with other regulatory authorities’ approval. Thus, the verdict with regard to the superiority of the legal frameworks and / or underpinning policies is in favour of the TPR.
Economic reality and equity issue
Transfer pricing is underpinned by the arm's length principle, which provides the framework for international taxation. The arm's length principle entails that the terms for the settlement of liability or the consideration for the disposal of an asset are those that would be acceptable to unconnected willing buyers and sellers focused on profit maximization. Thus, where this principle is utilized in fixing a transfer price, what is due to the parties should be the product of the economic reality surrounding the transaction.
With regard to the restriction of the deductible income for Taxpayer A, the deduction is that economic reality is no longer the key criterion for determining whether the transaction was at arm's length. What is relevant is the relationship between the parties: whether they are connected persons or not. In the circumstances, it is deemed that there has been a transfer pricing breach where the parties to the transaction are connected persons, not because the transaction is not in line with economic reality. Consequently, it is concluded that, within the transfer pricing space, regulation 7(5) of the TPR has effectively made connected party transactions a strict liability offence for which there is no respite.
This raises equity issues, especially relating to horizontal equity. The principle of horizontal equity demands that persons in like (but not identical) circumstances should be taxed equally or bear equal tax burdens.Footnote 73 Other factors remaining equal, in the context of this discourse, horizontal equity means that similarly circumstanced taxpayers in terms of income level (notwithstanding whether or not they transact with connected parties) should enjoy similar provisions and / or suffer similar restrictions, have similar tax liabilities and profit after tax or disposable income.
Furthermore, the effect of the existence of distinct regimes for the Taxpayer A and Taxpayer B types is that the profit after tax of the former would be less than that of the latter. This disrupts any existing horizontal equity in the tax system, as regulation 7(5) of the TPR makes the determinant of the size of the deduction for Taxpayer A the function of whether or not there is a connection with the licensor. This is not the fate of a licensee (ie Taxpayer B) of intangible property belonging to an unconnected party, since regulation 7(5) would not apply to the transaction and / or be used in determining the consequential allowable deductions. This imbalance impacts on the efficiency of the tax system, as it provides Taxpayer A with an incentive for more “squealing” and an impetus for the formulation of structures to hide connectedness to the licensor as well as the (mis)allocation of resources to the adjustment of the equity of the tax system in its favour.
Homogenizing heterogeneity
Related to the foregoing is the view that regulation 7(5) of the TPR provides a homogenized approach to dealing with the heterogeneity that constitutes the spectrum that is taxpayer compliance behaviour. The consequence of this is that every connected party transaction involving intangibles will be deemed not at arm's length, notwithstanding the compliance orientation or behaviour of the parties to the transaction. In addition, the provision does not provide the licensee with the opportunity to have the transaction assessed on its merits to determine whether or not it was at arm's length.
In the context of conceptualizing taxation, it is argued that regulation 7(5) of the TPR is underpinned by the perception that economic agents orientate toward noncompliance and would favour the latter where it is rewarding. This thinking is premised on the economic deterrence theory.Footnote 74 Nevertheless, regulation 7(5) of the TPR neglects, as is the case with the economic deterrence theory, to contemplate within the tax system the existence of compliant taxpayers who, notwithstanding the existence of opportunities for and the benefits to be derived from noncompliance, would do everything according to the prevailing legal regime as well as transact at arm's length with connected parties. Such taxpayers do not fit the mould cast by the economic deterrence theory. Therefore, as there exist taxpayers who are oriented towards compliance, notwithstanding the gains derivable from noncompliance,Footnote 75 the homogenized approach to the treatment of the heterogeneity of compliance orientation and behaviour subsumed in the provision is considered erroneous.
CONCLUSION
Transfer pricing (whether connected persons transactions involving intangibles or otherwise) presents substantial risks to the tax base of the mineral-rich and capital exporters in Africa, as it is a prominent route for revenue leakage from the continent.Footnote 76 This makes combating it of utmost importance. However, it would be extremely naïve and utterly simplistic to think that regulation 7(5) of the TPR is a “Swiss army knife” providing FIRS and, by extension, the government of Nigeria with all that is or would be needed to “pluck the goose” to best effect or combat the transfer pricing issues associated with transactions between connected persons involving intangibles. Rather, it should be recognized that the existence of regulation 7(5) is bound to catalyse the design and implementation of strategies (including tax avoidance and evasion) by the parties (connected or otherwise) to guarantee return on investment. This is because it defines for taxpayers as well as their advisors the space for creativity. Thus, regulation 7(5) qualifies to be described as a harbinger of further deadweight lossFootnote 77 in the economy.
It is therefore recommended that the objective should be to identify the root cause of the issues associated with transfer pricing and countering them. Prominent is the issue of manpower resourcing of the tax authority. It is considered a priority. Thus, where the number of personnel dedicated to transfer pricing issues at FIRS is less than half the staff capacity of the transfer pricing department of one the “Big 4”Footnote 78 accountancy firms operating in Nigeria,Footnote 79 little would be achieved with regard to combating transfer pricing and associated issues. Related to this is the issue of manpower turnover, which is plaguing the majority of tax authorities, including FIRS.Footnote 80 The African Capacity Building Foundation recommends that more and better trained staff must be hired and retained with the right financial incentives to stem this tide.Footnote 81 In addition, there is the issue of the cost and difficulty associated with obtaining relevant information, as well as the lack of comparable data, knowledge and experience within tax administrations.Footnote 82
Furthermore, with regard to the achievement of the Musgravian objectivesFootnote 83 and the goals of taxation,Footnote 84 it cannot be categorically stated that the TPR are of much assistance. This is because there exist consequences that, in the context of extracting tax from the citizenry, may elicit “squeals” instead of applause from the goose (ie the taxpayer). Another is that the provision has the potential to generate dialectics that could motivate taxpayers to approach an already burdened conventional adversarial dispute resolution system for redress.Footnote 85 Also, it is a disincentive to trade and investment as, among other things, it alters the operating environment and conditions for connected persons within the jurisdiction as well as presenting as a non-tariff measureFootnote 86 in the context of international trade and investment.
CONFLICTS OF INTEREST
None