Francis Deng argues in this interesting, persuasive book, that Africa has been poorly served by its constitutional reliance on structures and norms inherited from colonial states and later built upon by new elites determined to maintain authority and power. In particular, he critiques African governance for its failure to build upon and incorporate traditional ‘African’ values and culturally distinct worldviews, which might offer a more effective solution to the crisis of identity politics that Deng suggests is prevalent in the region. Such arguments are not, of course, new (nor, indeed, entirely absent from official donor policy). But Deng restores the actual constitution, as opposed to the broader sweep of ‘good governance’, to the central focus of analysis.

In this book, Deng moves from an historical analysis of the formation of African constitutions to a consideration of how they have failed to deal with ethnic and minority-group diversity. He continues to explore how identity interplays with politics in Africa, usefully taking a pluralistic perspective on identity-based politics, neither falling into the trap of asserting it as a primordial force nor dismissing it as irrelevant. The book then turns to one of its central arguments: that the application of the principle of self-determination needs to be moved beyond the national level to apply to minority groups within the nation, even if the ultimate implication of such an extension would be to support a principle of secession for minority groups. The book argues that unity-at-all-costs models of government, inherited and refined by post-colonial governments, have suppressed ethnic minority claims and identities, and created tensions between governing elites and those excluded from post-colonial settlements. While preserving national unity should be the priority, Deng suggests this can best be achieved by respecting the needs and demands of minority groups for their interests to be reflected in the state. The best remedy against fragmentation and splintering states is for those states to adopt truly pluralistic policies and to engage fully with the diversity of groups and interests within the state, giving such groups a reason to want to remain engaged and hence removing a key rationale for separation.

As one would expect, given Deng's expertise, the most interesting discussion lies in applying notions of locally constructed constitutionalism to conflict management, human rights, environmental protection, and gender relations. Deng questions approaches in these areas that seek to apply ‘universalist’ (that is, largely Western-constructed) values and processes within an African context. He does not dismiss arguments that, for example, human rights have a universalist application, but suggests that building upon local values and worldviews can strengthen the application of such rights in culturally distinct contexts.

The historical discussion on the origins of modern African constitutionalism is rather weaker, consisting largely of a brief narrative of the transition to independence and the constitutional path taken by the first generation of post-Independence leaders. Similarly, Deng's efforts to highlight distinctive features of an African ‘worldview’ is ultimately rather limited. These accounts are far from satisfying in their lack of detail (particularly in a book that seeks to demonstrate the importance of the specific context). However, in the case of the latter, the book does identify four areas as offering useful examples for how African constitutionalism could build upon traditional values: the Akan understanding of ‘personhood’; a survey of Dinka values; South Africa's Ubuntu concept; and the Rwandan traditional justice system, the Gacaca courts.

From the book a set of arguments emerges as to what form African constitutions might take if they are to address the governance problems at the heart of many of the continent's difficulties. Deng argues persuasively for the principle of consensus (not just majority consent) to be incorporated into government structures; communal identities must be given greater protection; the inter-connectedness of all people and communities must be embedded within the heart of a new constitution; and power must be decentralised in a real and meaningful way (including, as the ultimate right, minority rights to self-determination). By building on traditional African values, traditions, and worldviews, constitutional reform can, Deng suggests, create something that meets the needs of all Africans, undercutting causes of identity-based conflict and creating a sense of unity. It is, perhaps, an idealist's vision, but it remains an attractive one, and one that sees the solution to some of Africa's most intractable problems as already existing within its myriad of cultures and social systems. This eminently readable and enjoyable book restores the link between culture, identity, politics, and governance in a constructive, nuanced manner. Its use of African philosophy and thought, its highlighting of African successes not just failures, demonstrates how much the continent has to teach the world, and what contribution an understanding of African ideas, values, and systems has for broader political reform.