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A Yezidi Manuscript:—Mišūr of P’īr Sīnī Bahrī/P’īr Sīnī Dārānī, Its Study and Critical Analysis

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2022

Dimitri Pirbari
Affiliation:
G. Tsereteli Institute of Oriental Studies at Ilia State University, Tbilisi, Georgia
Nodar Mossaki
Affiliation:
Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow
Mirza Sileman Yezdin
Affiliation:
Iraq
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Abstract

Yezidi mišūrs are one of the rarest written sources on the history and religion of the Yezidis. The special value of mišūrs is that Yezidism is characterized mainly by the oral transmission of religious tradition. The article provides an overview and a description of the four versions of Mišūr of P’īr Sīnī Bahrī/P’īr Sīnī Dārānī (Mişûr of Pîr Sînî Behrî/Pîr Sînî Daranî), one of which is thought to be produced in 604/1207 or 1208, making it one of the earliest sources of Yezidi history and religion. A collaborative version of the document is presented based on these four versions. Yezidi mišūrs belong to certain lineages of P’īrs and represent certificates of recognition of those lineages and those Yezidi tribes that were attributed to them as Murids. The manuscript that is examined here is rich in historical data related to the establishment of the Yezidi community. The document also lists the tribes that today are not Yezidi. Furthermore, the mišūr identifies a number of previously unknown followers and associates of Sheikh ‘Adi. This data will be instrumental in identifying various features of Yezidism in its formative age.

Type
Regular Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Association For Iranian Studies, Inc 2020

Introduction

Yezidism is characterized by oral transmission of religious tradition. Centuries of living in a hostile environment led to the minimization of written documentation, which, together with the ban on literacy, made the role of oral tradition fundamental.Footnote 1 The most important part of the oral tradition of the YezidisFootnote 2 and a primary source of knowledge about Yezidism are firstly Qawls or Qewls (religious hymns), Beyts and Qasīdās (performed by the Qawals Footnote 3).Footnote 4

Sacred manuscripts called mišūr Footnote 5 represent one of the rarest and the most important written sources for the study of Yezidi history and religion.

In historiography “granted certificates”—manšūrs—represent a rare and not widely distributed type of documents, namely for the study of the medieval history of Asia Minor in the period of Seljuk rule or Egypt in the same period. These were economic documents and gave their owners various privileges and tenure rightsFootnote 6 (German: Lehen). W. Björkman names manšūrLehnsdiplom,” and writes about manāšīr in Egypt for the military.Footnote 7

It should be noted that until now researchers of Yezidism who published mišūrs did not draw an analogy with “manšūrs” or “manāšīr” among other societies or states of the region.Footnote 8 Thus it is obvious that these terms match each other in their designation.

Yezidi mišūrs were written in the thirteenth century (although there is a possibility that they could have been written in the following century) in accordance with the Yezidi tradition with the will and blessing of Sheikh ‘Adi (other forms: Sheikh ‘Adî, Šīkhādī, Šēkhādī) and his followers, who are seen in Yezidism as saints, and were consequently copied on a regular basis.

These certificates were granted to certain lineages of P’īrs and represented documents of recognition of those lineages and those Yezidi tribes that were attributed to them as Murids (mirīds, in KurmanjiFootnote 9mirîds). However, the issue of awarding the mišūrs exclusively to the P’īrs remains somewhat unclear.

It is known that the = Yezidi community is based on the caste structure and consists of Sheikhs (šēx, şêx), P’īrs, and Murids.Footnote 10 Religious functions are distributed among Sheikhs and P’īrs.Footnote 11 The Sheikhs are in charge of religious and administrative functions while P'īrs are in charge of purely religious functions.

In both Qawlē Qarafirqān and Qawlē Ōmarxālā û Hasinčinārī we can read:

According to the tradition, a P'īr ought to visit families of his Murids on an annual basis to counsel them, attend to their religious life, bless their hearths, and recite a special prayer Du’ā zikātē over their bread and salt. On the other hand, the Murids have to give him offerings—fitu and zikāt Footnote 13 (alms, donation). Zikāt is considered to be alms in the name of God (xērā nāvē Xwadē). At the same time, Murids offer their P'īrs some sacrificial animals, usually lambs.

It is necessary to mention that Yezidis of Iraq use the term fitu, while Yezidis of the former USSR prefer the term zikāt. In contrast to Yezidis from other regions, they use the term zikāt in a special ritual. According to the tradition, P’īrs must be given one-tenth of annual income. They, on the other hand, had to keep some of it for the needs of their families and distribute the rest among needy Yezidis. However, over time, a practice came into being that Murids would offer either a lamb or a calf to P’īrs and seek their forgiveness that they could not offer more than this. P’īrs would declare that they were forgiven and pronounce the “halāl ba.” At this ritual, a P’īr takes bread and salt and gives them to the head of the family. Both P’īr and the head of the family hold the bread and salt. P’īr says: “You gave me and I accepted it.” After this, they recite an obligatory prayer Du’ā zikātē. Usually P’īrs visit families of their Murids in the spring season. Murids kept their lambs at their places until P’īrs came to collect their donations in the autumn. With time, P’īrs were given money instead of lambs. This ritual is practiced among Yezidis of Armenia, Georgia, and Russia, wherever the connections between P’īrs and Murids are still maintained.

Mišūrs have been kept in the families of the P'īrs in special places designated for their safekeeping. In Kurmanji these places are called stēr (star). However V. Arakelova considers this term to describe stack of bedding and to be related to Old Iranian: *starya- (root *star-) and its Slavic equivalent can be seen in the word “постель” (postel’) (bed).Footnote 14 There could also be another explanation: the word may derive from “sitar” (borrowed from Arabic) and “curtain,” “hiding behind the curtain.”Footnote 15

Yezidis of Armenia and Georgia also have such a place at their homes where they keep their beddings (blankets, mattresses, and cushions), meticulously folded and concealed with a covering. On top of it, they place xūrǰ or ǰuhōr—a bag made of wool and decorated with ornaments (often with colorful stripes). In the bag they keep sacred items: tās (cup), barāt (sacred soil from Lalish in the shape of balls), xādim (iron rings), and čirā (small candlesticks). As a rule, if the mišūr is in good condition it is kept as a scroll and is inserted into a scroll holder, which is made of gazelle (xazāl) leather. Every year on a designated day (rožā nīşānā—it is the end of February for Iraqi Yezidis, but for Yezidis of Armenia and Georgia it is related to the feasts of Āīda Ēzīd or Xidir-Nabī)—the head of the family which owns the mišūr needs to open the bag and observe a ritual of renewal (sīyar kirin). The family slaughters an animal (usually a lamb), they invite the Qawlbēj (Qawls reciters), they wash tās and xādim, they open the mišūr and recite the Qawls. After that those Yezidis who are present, especially Murids of this particular lineage of P’īrs, approach sacred items and leave their offerings after venerating the sacred items. After this, they wrap everything in a new piece of cloth (kirās) and return everything to the stēr.

Due to the lack of temples, for the Yezidis of the former USSR the “stēr” played the role of sacred site,Footnote 16 “object of pilgrimage,”Footnote 17 and were movable shrines.Footnote 18 The Yezidis call them “the family star.”

Each lineage of P’īrs was granted a certificate, where the founder of this lineage was mentioned, his life and deeds were described, where Yezidi saints were praised, a list of tribes attributed to these particular lineages of P’īrs was offered. As K. Omarkhali wrote, “according to Yezidi tradition, there were 40 mišūrs, which were given to the 40 lineages (ōǰākhs) of Pîrs.”Footnote 19 However, it is also known that there were about ninety lineages of P’īrsFootnote 20 (though now the number of lineages is significantly less), and mišūrs were granted to each lineage. Presumably understanding of the forty lineages (ōǰākhs) of P’īrs derives from a lineage of P’īrs which is called P’īrē Čil P’īrā—P’īrs of “forty P’īrs.” The existence of this lineage presumes that there should be at least forty-one lineages of P’īrs. At the same time, there are some other lineages of P’īrs who are not Murids of P’īrē Čil P’īrā.

In this way, we may suggest that the number of mišūrs corresponded with the lineages of P’īrs. However, for the time being only one mišūr has been published. This is Mišūr of P’īr Xatīb Pisī, son of P’īr Būtār. It was described and published for the first time (excluding Qasīdā of Sheikh ‘Adi—Qasīdā Šīxādī) by P’īr Xidir Silēman.Footnote 21 Qasīdā Şīkhādī had already been published more than once in the Arabic languageFootnote 22 and in the English language.Footnote 23 Afterwards, a Kurdish scholar from Iraq, Abd al-Raqīb Yusif, published an article about this mišūr.Footnote 24 In English, the mišūr was published along with Qasīdā Šīxādī by Khanna Omarkhali.Footnote 25

In this article we concentrate on four different versions of Mišūr of Pīr Sīnī Bahrī, which were copied by Dimitri Pirbari in February 2009 in the family of Šukrī son of P’īr Khalīlē Namr from the lineage of P’īr Sīnī Bahrī in the city of Soltau in Lower Saxony, Germany.Footnote 26

It is worth noting that with the blessing of the Yezidi Supreme Spiritual Council in Lalish (SSC), Dimitri Pirbari and Sheikh Mīrza SilēmanFootnote 27 produced a new version of the mišūr following all the rules and traditions that were previously followed by the Yezidi clergy. However, small changes have been made to the new copy. Text about the origin of Sheikh ‘Adi—which states his genealogy goes back to Yazid ibn Mu'awiya—is moved to the end of the text of mišūr in the form of a footnote, explaining that according to Arab sources, Sheikh ‘Adi is not a direct descendant of Yazid ibn Mu'awiya, but is a representative of the Marwānid branch of the Umayyad dynasty.

However, in this article, we present the text we have restored based on one of the mišūrs (see below) without changing its structure and do not change the fragment about the origin of Sheikh ‘Adi. We also attach photocopies of the four versions of the mišūrs.

Review, Comparison, and Analysis of Four Versions of Mišūrs of the P’īr Sīnī Bahrī/P’īr Sīnī Dārānī

In this manuscript, P’īr Sīn is mentioned as P'īr Sīnī Dārānī/Dārāyn/Dērayn (in three versions). However, in Yezidism and among his descendants he has been known as P’īr Sīnī Bahrī, P’īrē Bahrī. This is how he has been mentioned in Yezidi Qawls and prayers: Qawlē Xarqa, Qawlē P’īr Sīnī Bahrī and in the Dirōzga.Footnote 28 Consequently, this mišūr should most likely be considered as being the first historical source with his nīsba Footnote 29—Dārānī. At the same time, in this mišūr the name of the saint is mentioned without the word Bahrī (Behrî)—“nautical” both in Arabic and Kurmanji. In Yezidi legends P’īr Sīn is represented as the Lord of the sea and son of a sea maiden (see below).

The text of the specified versions of this mišūr is written in Arabic, like all the mišūrs known to us. Khanna Omarkhali writes that, according to her information, a lineage of P’īr Ōmarxālā has a mišūr in Shingal which is written in the Kurdish language without indicating which of the dialects the manuscript is written in.Footnote 30 This seems to be unlikely and must be a fiction created by her informants since it is widely known in the Yezidi tradition that mišūrs are written exclusively in Arabic.Footnote 31

Out of all four versions of P’īr Sīnī Bahrī’s mišūr the least well-preserved copy has been conditionally identified by us as the earliest version (Mš1, Figure 1). Its text is written on thin paper, which is 28 cm in length and 16 cm in width. Due to the decay of the paper, in 2000 the document was assembled from separate pieces by P’īr Khēro, son of Faqīr Osman P’īr of Omarkhala from the village Ēsya (near Sheikhan). However, if we compare it with the content of the remaining versions, it could be assumed that in some places parts of the text have been connected in the wrong sequence. The beginning and certain parts of the document are completely missing. Some small shabby pieces of paper could not be assembled. There are also some fragments in which only the name of Sheikh ‘Adi can be read. P’īr Khēro recorded pieces of the mišūr that could not be glued together: at the beginning of the mišūr “Greetings and peace to our Lord Sheikh ‘Adi b. Musafir al-Āmāwī.” We assume that these fragments ought to be related to the beginning of mišūr since it is a custom to begin mišūrs with offering greetings and good wishes to Sheikh ‘Adi.Footnote 32 It should also be noted that to this version of the mišūr two seals have been affixed upon which the inscriptions are illegible.Footnote 33 The date of its creation (604/1207 or 1208) is indicated in the mišūr; however, unlike other versions, there is no mention of rewriting the text (at least in the surviving parts of the text). Consequently, here we must be dealing either with the original mišūr manuscript or with a copy of the original manuscript, re-certified by seals. This version of the mišūr is also distinct from others in its refined writing techniques. The document has preserved on either side two strips in the form of fields intended for notes, but the text of the notes, except for individual words and a few sentences, has not been preserved.

Figure 1. Preserved part of the first version of Mišūr of P’īr Sīnī Dārānī.

Despite this, based on the analyses of legible fragments, it could be concluded that the margins contain the Yezidi sacred text Qasīdā Safā Waqtī. Considering that fragments of this text were also in the margins of the mišūr, rewritten in 1083/1672 or 1673, we can assume with great confidence that the content of this text coincides with Qasīdā Safā Waqtī, in which the narration is offered on behalf of Sheikh ‘Adi. This Qasīdā is verbally preserved among the Qawal and the Peshimam family in Bašīq and Bahzān. The text is created in the Yezidi Arabic dialect of Bašīq and Bahzān (Iraq). This Qasīdā was published by Rudolf Frank.Footnote 34 There are minor differences between the Qasīdā, published by R. Frank and Qasīdā, which is performed by the Qawals, but this is unlikely to have special historical significance. However, not so much for comparison, but rather for publication of the full information related to this mišūr, and since the text of the Qawals has never been published before, we considered it pertinent to include in this article both versions of the Qasīdā.

It should be noted that the text of one of the four mišūrs, written on paper of 45 cm by 16 cm (defined by us as Mš2, Figure 2), so far as we can judge, in its remaining parts almost completely repeats the content of the Mš1, except that the scribe missed the word “Zahid” in the name of Sheikh Shamsan Zahid. The document is decorated on the margins with a simple ornament, on its back, it has an inscription:

A perfect greeting to Avdal-agha Qalandar-agha. If you wish to offer a zikāt and a fitu, give them to the owner of this mišūr. Whoever gives a zikāt and a fitu, P’īr Sīn will be cross with him. After all this, this mišūr, belongs to P’īr Jamal and P’īr Omar.

Unlike other options, this version contains information about the birthplace of P’īr Sīn—in Sham (Syria) in the village of Ilil (Alil, الیل ). It also contains his life span—ninety years. We have failed to find anything about this village. Moreover, the date of death of the saint (604/1207–8) is mentioned as the date of the creation of the mišūr, which confirms its dating. However, it is indicated that after this it was rewritten in 1083/1672 or 1673; the copyist did not leave his name. We have restored the surviving text,Footnote 35 with the help of the remaining copies, and included its translation in this article.

Figure 2. Preserved part of the second version of Mišūr of P’īr Sīnī Dārānī.

Another copy of the mišūr (Mš3, Figure 3), consists of six separate sheets, with text on either side. Each sheet is 29 cm in length, and 15.5 cm in width. However, this document does not contain the date of rewriting or the name of the copyist. It has neither margins nor Qasīdā. It begins with a text which is similar to the prayers of ailments. This is immediately followed by the mišūr, which is preserved fairly well. Moreover, while in the Mš1 version the genealogy of the descendants of P’īr Sīn is missing or perhaps has not been preserved, and in the version Mš2 there is a mention of the name of Hasn in the genealogy of the Yezidi saint, right before the name of the mišūr owner (P'īr Sīnī Bahrī/Dārānī), in this version (Mš3) the name of Hasn is mentioned in the genealogy of P'īr Sīnī Bahrī P'īr after two links—after P'īr Al, being listed as the son of P'īr Sīn, and P'īr Bakr.

Figure 3. Fragment of the third version of Mišūr of P’īr Sīnī Dārānī.

The next and, presumably, the latest version of mišūr (Mš4, Figure 4) composed of sheets glued together on yellowed paper in the form of a tape, being 86 cm long and 7.5 cm wide. It is preserved in a very tolerable condition. At the end of the document, it is indicated: “This mišūr was written by Sheikh MūslīmFootnote 36 b. Sheikh Afandī b. Sheikh Muslīm b. Sheikh Omar. May God grant them rest! It is written in 1161[1748].” Along the margins on both sides of the document a very simple ornament is drawn in the form of two lines, between which are zigzags. In the document, Qasīdā Safā Waqtī is missed. At the end of the left side of the margins there are lines from the Quranic surah “āl-Īkhlās.” However, with regard to spiritual relations, this is the most concise text. In addition to several standard Mišūr expressions (for example, “it was ordered to give zikāt to descendants of P’īr Sīn … ”) it only lists several generations of descendants of P'īr Sīn and also some information regarding Yezidi tribes belonging to this lineage. It is noteworthy to mention that in this version appears the T’ōrinan tribe, which is not found in previous copies.

Figure 4. Fragment of the fourth version of Mišūr of P’īr Sīnī Dārānī.

At the same time, in this mišūr in the list of Yezidi tribes assigned to the lineage of P'īr Sīnī Dārānī/Bahrī there are mentions of those tribes which currently live only in Armenia, Georgia, and Russia and are Murids of a completely different lineage of P'īrs. It is difficult to suppose whether it implies that Murids changed their Pirs due to some historical circumstances associated with their emigration to other regions. The mišūr also mentions some tribes which today are completely MuslimFootnote 37 (like the Shikakis, Šikākī—one of the largest Kurdish-Muslim tribes). In general, the information about the existing Yezidi tribes of that time deriving both from the mišūr under the consideration and from the previously published mišūr, brings certain correction to our understanding of the area settled by the Yezidi community, although the mišūrs do not indicate the places where Yezidi tribes lived when mišūrs were being drafted. However, we can see that at some time the Yezidis were living far beyond the borders of the Lalish—on the territory of modern Syria and Iran.Footnote 38

It should be noted that all the other mišūrs we have studied have a similar style. Martin van Bruinessen in his review on K. Omarkhali’s book writes that mišūr of P’īr Xatīb Pisī is Islamic in both style and content.Footnote 39 He makes this presumption on the bases of Arabic Muslim terminology. Such an observation can also be proved from the example of another mišūr, by applying the evidence based on the vocabulary. However, with some clarification, we can maintain that the mišūrs contain rather easily recognizable features of Sufism. Most likely this should also be true for other mišūrs in varying degrees.

Each of mišūrs begins with a phrase “Bīsmīllahī ār-rāhmān ār-rāhīm” (Arabic: “In the name of God the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful”), then it is followed by the praise of Sheikh ‘Adi and Sheikh Hassan and lists of the names of forty holy supporters of Sheikh ‘Adi and forty companions of Sheikh Hassan. Further, it also mentions to which saint this mišūr belongs and offers the list of Yezidi tribes assigned to this mišūr. That is, to the owner of the mišūr, to be more precise. At the very end of the mišūr, the names of representatives of this lineage from generation to generation are listed and seals with the names of saints are affixed. In conclusion, as a rule (although not in all cases), the name of the copyist is written and the date when the copy was made is added. The copyist sometimes leaves an inscription begging the reader of the mišūr to pray for his soul and assures the readership that he did not change a single letter while copying the text.

However, the structure of mišūr of P’īr Sīnī Bahrī/Dārānī is somewhat different. It is noteworthy that there is no list of forty companions of Sheikh ‘Adi and forty companions of Sheikh Hassan, except for a few names. It mentions Qadīb Bilbān al-MūsilīFootnote 40 (Qadībilbān), Hasn Mamān (Hasmamān),Footnote 41 and Mamē-Šivān.Footnote 42 At the same time, in this mišūr there are names that are not found among the forty companions of Sheikh ‘Adi and Sheikh Hassan, which are mentioned in other mišūrs, and with respect to a few of them we have made some cautious assumptions—P'īr Abū Tahr,Footnote 43 Dod Harūnan,Footnote 44 Sīn Laxr,Footnote 45 Daūd Xandaqī,Footnote 46 Hassan Kōmardī,Footnote 47 Sheikh Sahanī, Sheikh al-Īs, Haǰī Ōmaran, Sheikh Shamsān az-Zahd, P’īr ǰarī,Footnote 48 Sheikh Abd al-Qādir Gīlānī (Sheikh ‘Adi’s closest friend, a famous Sufi who is respected among the Yezidis),Footnote 49 Sayīd Ahmad al-Kabīr,Footnote 50 and Sayīd Abūlwafā.Footnote 51 Based on the date of writing of the mišūr, it is obvious that its creation falls at the early stage of the formation of the Yezidi community when the caste system had not yet been formed. The presence of names unknown to Yezidism in the mišūr indirectly confirms the date of its creation. We can talk about the time, if not contemporary then very close to the era of Sheikh ‘Adi. This is the early stage of the formation of the Yezidi community when the representatives of the first generation of Yezidi saints lived. They were disciples and companions of Sheikh ‘Adi, some of whom, for unclear reasons, did not receive proper recognition in Yezidism, at least under the names indicated in the mišūrs. The final formation of the Yezidi community takes place after the death of Sheikh Hassan (from the middle of the thirteenth century), although a significant number of the founders of the P'īr and Sheikh lineages were contemporaries of Sheikh Hassan and his father, Sheikh ‘Adi Abu al-Barakat. In this respect, the mišūr contains the most interesting pieces of information concerning Sheikh ‘Adî. For instance, mišūr uses the epithets of “deceased and forgiven” about him, which is not used in Yezidi religious practice since Sheikh ‘Adi is seen in Yezidism as being an incarnate creator. It should be noted that in the sacred oral texts of the Yezidis—in Qawls—Sheikh ‘Adi is declared to be the earthly incarnation of God. A Qawl says that he is God, who raised his throne to heaven:

However in all the mišūrs known to us, he is represented as a saint and a miracle worker and is mentioned as the Master. For example, in the mišūr of P'īr Xatīb Pisī the term “Our Master” is used concerning Sheikh ‘Adi. In one of the mišūrs studied by us which is rewritten in the nineteenth century, signed and certified by the highest Yezidi Spiritual hierarchs, the term “grave” or “tomb” of Sheikh ‘Adi is mentioned. This is in contrast with the oral tradition where the term “sindruk” has been established. This term comes from the Arabic “sndook” (box). In the Yezidi understanding, this term signifies a place where relics of a saint is kept, although the Yezidis believe that saints have left this world and their relics are also gone.Footnote 55

We have no intention to assert that in the considered mišūr we are confronted with a certain exceptional practice of mentioning Sheikh ‘Adi’s name. If we take the time of writing of the mišūr into consideration, in spite of all its religious significance, bearing in mind how little time had passed after Sheikh ‘Adî, we could say that his image as the main Yezidi saint, as well as Yezidi religious tradition, had not yet been formed around him, and in the mišūr he is represented as a historical figure. However, the Yezidi religion, which is mainly based on the oral tradition, by the time of the rewriting of the mišūr, had already formed a religious terminology in Qawls. It is quite possible that, whenever there was a need, as in the case of rewriting mišūrs, the tradition only repeated the Arabic formulas and terms as they had been used from the earlier period, bearing in mind the nature of the document as we shall see it later.

Besides, the deification of Sheikh ‘Adi in Qawls, but not in mišūr, is explained according to the Yezidi clerics by living in a hostile environment; therefore, it did not try to create a religious script with clearly defined terminology. That is, Yezidis did not record in written sources that which this environment could perceive extremely negatively. It is not by chance that in mišūrs written and rewritten later, a similar formula with respect to Sheikh ‘Adi is repeated.

At the same time, in this mišūr, unlike others, even though it contains some Islamic terminology, we do not find any names of Prophet Mohammed’s companions. Trying to avoid unresolved issues, we would like to note that the development of Yezidism, especially in its early period of formation, must be studied in the context of surrounding religious and socio-political reality of the eleventh and thirteenth centuries in northern Iraq.Footnote 56 Because of this context, some elements introduced into Yezidism, especially from the Sufi environment, should be seen as natural.Footnote 57

However, the religious doctrine of the Yezidis was formed gradually, in the process of interaction with a hostile Muslim environment, which directly affected its character. It is not by chance that those traits that are very similar to the Islamic onesFootnote 58 ultimately had, at best, a secondary influence on the development of the Yezidi worldview, and in general were considered traditionally both by the Yezidis and researchers themselves as being no more than just one of the elements of the Yezidi creed. In this case, it becomes obvious that the drafters, using Islamic terminology and including the names of the companions of the Prophet Mohammed in the subsequent mišūrs, were guided by the political connotations. Since mišūrs served as a kind of document—a pass to the Murids—and were presented to local authorities with the development of Yezidi society, giving the document acceptable form for the Muslim authorities was a matter of political expedience. It is noteworthy that in the fourth copy of the considered mišūr, apparently for similar purposes, the margins contain several words from surah Al-ikhlās.Footnote 59

It is most interesting that the mišūr speaks about the spiritual genealogy of Sheikh ‘Adi, whose genealogy after nine links is taken up to Sālmān Dārānī. It should be noted that in the Yezidi sources, as well as in the Yezidi religious tradition, there is no such information about the spiritual ancestry (sīlsīla) of Sheikh ‘Adî.Footnote 60 This refers to the Sufi past of the Yezidi saint. Perhaps here we are talking about the famous Syrian Sufi—Abū Sulaymān al-Dārānī (died in 220/835Footnote 61 or 215/830).Footnote 62

He was a student of 'Abd al-Wāhid b. Zayd (died 133/750),Footnote 63 who founded the first Sufi communities in Basra. Dārānī was one of those who gave a mystical interpretation of the paradise Houri. It is noteworthy that if we turn to Yezidi hagiography, then P’īr Sīnī Bahrī appears as the ruler of the sea and the son of a sea maiden (Ḥūr). In one of the Yezidi legends, it is said that once the holy men quarreled, and P’īr Sīnī Bahrī began plowing the sea and sowing with one hand. By this he showed that he sows love, thereby reconciling the saints. After that, he was called the Man of Love—Mērē Muhubetē.

Also, according to the Yezidi tradition, when Adam was created, his body, molded of four elements (water, earth, fire, air), lay on the seashore. A horse came out of the sea and trampled Adam’s body with its hooves. Then Tāwūsī Malak created two greyhounds from Adam’s heels and told P’īr Sīnī Bahrī to look after them so that they would not let the horse get to the body of Adam.

In the sacred hymn “The Qawl of Hair shirt” (Qawlē Xarqa):Footnote 64

In the cited Qawl it is said that there existed forty sea-girls “Ḥūrs” (hōrī) and they were donations, i.e. gifts for Kanîya Sipî (in Kurmanji “White Spring,” Holy Spring). Besides these forty, there was one more, from which P’īr Sīnī Bahrī appeared, assuming that Sālmān Dārānī of this text is a famous Sufi dervish Abu Sulayman al-Dārānī—among others, on the basis of nisba.Footnote 65 It is quite possible that the P’īr Sīnī Bahrī is somehow connected with it, perhaps through a Sufi school. Nevertheless, this assumption, of course, requires further study, given that the penetration of elements of Sufism into YezidismFootnote 66 is quite understandable in this case, without the direct introduction of them by the personality of P'īr Sīnī Bahrī, bearing in mind the degree and nature of the influence of Sufism, especially in Yezidism’s formative period. At the same time, the presence of the name Sālmān Dārānī, which, although it appears only in the spiritual genealogy of Sheikh ‘Adi, in itself suggests that the task of compilers of mišūr was to demonstrate the spiritual connection between the Yezidi saint P’īr Sīnī Bahrī and Sālmān Dārānī.

P’īr Sīnī Bahrī

P’īr Sīnī Bahrī, who lived in the twelfth century, occupies a very prominent place in the Yezidi religion. He was a follower of Sheikh ‘Adi and was among his confidants. This saint is mentioned in sacred texts (hymns)—Qawls and Beyts. In one case, he is represented as a real person, one of the dervishes close to Sheikh ‘Adi; in the other, his image corresponds to the Yezidi dogma, in which God and the angels can manifest themselves in the form of a man. For example, Sheikh Hassan (thirteenth century) is considered to be the earthly incarnation of the Angel Malak Šēxisin, and Sheikh Šams to be the earthly incarnation of the Angel of the Sun—Malak Šamsadīn. In turn, P’īr Sīnī Bahrī, as noted, appears in the image of the spirit, the son of a paradise maiden (Ḥūr), who existed before the creation of the first man, Adam.

According to the Yezidi tradition regarding the P’īr Sīnī Bahrī, once a Turkic ruler (perhaps referring to the Seljuks) found a mysterious inscription on a tablet that no one could read. He convened all the wise men of his state and consulted with them. One of the wise men declared to him that only one dervish—a companion of Sheikh ‘Adi—could read this inscription. At the request of the ruler, Sheikh ‘Adi sent him P’īr Sīnī Bahrī, who, according to legend, astounded the ruler with his knowledge. There is also the hymn of P’īr Sīnī Bahrī (Qewlē P’īr Sīnī Bahrī), which was created partly in Kurmanji and partly in Turkic (most closely related to modern Turkish and Azeri languages).

In this text, P’īr Sīnī Bahrī talks about his knowledge of languages, his devotion to Sheikh ‘Adi and his faith in Sultan Ezid, his life as a Qalandar, i.e. dervish. In this Qawl, his name is listed along with the famous dervishes and Sufis, that is to say that P’īr Sīnī Bahrī identified himself with those people.

In Iraq, there are places commemorating his stay. Thus, in Lalish some buildings bear the names of Yezidi saints who initiated the lineages of Sheikhs and P’īrs; one of these is dedicated to P’īr Sīnī Bahrī, located next to the shrine of Qadībilbān.

In addition to the Lalish, there are two other sacred places related to the P'īr Sīnī Bahrī. One of them is located in the village of Bozan near Alqosh; because of the many holy places for Yezidis, this area is called Kičik Lališ (“Little Lalish”). Another sacred place related to P'īr Bahrī is located in the village of Dokhata, also near Alqosh, and it has its minister (miǰēwr).

The word “Sīn” is recorded with the name of the Yezidi saint. It is quite possible that it is a letter of the Arabic alphabet, which could have become a proper name, considering that in the epoch of the formation of the Yezidi religion (starting from the thirteenth century), the Arabic language was dominant in the Middle Eastern region and was used by the Yezidi clergy along with Kurmanji. At the same time, all the official documents of Yezidism of that period were written in Arabic, as evidenced by rare manuscripts—mišūrs.

P'īr Lineages deriving from P’īr Sīnī Bahrī and their Murids

It is known that P’īr Sīnī Bahrī had several sons: P’īr Sadīq, Haǰīāl, P’īr Būb, P’īr Fadil, and P’īr Al. There is speculation that P’īr Mand and P’īr Būwal were also his sons. According to the legend, P’īr Sīnī Bahrī bequeathed to P’īr Al his staff, and to Haǰīāl the shackles with which he could heal the spirit possessed. It is difficult to determine from which of his sons derive the present representatives of the P’īr Bahrī’s lineage. However, some descendants believe that P’īr Sadīq should be considered the founder of their lineage. Later, three more clans emerged from the P’īr Bahrī's linage—Haǰīalī,Footnote 72 P’īr Būb and P’īr Al.

Turkey’s branch of the P'īr Bahrī lineage is represented by the family of the already mentioned P'īr Khalil—the owner of the mišūr. Some representatives of the P’īr Bahrī lineage reside in Armenia, Georgia, where they migrated during World War I (and one family during the Russian Empire), and from there, after the collapse of the USSR, some families of this lineage emigrated to the Russian Federation and various countries of the European Union.

Until recently, representatives of the P'īr Bahrī lineage lived in Syria — one family in the village of Qizlačox (Al-Hasakah Governorate) and several families in the village of Kefer Zeyd (Kefir Zet, Afrin), mentioned by Roger Lescot, reporting that in Kefer Zeyd 20 families reside and they are all from the P'īr Bahrī family of P'īrs.Footnote 73

The lineage of P'īr Haǰīalī

According to legend, Haǰīāl inherited the shackles from his father. Through those shackles, he received the power to heal the spirit possessed. In Iraq, patients with mental illness or epilepsy approach them. P'īrs of Haǰīāl lineage have them stay at home, read a prayer and carry out some appropriate rituals for healing the sick. According to the legend, Haǰīāl had no heir and adopted his grand-nephew P'īr Sadiq. From him derive P'īrs of Haǰīāl lineage, who originally inhabited the village of Fāzlīya (not far from Bašīq), which they inherited from P'īr Sadiq. P'īrs of the Haǰīālī lineage live only in Iraq. In his book published in 1949, Al-Damluji, writes that P'īrs from the Haǰīālī lineage live in Baadra and are known as descendants of P'īr Sīn.Footnote 74

The lineage of P'īr Būb

P’īr Būb (P’īr Bū) is a prominent figure among the holy men of Yezidism. His name is on the list of forty confidants of Sheikh Hassan, son of Sheikh ‘Adi II (thirteenth century). According to legend, he was considered a protégé and representative (wak’īl) of Sheikh ‘Adi in the village of Bahzān.Footnote 75

The Mišūr of P’īr Xatīb Pisī, the son of P’īr Būtar lists the Yezidi saints close to Sheikh ‘Adi and Sheikh Hassan. Among the companions of Sheikh Hassan is P’īr Būb al-Bahzānī,Footnote 76 that is, from the village of Bahzān. In the village of Bahzān, there is a shrine, Qūba P’īr Būb, with an inscription above the door: “This is the shrine of P’īr Būb al-Bahzānī ībn P’īr Sīnī Bahrī.”Footnote 77 The minister (miǰēwr) of the shrine, Kochak Khalat, told us that behind the shrine is the tomb of P’īr Sīnī Bahrī.

This is an important indication that P'īr Būb is the son of P'īr Sīn. Under the dome, there is the tomb of this saint. It is noteworthy that, according to the Yezidi tradition, not a single family of P'īr has the right to reside in Bahzān. Residents of Bahzān believe that P'īr Būb does not permit any P'īr to settle in their village.

On the road from Sheikhan to Erbil there is a village called P’īr Būb, where Kurdish-Muslim now live. In many Yezidi villages there are holy places (nīšangeh) of P’īr Būb.

The descendants of the P'īr Būb lineage are very few and live mainly in Armenia, Georgia, where they came from the Van district, and also in Iraq, in the village of Sīnūn in Sinjar (some emigrated to Germany).

P’īr Alī

His descendants live in Iraq, Turkey, as well as in Armenia and Georgia, where they moved from the Van district and the Kars region in 1918. In Iraq, they live in Sheikhan and in the Sinjar mountains and are the most numerous P’īrs in Sinjar. In Turkey, they lived mainly in the Mardin area among the Chelki tribe, partly in the Vilayet of Van. Their sanctuary is in Lalish.

The P’īrs of the P’īr Bahrī lineage are the Murids to the P’īrs of Mahmařašān, while members of lineage of P’īr Alī are Murids of P’īr Hasn Mamān, and members of the lineage of P’īr Būb are Murids of P’īrs Īsēbīya.Footnote 78

The Murids assigned to P’īr Sīn in the mišūr, which are still Yezidi, are now distributed between different lineages of P'īrs. Sometime after writing the mišūr (presumably at the final stage of the formation of the P’īr lineages), the redistribution of the Murids indicated in this mišūr had taken place. Some of the tribes of the Murids of this mišūr now belong to completely different lineages of P’īrs. For example, Xāltān and Raǰabān are now Murids of Hasnmamān P’īrs, Āqōnsī (Ānqōsī) are now Murids of P’īrs Īsēbīyā. Some of the Murids remained Murids of the descendants of P’īr Sīn: Dīvinān—Murids of P’īr Ali, Řašikān, and Bahravān—Murids of Pir Bub.

The Dāsinān lost their P'īrs and subsequently, members of the Ālūbakir lineage became their P’īrs. The P’īrs of Bahrī tribes, mentioned in the mišūr, now are left without Murids. Only representatives of one branch of the Bahravān tribe (the Šāmī lineage on the territory of the former USSR) are remaining Murids of P’īr Bahrī. Now, the following tribes are assigned as Murids of P’īr Bahrī lineage: Mandkān, Butkān, Čoxřašān, Bandūrān (from Sariblakh village in Armenia), and the already mentioned Šāmī lineage of Bahravān tribe.

Text of the Mišūr

We divided the Mišūr of P’īr Sīnī Dārānī into seven parts based on the content:Footnote 79

  1. 1. The beginning of the manuscript (praise of Sheikh ‘Adi, the miracles of P’īr Sīn, about the owner of the manuscript and his descendants).

  2. 2. The Murids of P’īr Sīn.

  3. 3. Greetings to P’īr Sīn from holy men.

  4. 4. Zikāt and sādāqā for P’īr Sīn and his descendants.

  5. 5. Date of the mišūr.

  6. 6. Genealogy and silsila of Sheikh ‘Adi.

  7. 7. Place of birth and length of life of P'īr Sīn. End of mišūr.

Mišūr of P’īr Sīnī Dārānī: Arabic Text and English Translation

The beginning of the manuscript

Footnote 80

In the name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful.

Praise be to the Lord of both worlds! Greetings and peace [to our Lord Sheikh ‘Adi b. Musafir al-ĀmāwīFootnote 81]. Further be aware that P’īr Sīn Dēraynī—may God be merciful upon him—was miraculous and, sitting on a log in the mountains, he was reaching his place. This mišūr reveals the names of his descendants, and that mišūr was passed on from P’īr Sīn to P’īr Al ibn P’īr Sīn, from P’īr Al ibn P’īr Sīn passed to P’īr Bakr ibn P’īr Al, and from him it passed to P’īr Omar, and from him it was passed on to P’īr Bakr, and from him it was passed on to P’īr Mahmad, and from it was passed to P’īr Zeidin. May God grant rest to all of them!

The Murids of P’īr Sīn

The owner of miracles and tāsbīh,Footnote 82āwrād,Footnote 83zīkr,Footnote 84tārīqā,Footnote 85hīdāya,Footnote 86 and īršād,Footnote 87 and those who embark on his path will be rewarded. And this is sāwm,Footnote 88salāt,Footnote 89haǰ,Footnote 90 and zikāt.Footnote 91

And the one who does not give zikāt and does not perform the hajj, prayer, and fasting, he will disappear like others.

Be aware that all the RašānFootnote 92 tribeFootnote 93 are the Murids of the P’īr Sīnī Dārānī, also the ǰwānkān,Footnote 94 also Āqonsīyān,Footnote 95 also the StūrkānFootnote 96 tribe, all ŠikākānFootnote 97 tribes, and all the Mahmadān tribe, the BahrāvānFootnote 98 tribe, the Mamsōran tribe, RaǰabānFootnote 99 tribe, XāltānFootnote 100 tribe, MamkānFootnote 101 tribe, PēdayānFootnote 102 tribe, ĪsīyānFootnote 103 tribe—all are Murids of the P'īr Sīnā as mentioned above—may the mercy of God be upon him. Also the tribe Būthārān, the tribe Pīpikān, the tribe Balān,Footnote 104 the tribe Pīvān, Plašwān tribe, DivnānFootnote 105 tribe, RašikānFootnote 106 tribe, Kīšikān tribe, Havindkān tribe, Hursīyān tribe, Hurbanān tribe, all DāsinānFootnote 107 tribes, and all Šikākān tribes in the edge (nahiya) of Sham (Syria)—all the Murids of P’īr Sīnī Dārānī. May the mercy of God be upon him! Also, all the DumlānFootnote 108 tribes, also the Mūsarašān,Footnote 109 also, all the tribes and communities that follow the Sheikhs’ path are all Murids of P’īr Sīn. May God grant them rest! And those who will not give zikāt and sādāqā Footnote 110 and fūtūvat Footnote 111 to P’īr Sīn and his descendants, but will give to someone else, will make a mistake and will not be accepted and will not be forgiven. And the Sheikh will turn away from him. And all the zikāts, sādāqās and fūtūva rely on the late, forgiven and recognized P’īr Sīn Dārāin, who was recognized by the forgiven and deceased Sheikh ‘Adī bin Musafir, and who also sent him greetings many times.

Greetings to P’īr Sīn from holy men

He was also welcomed by Qadīb al-Bān al-Musilī, and was greeted by Haǰī Ōmarān, and was greeted by Sheikh Šamsān az-Zahd, and was welcomed by P'īr ǰara, and also was welcomed by Hasn Mamān, and was greeted by Mam-Šivān, and was welcomed by Sheikh ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Gīlānī, also greeted him with Sayīd Ahmad al-Kabīr, and greeted him with Sayīd Abūlwafa, and welcomed him P'īr Abū Tahr, and welcomed him to Dōd Harūnan, and welcomed him to Sīn Laxr, and welcomed him to Sheikh Dawūd al-Xandakī, and welcomed him to Sheikh Hassan Kōmardī, and welcomed him to Sheikh Sahanī, and welcomed him to Sheikh al-Īs.Footnote 112 And many sheikhs who are not mentioned here welcomed him. And all those who were mentioned welcomed him and blessed P’īr Sīn Dārānī, the deceased and forgiven.

Zikāt and sādāqā for P’īr Sīn and his descendants

Both zikāt and sādāqā should go to P’īr Sīn and his descendants, and who will not give them, Sheikh ‘Adi and all the sheikhs mentioned will turn away from them and become angry, because P’īr Sīn is the headFootnote 113 of all the heads and the sheikhs of the sheikhs.Footnote 114

Date of the mišūr

This mišūr has been completed with God’s help. It was written in 604,Footnote 115 when P’īr Sīn passed away.

Genealogy and silsila of Sheikh ‘Adi

And this is the genealogy of Sheikh ‘Adi b. Musafir b. Zayn ad-din b. Ismail b. Utuba b. Umaya b. Yazid b. Mu'awiya b. Abu Sufiyan.

Sheikh ‘Adi bin Musafir the Murid of Sheikh Aqil, and he is the Murid of Sheikh Salman, and he is the Murid of Sheikh Muhammad Qalansi and, and he is the Murid of Sheikh Nasr, and he is the Murid Sheikh Yūsūf Fānī, and they are Murids of Sheikh Omar Sāīdī, and he is the Murid Sheikh Ali Zārbāwī, and he is the Murid of Sheikh Alāmāīn, and he is the Murid of Sheikh Jā’qūb, and he is the Murid of Salman Dārānī,Footnote 117 and he is the Murid of Sheikh Ibrahim Shābānī, and he is the Murid of … Footnote 118

Place of birth and length of life of P'īr Sīn: end of mišūr

And P'īr Sīn was born in Syria in the village of Alīl (Īlīl) and lived ninety years. Praise be to God! We have completed (this is the case).

[There are two round seals affixed to the document. The text on the seals is not legible.]

Instead of conclusionIt is clear that, based on this mišūr, as well as the previously published Mišūr of P'īr Xatīb Pisī son of P'īr Būtar, we cannot directly speak about the nature of Yezidism during its formation. If we proceed from the mentioned date of writing, we can assert that so far we are dealing with the earliest written source on Yezidi history and religion. On its basis, we see that only after the time of Sheikh ‘Adi can we talk about the formation of the Yezidi community: its caste structure, main features of the relations among interdependent classes, the religious elite, and the Murids. At the same time, in the situation of the intertwining of various religious-mystical elements in Yezidism, we can also note that the main source of writing for mišūr was a variety of terms from Sufi practices.

It should be noted that the Yezidi sacred texts and legends often mention individuals considered the forerunners of Sufism or great teachers in Sufism.Footnote 119 At that time it was difficult to draw clear boundaries between Yezidis and Sufis. However, as noted, the worldview and doctrine of the Yezidi religion with its Qawls, dogmas, and rituals gradually developed under the influence of historical and socio-political processes, largely acquiring their nuances in the context of the evolving relationship with the surrounding, primarily Islamic, environment.Footnote 120

There was a natural discrepancy between the Yezidis and the “Islamized” Sufism, the Sufis (sofī), which began to be viewed as purely Muslim mystics. In this case, the study of mišūrs as primary sources makes it possible to reflect on the early development of the religious system of Yezidism. It allows us to examine to what extent the characteristic features, traditions, and worldview of mature Yezidism have been the product of ideas introduced by Sheikh ‘Adi and what was the contribution of “Sufism” to Yezidi theology at its initial stage of development.

Qasīdā of Sheikh ‘Adi: Qasīdā Safā Waqtī (The Time of Mine has Been Purified)Footnote 121

The Qasīdā tells us of the divine nature of Sheikh ‘Adi and his miraculous birth,Footnote 122 and that forty men came to try him.

The authors would like to thank the editors of Iranian Studies and the anonymous reviewer for their interest and the valuable comments that significantly improved the final version of this paper.

Footnotes

1 Allison, The Yezidi Oral Tradition; Spät, “Religious Oral Tradition”; Kreyenbroek, Yezidism—its Background.

2 About the Yezidis sees Allison, “The Yazidis.”

3 Qawals—The separate group of preachers belonging to the cast of Murids within the Yezidi community. The traditional place of settlement of Yezidi Qawals is Bašīq and Bahzān (Iraq).

4 Kreyenbroek, Yezidism—its Background; Omarkhali, The Yezidi Religious Textual Tradition, 79–109.

5 About mišūrs see Silēmān, “Mišūrat al-yazīdiyat”; Omarkhali, The Yezidi Religious Textual Tradition, 58‒66, 377‒98; Kreyenbroek and Rashow, God and Sheikh Adi are Perfect, 43; Omarkhali, “Jezidiskaja religioznaja pis’mennaja literatura,” 179–80; Omarkhali, “Current Changes in the Yezidi System,” 70; Kreyenbroek, Yezidism in Europe, 99; Allison, “Addressivity and the Monument: Memorials,” 180.

6 Gordlevskij, Izbrannie sočinenija, 41, 42, 169.

7 Bjorkman, Beitrage Zur Geschichte, 51.

8 Roger Lescot, in the annex to his book, gives a copy of the manuscript, which very probably can be defined as mišūr; however he did not call this document a mišūr, but “le diplôme d'initiation de Pîr … ” (Lescot, Les Yezidis de Syrie, 225). P’īr Xidir Silēman and Khanna Omarkhali, who published Mišūr of P’īr Xatīb Pisī (see further), also did not draw an analogy between Yezidi mišūrs and “manšūrs” or “manāšīr.”

9 Kurmanji—Northern dialect of Kurdish language spoken by the vast majority of Yezidis.

10 Omarkhali, “On the Structure of the Yezidi Clan.”

11 P'īr (Persian—“old man,” “elder”) in the context of the period under consideration—the widespread Persian title for the Sufi master. According to Armando Salvatore, it was P'īrs who somewhat smoothed out the globalizing tendencies occurring through Sufism and they “were particularly determined, in tune with newly emerging regional courts, to set aside the use of scholastic Arabic to the advantage of the vernacular languages of the regions where they operated and traveled. The result was the production of a transregional and translatable core Sufi lexicon and set of memories, also reflecting more localized, oral traditions of storytelling and other popular genres.” See Salvatore, “Sufi Articulations of Civility,” 161.

12 Kreyenbroek and Rashow, God and Sheikh Adi Are Perfect, 102.

13 At one time zikāt represented some sort of tithing system among Yezidis.

14 See Arakelova, “Book Review: Kh. R. Omarkhali,” 199.

15 On sacred places at Yezidi homes, especially at the places of representatives of Yezidi religious casts living far away from Lalish, see also Melkumyan, “Informal Shrines,” 178.

16 Omarkhali, Jezidizm: Iz Glubiny Tysjačeletij, 148–9.

17 Kreyenbroek, Yezidism in Europe, 28.

18 Allison, “Addressivity and the Monument: Memorials,” 161.

19 Omarkhali, The Yezidi Religious Textual Tradition, 58, 60; Omarkhali, “Jezidiskaja religioznaja pis’mennaja literatura,” 179.

20 Even though this is widely known we would like to refer to her work. See Omarkhali, Jezidizm: Iz Glubiny Tysjačeletij, 164, 169–72.

21 Silēmān, “Mišūrat al-yazīdiyat,” 95–113; Silēmān, Sifr al-izidiya, 5–24.

22 Joseph, “Yezidi Texts,” 147–9; al-Damluji, Al-yazidiya, 89–95. al-Damlujī reports that he copied this Qasīdā from a manuscript kept in the family of a Yezidi Sheikh of the lineage of Sheikh Hassan (Šēx H’asan, Şīkhsin, Šēxisin) in Sinjar. He also maintains that this Qasīdā was earlier published in English by Badger (al-Damluji, Al-yazidiya, 89–95).

23 Badger, The Nestorians and Their Rituals, 113–15; Joseph, Devil Worship, 70–72; Guest, The Yezidis, 204–6; Guest, Survival Among the Kurds, 212–14; Layard, Discoveries among the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon, pp. 74–6; Joseph, “Yezidi Texts (Continued),” 241–2; Frayha, “New Yezīdī Texts from Beled Sinjār, ‘Iraq,” (partly). Moreover, in 1853–54 an Arabic text of the Qasīdā was published with its German translation: Ewald, “Die erste schriftliche Urkunde der Jezidäer,” 1853, 212–18; 1854, 149–50 (this work by H. Ewald was given to us by a reviewer).

24 Yusif, “Dīrasat bī xisūs.”

25 Omarkhali, The Yezidi Religious Textual Tradition, 61–3, 377–98.

26 This family emigrated from the settlement of Hamduna of the Bisheri region (Kurtalan) in Turkey. Below we will offer some notes about the P’īr Sīnī Bahrī family.

27 Sheikh Mīrza Silēman is from the lineages of Šēxisin of the village of Srēčka in Alqosh (Nineveh Plains). The lineage of Šēxisin was the leader of the Yezidis and their members were in charge of carrying out office work for the Yezidi community, they were responsible for a kind of notarial work. For example, only they are entitled to register marriages. This lineage is called Šēxē qalamē, which means “sheikhs of the pen,” i.e. letters. Representatives of this lineage are Peshimams (Pēšīmam). Peshimam of Margah plays a major role in liturgy and worship. He is a member of the SSC. On Peshimam see also Kreyenbroek, Yezidism—Its Background, 127–8. Representative of thelineage of Šēxisin, the direct ancestors of Sheikh Mīrza Silēman produced two previous copies of the considered mišūr.

28 Dirōzga (more correctly—dirōza)—liturgical text containing a list of Yezidi saints. ǰalīl and ǰalīl, Zargotina kurda, 394.

29 Nisba—Arab. attribution. An adjective indicating the person’s place of origin. Tribal affiliation or ancestry, used at the end of the name.

30 Omarkhali, The Yezidi Religious Textual Tradition, 63; Omarkhali, “Jezidiskaja religioznaja pis’mennaja literatura,” 180.

31 This view was confirmed by members of the SSC in conversation with the authors of this article.

32 Peshimam of Margah, Sheikh Faruq Khalil of Bašīq confirmed this to us.

33 As a rule inscriptions on mišūr seals identify names of saints from whom originate lineages of the copyist and the witnesses, since they are considered to be their vicars (wak’īl). For example, the name of Sheikh Hassan could have been identified on the seal of the Peshimam.

34 Frank, Scheich ‘Adi, 124.

35 The authors of this article express their profound gratitude to Peshimam of Margah, Sheikh Faruq Khalil of Bašīq, the member of the SSC for consultations in the process of restoring of the mišūr text. Margah is the traditional name for the territory where Lalish is located.

36 According to Sheikh Mīrza Silēman, the real name of their ancestor is Sheikh Sālīm, was not Muslīm, but because of the hostile environment they also used the form Muslīm.

37 It should be noted that, although many Yezidi tribes became Kurdish-Muslim through the conversion to Islam, there were also some Yezidi tribes which adopted Arabic and Turkoman identities. For instance, in Sinjar there is a large Yezidi tribe of Habābān. In the neighborhood of Tal Afar there are Turkic-speaking representatives of the same tribe. Also in the Baaǰ region, there is a branch of the Arab tribe ofǰāhēš, who are considered to be split off from a Yezidi tribe, and in Sinjar, there is a large Yezidi tribe of Mandikī, some members of which converted to Islam in the nineteenth century and became Kurdish-Muslim.

38 Omarkhali, The Yezidi Religious Textual Tradition, 72.

39 Van Bruinessen, “Book Review: Khanna Omarkhali,” 157.

40 Qadībilbān or Qadīb al-Bān al-Mūsilī is one of the famous Yezidi saints, a companion of Sheikh ‘Adi. A native of the city of Mosul, where there was a shrine, “mazar,” in his honor. Eventually, the shrine was turned into a mosque (however, the architectural style of Yezidi temples was preserved), and in 2014 this mosque was destroyed by ISIL militants. Representatives of this lineage still live in Georgia and Armenia. One family lived in Derabun (Zakho). The full name of the saint is Ābu Abdāllah ībn Hussaīn ībn'sa ībn Jāhjā ībn Abdāllāh (471–573/1078–1195). He was one of the famous saints and died in Mosul (al-Damlūji, Al-yazidiya, 45; Nibhanī, Jamīah’ karamat al-aūlīa, 19–26). Silēmān, referring to Said al-Diwaǰi, cites another version of the name—Ābu Abdāllah ībn'sa ībn al-Xidr al-Hassanī al-Mūsilī (Silēmān, Sifr al-izidiya, 14). For more information about the lineage of Qadībilbān on the territory of the former USSR, see (Pirbari, Yezidy Sarhada, 87).

41 Hasn Mamān (Hasn ibn Mam) was one of the close associates of Sheikh ‘Adi, who was the P'īr of forty P'īrs and the head of P'īrs. According to the Yezidi tradition, he was the ruler of Harir (not far from Erbil), who left worldly life and became a disciple of Sheikh ‘Adi. In the list of forty companions he is mentioned second after Mahmařašān (Muhammad ibn Řaš).

42 Mamē-Šivān (Mamšivān)—one of the Yezidi saints, the founder of the Mamšivān lineage of P'īrs. According to Yezidi sources, there were two brothers—Mamšivān and Ābd ār-Rāhmān. There is speculation that the P'īrs of Mamē-Šivān are in fact descendants of Abd ār-Rāhmān, whose son was adopted by Mamšivān, who was childless. Not far from Dohuk, there was the village of Mamē-Šivān, where representatives of this clan lived. There is also a shrine in honor of Mamšivān. Representatives of this lineage of P'īr s can be found in Iraq, Georgia, and Armenia.

43 P’īr Abū Tahir—it can be assumed that this is P'īr Būtar, the father of the Yezidi saint Xatīb Pisī (Xatīb), from which the lineage of Xatīb Pisī originated.

44 Dod Harūnan—possibly the same Dod that is mentioned in Qawlē P'īr Daūd (Kreyenbroek and Rashow, God and Sheikh Adi are Perfect, 127–30; Pirbari and Ščedrovitskij, Tajna žemčužiny, 207–11).

45 Sīn Laxr—we assume that he is a Yezidi saint, the founder of the lineage of P'īrē Sīnaxalī, which survived only in Georgia. It is a very rare lineage of P'īrs with only three families.

46 Daūd Xandaqī—there is no information about this person. However,along with nisba, Xandaqī was later one of the forty associates of Sheikh Hassan, known as Mahmūd Xandaqī.

47 Hereinafter, explanations are not given about people for whom there is no information.

48 P'īr ǰara—it is possible that this is the name of the famous P'īr Jarwa, who is considered a P'īr of Sheikh ‘Adi. It is written incorrectly in the mišūr.

49 ʿAbd al-Qādir Gīlānī (al-Jīlānī) (1077–1166)—a famous preacher and theologian, a Sufi sheikh. According to the Yezidi tradition, ʿAbd al-Qādir visited Sheikh ‘Adi to see the Karamat—that is wonders performed by him (Aloian, Religious and Philosophical Ideas of Shaikh Adi, 53, 78). In one of the main Arabic sources about the life of Gīlānī, which contains information about him and his friends, a separate chapter is devoted to Sheikh ‘Adi. The chapter provides information about Sheikh ‘Adi told by his students (Sheikh Umar Qūbaysī, Muhammad ben Raš, who became the founder of the P’īr lineages of Ismail al-Tunīsī, etc.). Sheikh ‘Adi was one of the most respected dervishes and ʿAbd al-Qādir greatly appreciated and respected him (al-Hanbalī, Qalā’id al-Jawāhir, 85). The Yazidi tradition says that Sheikh ‘Adi and ʿAbd al-Qādir Gīlānī met at the place where the Yezidi town of Sheikhan—the center of the Yezidi principality—is located and the town takes its name from this encounter. In Arabic Sheikhan means “two sheikhs,” i.e. place of two sheikhs.

50 Ahmad ībn 'Alī ar-Rīfā’ī—the founder of one of the famous Sufi tarikats.

51 One of the Sufi sheikhs, referred to in the Yezidi holy text “Qawlē Šīxādī ū mērā” (“The Legend of Sheikh Adī and Holy Men”). He is also mentioned among the forty Baghdad sheikhs who came to Lalish to find evidence of his holiness and karamat. Roger Lescot writes that Abū 'l-Wafā al-Hulwanī and' Uqail al-Manbījī lived together in the Hakkari mountains before the arrival of Sheikh ‘Adi (Lescot, Les Yezidis de Syrie, 32, 231; Aloian, Religious and Philosophical Ideas of Shaikh Adi, 53, 78).

52 Qasīdā “Haj ǰānā” is performed only during the Yezidi holidays, immediately after Qawlē Mākē and is an integral part of this Qawl.

53 Sad and Had—laws, restrictions, and regulations.

54 Člaxāna—in general, a place of Yezidi solitude during the forty-day fasting.

55 From this perspective, it would be interesting to get acquainted with earlier versions of mišūrs, which we have not yet been able to do.

56 Arakelova, “K istorii formirovanija ezidskoj obščiny,” 63. We would like to add that, as the reviewer noted to us, the most important work on the subject is a PhD dissertation by Khalid Faraj Al-Jabiri (“Stability and Social Change in Yezidi Society,” University of Oxford, 1981). However, this work is not available to us. In addition, we would like to mention a very important new work on this subject, and also on Yezidism in general. We could only read the introduction and table of contents; however, it is obvious that this work makes a significant contribution to the study of Yezidism (Shihatat, “Al-yazidiya”).

57 Without devoting too much attention to it, we would like to tackle this issue. On the whole the influence of Sufism on early Yezidism is quite obvious and we can trace it even through the biography of Sheikh ‘Adi. We are not inclined to exaggerate the extent of this influence, because, as Ilia Petruševskij writes: “The mystical movements that appeared in different religions give the impression of being very similar to each other,” which “is explained not so much by borrowings as by the general paths of internal development of religious ideologies and conditions of feudal societies” (Petruševskij, Islam v Irane, 310). At the same time, while studying the issues related to borrowings from Sufism, we should also keep in mind that “mystics very often did not pay much attention to the external forms of religion (whether it was Muslim, Christian, etc.) and rituals, because of this they sometimes caused suspicious and even hostile attitude on the part of official religious authorities” (ibid., 310–11). This is a rather important proposition. It suggests that when analyzing various elements of mysticism in the Yezidi religion it is not always necessary to reduce the question to the search for a source of direct origin, which is about mechanical borrowing. Even if such elements continue to exist in the Sufi tradition, it is necessary to keep in mind that we are talking about the period when Sufism as a mystical movement was not definitively institutionalized in Islam.

58 Taking into account the topic under consideration, we will limit ourselves only to mentioning some Islamic (Arabic) vocabulary and Sufi concepts that have become firmly established in the Yezidi religious tradition.

59 It is also known that some other verses from the Koran are used in Yezidism, for example Ajat al-K'ūrsī. At the same time, it is remarkable that the Yezidi clergy perceives these verses as pre-Islamic.

60 So, Sheikh ‘Adi is mentioned directly as the Murid-disciple of Sheikh Aqil. According to the Yezidi tradition regarding the miraculous appearance of Sheikh ‘Adi, both Sheikh Aqil and Sheikh Muslim came to worship him when he was still in the womb. They were waiting for the appearance of surr, the mystical power of God. And when he turned seven, they came once again to honor him (al-Hanbalī, Qalā’id al-Jawāhir, 89).

61 Gramlich, “Abū Sulaymān ad-Dārānī,” 22 (we found this work thanks to the reviewer).

62 Knysh, Islamic Mysticism, 36–39.

63 One of the early Sufis and one of the first to use the image of the Houri in his stories (Bertel’s, Izbrannie Trudy, 100). He was a a follower and disciple of the very important person for the Yezidi tradition—al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī. See also Knysh, Islamic Mysticism, 16–18; Knysh, “ʿAbd al-Wāḥid b. Zayd.”

64 Hecî, Bawerî û mîtologiya êzdiyan, 333.

65 In view of the fact that Sham is indicated as the place of origin in the manuscript, it is likely that the nisba may be associated with Darayya in the Damascus region. At the same time, our assumption of its connection with the mystical movement of the students of Abu Sulayman al-Dārānī, who acted in Damascus (Knysh, Islamic Mysticism, 36–8) should be quite acceptable.

66 Arakelova, “Notes on the Yezidi Religious Syncretism,” 24, 28.

67 Dhul-Nun al Misri (796–859) is one of the earliest representatives of Egyptian ascetics and mystics.

68 Maruf Karkhi (750/760–815/820)—Abu Mahfuz Maruf Ibn Firuz al-Karkhi is one of the great sheikhs in Sufism.

69 The name Daoud Tikhumi is found in the list of forty companions of Sheikh ‘Adi. However, we suspect that here Daud Thumi may be understood as Dawud Tai (Abu Solaiman Dawud ibn Nosair al-Ta’i) (died between 777 and 782)—one of the famous dervishes, considered a teacher of Maruf Karkhi.

70 Bahlul Majnun (died 809)—one of the characters of Yezidi Qawls and parables, an Arabic holy fool, a dervish, who glorified himself with courage and wit.

71 Abū Yazīd Ṭayfūr b. ʿĪsā b. Surūshān al-Bisṭāmī (al-Basṭāmī) (804–74)—a famous Persian dervish.

72 Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 111, 112, 132.

73 Lescot, Les Yezidis de Syrie, 267.

74 al-Damlūji, Al-yazidiya, 45.

75 An important center of Yezidism. Located in nahiya Bašīqa of qaza Mosul (Nineveh Governorate)

76 In some mišūrs, it is listed as P’īr Būb Barzanī. The question of the twofold writing of the nisba (Bahzanī, Barzanī), indicating his place of residence or origin, requires further study.

77 In 2014, ISIS blew up this shrine, but D. Pirbari has a photo with this inscription. After the liberation of Bahzān, Yezidis restored it.

78 Pirbari, Yezidy Sarhada, 79–82.

79 Here we used the method that Omarkhali applied when publishing the manuscript of the Mišūr of P'īr Xatīb Pisī (Omarkhali, The Yezidi Religious Textual Tradition, 377–98).

80 As we noted earlier, some small shabby pieces of paper could not be assembled and P’īr Khēro recorded the pieces of the mišūr that could not be glued together. He recorded this text separately. al-Āmāwī (Arabic. الاموي ) is a nisba that indicates belonging to the Umayyad family.

81 See footnote 80.

82 Tāsbīh (Arabic تسبیح )—pronouncing the praise of God.

83 Āwrād (wyrd, from Arabic. ورد )—reciting prayers at a certain time and regularly praising the names of God.

84 Zīkr (from Arabic ذكر )—meditative praise and utterance of God’s name by Dervishes.

85 Tārīqā (from Arabic طریقة ) is the path, the method of mystical knowledge of God.

86 Hīdāya (from Arabic. ھدایة ) means to lead someone to a specific goal.

87 Īršād (from Arabic. ارشاد )—the task in the form of prayers and praise God, which gives the teacher (sheikh or feast) to his Murid.

88 Sāwm (from Arabic. صوم )—fasting.

89 Salāt (from Arabic. صلاة )—daily obligatory prayers.

90 Haǰ (from the Arabic)—hajj, an order to make a pilgrimage.

91 Zikāt (from Arabic. زكاة ) is a duty to give a donation, alms every year.

92 Numerous tribes, found in Iraq, Syria, Turkey, Armenia, and Georgia. Part of this tribe remained adherent to the Yezidi religion, the other part converted to Islam. Today, the P’īrs of one part of the Rašī tribe are P’īrs from the lineage of P'īr Īsēbīā, and the Sheikhs are the Sheikhs of Šēxūbakr, while for the other part of this tribe there is the P'īrs of P'īr Dawūdē bin Dārmān, and the Sheikhs are Xatūnā Faxrā. It should be noted that part of the Rašī tribe is also known by the name of its village Daūdī (in the Diyarbakır region), which has almost turned into an ethnonym.

93 The word “tribe” in the text is referred to as qabīl.

94 Tribes about which we have no information have no explanation.

95 Aqonisī or Anqosī is a tribe belonging to the tribal union of Xāltān. Now their P’īrs are P’īrē Īsēbīa, and the Sheikhs are Šēxūbakr. Only for one kind of Anqosī—immigrants from the Van region and living in Tbilisi—the P’īrs are P’īr Bū.

96 Included in the union of the tribes of Sīpkī and are now living in Armenia, Georgia, and Russia. In Iraq, there is also a part of the Stūrkī tribe, but since they are fakirs (monks), the word fakir eclipsed their tribal name. Stūrkī is also mentioned in the Mišūr of P'īr Xatīb Pisī. It must be said that for Stūrkān in Armenia and Georgia, P'īr Bad represents their P'īrs.

97 Interestingly, in Syria, in the Afrin region, Yezidi villages are concentrated in three districts—in the Shikak region, Guma region, and Sherew region (Maisel, Yezidis in Syria, 19). It is clear that in the Shikak region the main population is the Šhikaks tribe (now all Muslims). Not far from Shikak region in the village Kefer Zeyd (Guma Region) live the representatives of the P’īr Bahrī lineage, in their Mišūr Šhikaks are inscribed. However, Šhikaks are also included in the Mišūr of P’īr Xatīb Pisī (Silēmān, Sifr al-izidiya, 22; Omarkhali, The Yezidi Religious Textual Tradition, 62, 383). This circumstance can be explained by historical changes, or later corrections.

Thus, now a very large tribe of Muslim Kurds Šikak in northwestern Iran comes from the said Yezidi tribe Šikak. It is noteworthy that the dialect of Yazidis of Sarhad (a region that included Kars, Van, Bayazid, and Alashkert), now living in the territory of the former USSR, is most similar to the dialect spoken by Afrin in Syria and the Maku region in Iran. The fact that many Kurdish tribes in northern Syria and adjacent parts of Turkey were Yezidis was also written by Martin van Bruinessen (“Religion in Kurdistan,” 11). Not by chance, there are still dozens of sacred places for Yezidis (ziyaret) (“Serdana ziyaretên Kurdên Êzidî li Efrînê hatiye qedexekirin” [In Afrin banned visiting Kurdish Yezidis’s shrines], http://www.rudaw.net/kurmanci/kurdistan/100820181).

On the resettlement of the Yezidis in the Aleppo area and Afrin before the beginning of the Syrian crisis in 2011 and the occupation of Afrin by the pro-Turkish forces in 2018, see informative reports of Rûdaw: “Nasnameya Kurdên Êzidî di metirsiyê de ye” [Yezidi Kurds identity under threat], August 7, 2018, http://www.rudaw.net/kurmanci/kurdistan/0708201811; “Rewşa Kurdên Êzidî yên li Efrînê di çi halê de ye?” [What is the situation of the Yezidi Kurds in Afrin?], April 29, 2018, https://www.facebook.com/kurmancirudaw/videos/1734925546561716/

98 Bahrāvān—this tribe can be found in Armenia, Georgia, and Russia. It is divided into four branches: Čilxanǰarī, Pirpirīkī, Čamī, and Šamī. For the first three P'īrs are P'īr Bū, and Sheikhs are Xatūnā Faxrā, while for Šāmīyān, respectively, they are P'īr Bahrī and Šēxūbakr. Part of this tribe can be found in Turkey in the Mardin region, in the village of Avgewr. They have all become Muslims.

99 They live in Armenia and Georgia and belong to the Xāltān tribal union. Today, their P’īrs are the P’īrs of the Hassan Mamān family.

100 A large tribal union of Yezidi tribes, whose habitat was the land between Diyarbakir, Batman, Hasankeyf, and Siirt (Bidlisi, Šaraf-name, 83, 248, 261, 262, 317). This tribe is divided into many smaller tribes.

101 Mamkan—a large tribe, in the Beshiri Region (Batman) of Turkey, which has been completely converted to Islam.

102 Pēdayān—Pēdaī or Bēdaī, now live in Iraq in the village of Dokhata. Now their P’īr is P’īr Afāt.

103 Īsīyān (Ēsīyān)—this tribe is now unknown. There is a settlement Ēsīyān in Sheikhan, it is possible that once this tribe inhabited that settlement.

104 Large Yezidi tribe in Armenia and Georgia. Now the P’īrs of this tribe are P’īrs of Īsēbīya and, for another part, Qadībilbān.

105 Currently one of the smallest Yezidi tribes. They live only in Armenia, Georgia, and Russia.

106 This tribe can be found in Iraq, Syria, Armenia, Georgia, and Russia.

107 Dāsinān (dāsinī) was once a powerful Yezidi tribe. The place of origin is considered the neighborhood of the city of Duhok, in the Dāsinī district. The ethnonym dāsnī was used to designate the Yezidis in general. In “Šaraf-name,” the Yezidi emir is referred to as Husayn-bēg dāsinī, and by dāsinī is meant Yezidis (Bidlisi, Šaraf-name, 325–7).

108 Dumlān (dūmlī, dūmbūlī)—Šaraf-khan Bidlisi, describing this large tribe, indicates that the emirs and ashirats (tribes) were formerly Yezidis, who “followed the despicable Yezidi faith.” At the same time, as Š. Bidlisi writes, the emirs were leading their ancestry from a certain Arab from Syria named Īsa, and he thought that a part of the ashirats “abandoned this heresy” and became Muslim, while “the rest persisted” in holding on to “their unholy beliefs” (Bidlisi, Šaraf-name, 357). Nowadays, the Yezidi Dumlī tribe lives in Sheykhan district. In addition, a part of the Yezidi tribe Dūmlī are Qawals and live in the village of Bahzān. They are Arabic-speaking Yezidis. The P’īrs of the Qawals of dumlī of Bakhzan is the Pirs of the leaage of Haǰīalī, the son of P'īr Sīnī Bahrī.

109 Mūsarašān is a tribe belonging to nomadic tribe Jēzireh Bohtan. Today it is a large Kurdish-Muslim tribe in Iraq and Syria on the banks of the Fishkhabur River. However, as we found out, representatives of this tribe remain among the Yezidis in Sinjar.

110 Sādāqā (from Arabic صدقة ) is voluntary alms.

111 Ftuwāt ( فتوە )—for the Yezidis, alms, donations, which are either given to a priest or left in the temple in the name of a saint.

112 May be Perhaps P'īr Īsēbīa (Īsā ībn Ābī)—one of the followers of the Sheikh ‘Adi and his xazīndar (treasurer).

113 The head of all heads is a respectful way of addressing a dervish who has attained a high degree of holiness. In Arabic: rāīs ar-rūāsā.

114 “Sheikh” in Arabic has the same meaning as the “P'īr” in Persian and Kurmanji. The sheikh of the sheikhs is a title used concerning P'īr Sīn, which once again confirms that he was a significant figure among dervishes. The title “Sheikh of the Sheikhs” or “Elder of the Elders” or “Sage of the Sages” in the era of writing mišūr had a different meaning than later when the structure of the Yezidi community was finally defined. The title “Sheikh of Sheikhs” in the Yezidi caste structure has been used only about Sheikh Hassan (lineage of Šēxisin).

115 1207 or 1208. In the united version of the mišūr, we indicated only the date (year) of the first version (Mš1), and do not mention the dates noted in the subsequent versions.

116 Here the fragment of the mišūr is lost.

117 Our assumption about it, see above.

118 See footnote 115. In this mišūr, we find for the first time in the Yezidi source a reference to Silsila of Sheikh ‘Adi (Silsila—Arabic word meaning chain, link, and connection. Often used in various sences lineage, or spiritual genealogy.) Silsila of Sheikh ‘Adi, as it is known in Arabic sources, is different from the Silsila specified in this Mišūr. The sequence and absence of some names are the things that make it different. Thus, according to al-Diwaǰi, Sheikh ‘Adi received kharqa (khirqa) from Sheikh Aqil, and he received it from Sheikh Muslim al-Sruji, and he received it from Sheikh Abi Said al-Harzawi, and he received it from Sheikh Muhammad Qalansi, and he received it from Sheikh U'lian Al-Ramli, and he received it from Sheikh Umar Saidi, and he received it from Sheikh Yusuf Fani, and he received it from Sheikh Jā’kūb (al-Diwaǰi, Al-yazidiya, 62).

119 See also ǰalīl, “Ezidskie legendy”; Arakelova, “Sufi Saints in the Yezidi Tradition”; Asatrian and Arakelova, The Religion of the Peacock Angel, 128–9.

120 This is evident from the example of mišūrs. For instance, the Mišūr of P'īr Xatīb Pisī, written presumably about a hundred years after Mišūr of P'īr Sīnī Bahrī, no longer contain Sheikh ‘Adi’s spiritual lineage (“sīlsīlā”). Nevertheless, it is difficult now to guess what was the motivation of the omission that guided the copyist.

121 Safā Waqtī (the time of mine is purified)—this is about mystical purification which means that it is beyond time, beyond past, present, and future.

122 An Arabic source, Qalā’id al-Jawāhir, states “Sheikh Takiyya ad-Din Muhammad al-Vaaz al-Banani (God forgive him!) said the following about the birth of Sheikh 'Adi:

His father Musafir ibn Ismail remained in the forest for forty years. And in the dream, someone said to him: Musafir, go home to your wife. God will give you a saint and he will become famous from the East to the West … When the mother became pregnant, Sheikh Muslim and Sheikh Aqil passed by her. She was near a source. Sheikh Muslim said to Sheikh Aqil: Do you see the same thing as I do?

Sheikh Aqil: what is it?

Sheikh Muslim: A shining light comes from the belly of this woman and reaches heaven.

Sheikh Aqil: this is our son ‘Adi! Let us greet him!

They came up and said:

Greetings to you, oh ‘Adi! Greetings, O holy God!

They left and returned seven years later and saw ‘Adi playing a ball with the children. They called him and greeted him, and he answered them three times.

They asked him: why did you answer our greetings three times?

‘Adi: because you greeted me twice when I was in the womb. And if I was not ashamed in front of Isa ibn Maryam (peace be upon him from God), I would answer your greetings twice from the womb of my mother.

When he grew up and became a man in a dream at night, he heard a voice:

Get up. ‘Adi, go to the Lalish, that is your place. And God will revive many dead hearts with your hands!” (al-Hanbalī, Qalā’id al-Jawāhir, 89).

123 ھیدبا (hāydābān)—this word is used in the version of R. Frank instead of the word مؤدبا (mūāddābān) (couth). We did not find the word used by Frank in the dictionaries of the Arabic language, whereas the original word is preserved in the Qawal version.

124 The word “surr” in Arabic means “mistery,” but in the Yezidi religion, depending on the context, has received a broader meaning, namely “power of God,” “divine magic,” “secret thought.” About “surr” see also Rodziewicz, “The Nation of the Sur.”

125 زورتي (zūrtī)—a form of the word زیارتي (zīyārātī) which is used in colloquial dialect.

126 It is noteworthy that the sequence of mentioning the names ʿAbd al-Qādir Gīlānī, Ahmad ar-Rifā’ī, and Abūlwafā in the mišūr is also preserved in Qasīdā, which generally corresponds to the Sufi tradition. In two legends and tales collected by Vladimir Gordlevsky in Istanbul, Turkey in 1926–28 (No. 55 and No. 56 in Gordlevskij, Izbrannie sočinenija, 413–15), it tells of ʿAbd al-Qādir Gīlānī and Ahmad ar-Rifā’ī and their proximity. “For forty years, Abdul Kadir ascended on mimber (the dervish chapel—notes by authors), and when he addressed all four sides, everywhere—in the Caucasus and in Bukhara—scholars bowed down before him, uttering the formula of obedience: “We serve and obey”—and only two Ahmeds were freed from expressing words of submission: Ahmad ar-Rifā’ī and Ahmed Bedevi. But even they voluntarily recognized the superiority of Abdul Kadir” (ibid., 414). V. Gordlevsky notes the similarity of the symbols of the Kadir and Rifā’ī (ibid.).

127 یستحنوني (yāstāhnūnī)—apparently, this is a distorted form of the word یستحیوني (yāstahīyūnī) which means “to shame,” “shame.”

128 Recorded from Qawal Hussein’s son, Qawal Ilyas in 2017 by Dimitri Pirbari and translated by authors.

129 Learn about my essence.

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Figure 1. Preserved part of the first version of Mišūr of P’īr Sīnī Dārānī.

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Figure 2.

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Figure 2.

Figure 3

Figure 3. Fragment of the third version of Mišūr of P’īr Sīnī Dārānī.

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Figure 4. Fragment of the fourth version of Mišūr of P’īr Sīnī Dārānī.