INTRODUCTION
Gender-based violence (GBV) is known as one of the world’s most predominant human rights violations. It includes physical, sexual, psychological and economic abuse, and threats of violence, coercion and deprivation of freedom (United Nations Children’s Fund 2020). GBV is manifested in many ways, such as sexual violence, child marriage, trafficking for sexual exploitation and intimate partner violence (IPV). IPV is a major health concern, and its prevalence and nature are studied across the globe (Chatterji et al. Reference Chatterji, Stern, Dunkle and Heise2020; Min, Lee, and Kim Reference Min, Lee and Kim2020; Zaman et al. Reference Zaman, Kautz, Silenzio, Hoque, Nichols-Hadeed and Cerulli2021). IPV statistics indicate that women bear the brunt of violence in abusive relationships (Boden, Fergusson, and Horwood, Reference Boden, Fergusson and John Horwood2012; Heise and Fulu Reference Heise and Fulu2014; World Health Organization 2013). According to the World Health Organization (2021), 35% of women worldwide have experienced some form of violence by an intimate partner. Moreover, the prevalence of IPV is particularly present in low- and middle-income countries (Turner et al. Reference Turner, Riedel, Kobeissi, Karyotaki, Garcia-Moreno, Say and Cuijpers2020), such as Kenya, where underprivileged women are thus likely to be assaulted by their male partners (Heise and Fulu Reference Heise and Fulu2014).
There is increasing concern that IPV has a significant public health impact and violates human rights (Coker et al. Reference Coker, Davis, Arias, Desai, Sanderson, Brandt and Smith2002; Peltzer, Davids, and Njuho Reference Peltzer, Davids and Njuho2011; World Health Organization 2021). In Kenya, many incidences of IPV cases are reported (National Police Service 2018). According to the National Crime Research Centre (2014), physical harm by a man against a woman is the most common form of IPV reported. Nairobi is the capital city of Kenya and has a large population, with the majority of low economic status. This is likely to lead to crime because of the significant socio-economic inequalities among the population (Kenya National Bureau of Statistics 2019). Nairobi reported the fourth highest prevalence of IPV (42.1%) among 14 cities in Kenya (National Crime Research Centre 2014).
The World Health Organization (2010) defines IPV as “behaviour within an intimate relationship that causes physical, sexual or psychological harm, including acts of physical aggression, sexual coercion, psychological abuse and controlling behaviours”. Physical violence involves using physical force or objects to cause bodily injury to an individual. Behaviours include but are not limited to shoving or slapping and brutal acts such as hitting with a fist or a hard object, kicking, choking or even using a knife to hurt someone (Merrill, Wardell, and Read Reference Merrill, Wardell and Read2014). According to Pinto et al. (Reference Pinto, Sullivan, Rosenbaum, Wyngarden, Umhau, Miller and Taft2010), if a woman is assaulted, she is also likely to be raped or experience other sexual violence from her partner. Sexual violence denotes violent or coercive behaviour and induces shame, fear or mental suffering in the victim (Makayoto et al. Reference Makayoto, Omolo, Kamweya, Harder and Mutai2013).
Harming a partner during sex or forcing her to have sex without protection is also a form of sexual abuse. Sexual violence also involves the sexual abuse of children of the victims. Psychological violence involves actions that harm the psychological well-being of an individual through harassment, threats and intimidation (Heise et al. Reference Heise, Greene, Opper, Stavropoulou, Harper, Nascimento and Zewdie2019). Psychological violence typically includes acts aimed at humiliating and controlling another person publicly or privately. Verbal abuse, constant criticism, embarrassing statements and blackmailing are forms of psychological abuse. Restriction of economic independence, threats and isolation of an individual from social activities are also psychological manipulations characterized by emotional abuse (Follingstad and DeHart Reference Follingstad and DeHart2000). Psychological violence may not necessarily involve physical harm but aims at making the victim feel worthless (Cunradi, Todd, and Mair Reference Cunradi, Todd and Mair2015). Victims of IPV report enduring chronic psychological conditions such as paranoia, stress, recurring trauma, stalking, depression and suicidal thoughts (Zaman et al. Reference Zaman, Kautz, Silenzio, Hoque, Nichols-Hadeed and Cerulli2021).
Seminal and current research establishes patriarchy as a major contributing factor to IPV (Abouelenin Reference Abouelenin2022; Bagai and Faimau Reference Bagai and Faimau2021; DeKeseredy Reference DeKeseredy2021; Dery Reference Dery2021; Dobash and Dobash Reference Dobash and Dobash1979; Heise Reference Heise1998; Ince-Yenilmez Reference Ince-Yenilmez2020; Lelaurain et al. Reference Lelaurain, David Fonte, Guignard and Lo Monaco2018; Ozaki and Otis Reference Ozaki and Otis2017). Patriarchy denotes a system of social structures and practices in which men dominate and oppress women (Akgul Reference Akgul2017). Furthermore, patriarchy is associated with violence against women and abuse of women’s rights (Bettman Reference Bettman2009). Research on IPV and patriarchy is carried out across the globe. Progressively, research on IPV and patriarchy within the African context is being emphasized (Abouelenin Reference Abouelenin2022; Bagai and Faimau Reference Bagai and Faimau2021; Dery Reference Dery2021; Nwoke and Nwosu Reference Nwoke and Nwosu2020; Obwanda Reference Obwanda2014). However, very little attention is given to empirical insights into overcoming patriarchy within the context of Kenyan informal settlements. This paper addresses this gap by providing narrative accounts of female victims of IPV living in Kibera as a step towards dismantling the patriarchy.
This article explores the narrative accounts of female victims of IPV as a means to overcome patriarchy in Kibera, a slum in Kenya. Through a qualitative inquiry, 32 female victims of IPV lived in Kibera during their victimization. It is organized as follows: an exposé on the theoretical context of the paper is reviewed and applied to the Kibera milieu. The study’s methodology is outlined, followed by its findings and discussion. Against this backdrop, this article proposes strategies for dismantling patriarchy in Kibera.
THEORETICAL CONTEXT
Theories explaining the nature and causes of IPV are important in understanding the phenomenon and how it can be reduced or prevented. Several theories have been developed to explain the causes of IPV. Power, feminist and social disorganization theories are applied to contextualize IPV in the Kibera milieu. The theories are based on the wider framework of a socio-cultural perspective of IPV.
Power Theory
Rollins and Bahr (Reference Rollins and Bahr1976) define power as social interaction in their seminal work on power relationships in marriage. They look at power dynamics when conflicts arise and argue that perceptions influence authority, power, and resources in a relationship (Rollins and Bahr Reference Rollins and Bahr1976). According to Rollins and Bahr (Reference Rollins and Bahr1976), relative authority and resources increase relative power in a relationship. Power is the ability to influence. Mpondo et al. (Reference Mpondo, Ruiter, van den Borne and Reddy2019) argue that the sources of power in intimate relationships involve coercion, rewards, persuasion and patriarchy that are likely to be misused by the partners. According to Copp et al. (Reference Copp, Giordano, Manning and Longmore2016), all forms of abuse have, at their centre, the exploitation of a power difference. The dynamics of power in an intimate relationship are based on the cultural set up of the family. Nyberg, Enander, and Krantz (Reference Nybergh, Enander and Krantz2016) opine that IPV is not only based on culture but also on the family structure.
Sources of power include income, education and gender. IPV is largely caused by a gender-based power imbalance in an intimate relationship. Education level and unity are protective measures against physical IPV for men and women (Mpondo et al. Reference Mpondo, Ruiter, van den Borne and Reddy2019). Copp et al. (Reference Copp, Giordano, Manning and Longmore2016) maintain that gender roles and socialization dictate how men and women should behave in a relationship. Typically, men dominate women in African societies by controlling resources and making household decisions (Kambarami Reference Kambarami2006). Copp et al. (Reference Copp, Giordano, Manning and Longmore2016) stated that IPV is likely to happen in male-dominated partnerships because women are required to submit to men who are deemed to be the heads of the households. In many African societies, similarly to Kenya, the husband has a right to punish the wife or demand sex (Anderson and Umberson Reference Anderson and Umberson2001; Mathews, Jewkes, and Abrahams Reference Mathews, Jewkes and Abrahams2015). This is likely to lead to IPV if the man views the woman as usurping his authority (Nyberg et al. Reference Nybergh, Enander and Krantz2016). Conversely, the change in gender roles, such as women being educated and gaining power, threatens males who may resort to violence to restore their masculinity (Nybergh et al. Reference Nybergh, Enander and Krantz2016).
Feminist Theory
Male violence in intimate relationships is based on historical and cultural power differences that make women subordinate through control. This is perpetuated through economic, psychological and sexual abuse. Male entitlement, intimidation and violence are entrenched in society such that women are kept subordinate to men (Dobash and Dobash Reference Dobash and Dobash1979). The theory challenges the notion that IPV is a private family matter. The political, social and cultural context supports the intimidation and abuse of women in all relationships and social interactions (Dobash and Dobash Reference Dobash and Dobash1979). Feminist theory examines the socio-cultural context in which intimate relationships occur. The theory argues that gender inequality and sexism within patriarchal societies are the leading causes of IPV (Bell and Naugle Reference Bell and Naugle2008). The theory suggests that women are naturally non-violent, while male counterparts are usually stronger and more violent. Bell and Naugle (Reference Bell and Naugle2008) opine that IPV is more of a problem of men meting out violence against women, primarily as a result of patriarchal beliefs and rules that encourage men to dominate and women to submit. Supporters of this theory, such as Arroyo et al. (Reference Arroyo, Lundahl, Butters, Vanderloo and Wood2017), argue that violence is a means of exerting control and dominance over partners. Therefore, this theory aims to overturn the patriarchal social structure and prevent, reduce and eliminate IPV. According to Arroyo et al. (Reference Arroyo, Lundahl, Butters, Vanderloo and Wood2017), patriarchal values significantly increase the likelihood of physical violence against female partners. In informal settlements, such as Kibera, men who are violent towards their partners may do so deliberately to maintain the status quo of patriarchy.
Social Disorganization Theory
Social disorganization theory, developed by Shaw and McKay (Reference Shaw and McKay1942), argues that crime is not evenly dispersed across geographical locations, but rather is concentrated in certain areas. The patterns of crime in certain areas are attributed to neighbourhood dynamics and not necessarily the attributes of the individuals in that area. Such dynamics include social control and group norms that develop when individuals live together for a long time and are familiar with each other (Shaw and McKay Reference Shaw and McKay1942). Social disorganization theory posits that the concentration of neighbourhood crime results from the clustering of socio-economic challenges, which leads to a breakdown in social control and the cultural transmission of deviant values (Bellair Reference Bellair and Pontell2017; Lopez and Gillespie Reference Lopez, Gillespie, Christopher, Lieber, Miller and Welch2017; Piscitelli and Doherty Reference Piscitelli and Doherty2019). The theory’s key tenet is that socio-economic circumstances, values and social control contribute to IPV. This means that the higher the levels of economic problems in a society, the higher the chances of IPV due to family set-up challenges. The theory views IPV from a community context and states that contextual factors influence IPV perpetration and victimization (Bellair Reference Bellair and Pontell2017). In slum areas, such as Kibera, individuals move in and out very often because of changes in their economic and social circumstances; thus, they are unlikely to be familiar enough with each other to develop social norms and community bonds.
According to the theory, low economic status, residential instability and concentrated living arrangements increase the chances of IPV in a community (Piscitelli and Doherty Reference Piscitelli and Doherty2019; Sampson Reference Sampson2019; Shaw and McKay Reference Shaw and McKay1942). This could be attributed to a decreased capacity to exert formal and informal social control (Piscitelli and Doherty Reference Piscitelli and Doherty2019). The nature of life and residential mobility in informal settlements makes it difficult for social cohesion to form and increases the level of anonymity among neighbours, making it difficult for the community to exercise social order by enforcing norms, rules and laws (Bellair Reference Bellair and Pontell2017; Sampson Reference Sampson2019).
The critical social processes between neighbourhood residents are collective efficacy, cultural norms and social ties. Collective efficacy refers to the degree of social cohesion among neighbourhood residents and their willingness to intervene on behalf of the common good of the community (Sampson Reference Sampson2019). Collective efficacy is shared expectations that mediate the relationship between IPV and structural advantage. Therefore, if residents are unwilling to take collective action for the greater good of their community, crimes such as IPV are likely to increase. In an informal settlement, such as Kibera, such collective action may be difficult to take, especially when it comes to family-related issues. This is because people living in informal settlements come from diverse backgrounds and may not have a close relationship with neighbours and, in addition, face numerous socio-economic problems. Consequently, neighbours do not have an incentive for intervening during incidences of IPV.
Social ties refer to the personal connections between neighbours and include attending community activities, local networks and recreational activities among residents (Bellair Reference Bellair and Pontell2017; Piscitelli and Doherty Reference Piscitelli and Doherty2019). Ideally, social ties should reduce incidences of IPV by increasing the residents’ capacity to exert social control over their neighbours through communication and supervision (Bellair Reference Bellair and Pontell2017; Sampson Reference Sampson2019; Sampson, Wilson, and Katz Reference Sampson, Wilson and Katz2018). According to Warner (Reference Warner2006), social ties help in the transmission of cultural values which support or desensitize IPV in such communities. On the other hand, cultural norms reflect a common set of rules and values that govern a community (Sampson Reference Sampson2019). The norms in a community, such as an informal settlement, may normalize IPV as it may be viewed as a normal conflict in a family. According to Hewitt et al. (Reference Hewitt, Beauregard, Andresen and Brantingham2018), residents living in disadvantaged neighbourhoods, such as informal settlements, have limited contact with others from mainstream society and are therefore likely to experience cultural isolation, which eventually leads to weak community-level opposition against IPV (Sampson Reference Sampson2019). Cultural isolation may therefore hamper efforts by the government and other stakeholders from reaching informal settlements and mainstreaming values that disapprove of IPV.
METHODOLOGY
The paper forms part of a larger study conducted by the first author (Kariuki Reference Kariuki2021). The paper sought to explore and describe the narrative accounts of female victims of IPV as a means to overcome patriarchy in the Kibera slum, Kenya. Thus, it is guided by the following research question: How can the narrative accounts of female victims of IPV assist in overcoming patriarchy in the Kibera slum, Kenya? The research on which this article is based used a qualitative approach as the method of inquiry (Harper and Thompson Reference Harper and Thompson2011).
A case study research design was employed. A case study is defined as an in-depth study of a particular phenomenon (Mangal and Mangal Reference Mangal and Mangal2013). The case under study was situated in Kibera, an informal settlement in Nairobi, Kenya. Local community workers and leaders introduced the first author to the only official IPV support group in Kibera. The study’s purpose and nature of participation were explained to the potential participants. The only requirement to participate in the study was that the participants had to have experienced IPV while living in Kibera. Those who wanted to participate in the research were requested to inform the first author accordingly. Although the research did not intend to exclude males from the sample, no male victims of IPV could be located. In all, 32 female victims of IPV (see Table 1) who lived in Kibera were interviewed in the first author’s office situated there over three years (2018–2020). The prolonged data collection process was necessary to obtain the participants’ trust and achieve data saturation. Data saturation refers to the discontinuation of data collection because the data collected are sufficient (Bachman and Schutt Reference Bachman and Schutt2015). The first author conducted the interviews in Swahili, the national language spoken in Kenya, especially among people living in informal settlements. The interviews were guided by a semi-structured interview schedule and took approximately 30 to 60 minutes each. The participants are referred to as “victims” instead of “survivors” since most of the participants who took part in this study were still in abusive relationships when this study was conducted.
Table 1. Demographic Profile of Participants
Note: Pseudonyms were assigned to the participants representing common names used in Kenya.
The collected data were analysed using the six-step model of thematic analysis by Braun and Clarke (Reference Braun and Clarke2006). The data were coded after they were broken down into various elements, and keywords were then identified and categorized into themes that emerged from the expressions and experiences of participants. The research obtained ethical clearance from the University of South Africa (UNISA). Moreover, the first author was cognizant of being empathetic and respectful of the participants’ lived experiences during the interviews.
FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION
Most of the participants were below 40 years old, married, and had at least one child. Their educational levels were limited, and their occupations and their partners’ occupations generated low incomes. The most common abuse form was psychological (n = 31), followed by physical abuse (n = 26). Of the participants, 11 identified that they experienced a combination of physical, psychological and sexual abuse by their partners. Many (n = 27) participants reported that their partners were intoxicated during the abuse.
Patriarchal beliefs fuel power imbalances that perpetuate violence (Dobash and Dobash Reference Dobash and Dobash1979). Kenyan societies tend to be traditionally patriarchal (Chiang et al. Reference Chiang, Howard, Gleckel, Ogoti, Karlsson, Hynes and Mwangi2018; McKinley Reference McKinley2020), characterized by male privilege and female subservience (Kalunta-Crumpton Reference Kalunta-Crumpton2017). A distinction should be made between a patriarchal structure and ideology. The former is a hierarchal system that attributes positions of power to men while women are afforded subordinate roles. The latter endorses and legitimizes this structure (Hunnicutt Reference Hunnicutt2009; McKinley Reference McKinley2020). Thus, patriarchal systems are sustained through their cultural acceptance and are maintained by victims of IPV, as many African and Kenyan women attribute their IPV victimization to their social positioning and cultural context (Akinsulure-Smith et al. Reference Akinsulure-Smith, Chu, Keatley and Rasmussen2013; Dubber Reference Dubber2005; Nwoke and Nwosu Reference Nwoke and Nwosu2020; Izugbara, Duru, and Dania Reference Izugbara, Duru and Dania2008). From the participants’ viewpoints, it is apparent that patriarchy is characterized by control, dominance and violence. The following excerpts display the use of control and dominance by the participants’ partners:
My husband has low self-esteem and is jealous of me because I am hard-working and social with people. I am the one who pays school fees for the children, even those additional children he has brought to our family. (Ruth, 37 years old, separated)
I wanted to start a small business selling fish, but he wanted me to stay home and take care of the children and home. We differed bitterly, and, after the beating I got, I ran away for six months. (Nabwire, 24 years old, married)
My husband projects his work problems and frustrations on me. He is not happy that I have a small business and wants me to stay at home. He is jealous of me talking to my customers and suspects I am unfaithful with them. (Mercy, 30 years old, married)
He refuses to let me talk to other women, work, or even leave the house. I was a prisoner in my husband’s house. (Pamela, 31 years old, separated)
My husband is rude to me most of the time and does not allow me to express myself. He also beats me and slaps me. (Moraa, 26 years old, married)
I was married for 10 years; my husband was an idler and would come to my food kiosk to demand money for drinking. If I did not give it to him, he would beat me in the presence of my customers. (Chebet, 28 years old, married)
He calls me a witch, and, when he is drunk, he does not like me asking for money or asking a question. If I do those things, I am beaten mercilessly. However, he beats me if he asks me a question and I do not answer it correctly. (Luzeba, 40 years old, married)
Control and dominance are recurring themes in power, feminist and social control theories. Control and dominance are manifested in power theory through men controlling resources and exerting most of the decision capacity in the family. Ruth, Nabwire, Mercy and Pamela’s narratives illustrate how control and dominance are exercised. This includes controlling the participants’ income and business ventures, whom they spend their time with and their whereabouts. A significant contribution of feminist theorizing is the view that male violence against women is a consequence of male power and privilege. IPV is, therefore, a reflection of the larger patriarchal structure that functions to control women (Arroyo et al. Reference Arroyo, Lundahl, Butters, Vanderloo and Wood2017). This is expressed through the humiliation, insults and assault experienced by Moraa, Chebet and Luzeba. Additionally, the above extractions highlight the absence of social control in Kibera.
Violence is a tool used to maintain patriarchy, as voiced by the following participants:
My husband is a very violent man; he would beat me with his fists, step on me with his feet, chasing the children and me with a sword. (Anyango, 32 years old, separated)
He beats me with a stick all over my body. He cut me with a panga on my head, leaving a deep cut. Since I was carrying our baby when he attacked me, the eight-month-old baby also had a cut on her forehead. He pulled my hair extensions from my head and often sent me away from our home with the children at night. He sexually assaults our seven-year-old daughter and insults me. (Owili, 23 years old, separated)
When I started working, he would come home drunk before I did, with a watch waiting for me at the door to explain the route I took home. He would slap me repeatedly, calling me a liar and accusing me of being with boyfriends. (Gladys, 39 years old, separated)
He would beat and slap me, throwing objects at me and hitting me with a stool. He would also insult me using abusive words. He would sexually force himself on me while drunk. A fight would ensue if I declined. (Chebet, 28 years old, married)
He beat me with a big stick, and the children were not spared. One of my fingers is deformed because of the beatings. He insults me in front of the children and embarrasses and intimidates me. He forces me to have sex, and when I decline, he beats me and accuses me of infidelity. (Luzeba, 40 years old, married)
Power theory maintains that violence is normalized in a family, leading to the likelihood of developing and maintaining IPV. According to Mpondo et al. (Reference Mpondo, Ruiter, van den Borne and Reddy2019), when violence is a normal way of settling disputes in society, partners in intimate relationships may employ force as a means of settling conflicts in their relationships.
Subscribing to traditional gender roles is commonly adhered to in Kenyan families and communities (Abouelenin Reference Abouelenin2022; Dery Reference Dery2021; Kalunta-Crumpton Reference Kalunta-Crumpton2017; Memiah et al. Reference Memiah, Ah Mu, Prevot, Cook, Mwangi, Mwangi, Owuor and Biadgilign2021). A primary concern is that Kenyan and African society generally views women as property belonging to men. The wife’s identity is thus rooted in her husband and their marriage. Consequently, leaving her marriage results in her losing her identity and social standing in society (Izugbara et al. Reference Izugbara, Duru and Dania2008; Memiah et al. Reference Memiah, Ah Mu, Prevot, Cook, Mwangi, Mwangi, Owuor and Biadgilign2021). The participants’ narratives showed that family structures contributed toward normalizing patriarchy, as denoted in the following verbatim accounts:
After cutting the baby and me, my husband was arrested and charged with grievous harm. Later that day, when I went back home, my in-laws chased me away for reporting my husband and having him arrested. (Owili, 23 years old, separated)
I have learned to distrust men, even my brothers and father. I have tried to get revenge by being with other men, but this has not brought happiness to my life. (Muchau, 40 years old, separated)
Whenever I was beaten, I would go to my sister’s place, other times, to my mother-in-law, who would tell me, “Life is like that. You have to be patient with your husband.” Eventually, I learned to live with it until his death. (Judith, 41 years old, widowed)
The family structures are linked to social disorganization theory. The higher the levels of economic problems in a society, the higher the chances of IPV due to family challenges. The theory views IPV from a community context and states that contextual factors influence IPV perpetration and victimization (Bellair Reference Bellair and Pontell2017). In slum areas, such as Kibera, individuals move in and out very often because of changes in their economic and social circumstances; thus, they are unlikely to be familiar with each other enough to develop social norms and community bonds.
Land ownership is a contentious issue in Africa, often equating to wealth and independence (von Fintel and Fourie Reference Von Fintel and Fourie2019). For example, a woman’s right to own or inherit property can be forfeited when she leaves her husband. This is alluded to by Anyango below:
Before the beating, my brother-in-law would rant, “You are a useless woman, good for nothing, you only know how to give birth to many children, and your interest is for them to inherit all our family land.” (Anyango, 32 years old, separated)
In Kenya, female land ownership is still sporadic, and women are commonly dispossessed of their land if their husbands are not available (Akinola Reference Akinola2018). Additionally, custody of the children is likely to go to the father and his family (Chika Reference Chika2012; Kalunta-Crumpton Reference Kalunta-Crumpton2017). Intuitively, women who find themselves in this position are unlikely to leave their husbands.
In African communities, family members function as instigators and partakers of IPV. Patriarchy is normalized as in-laws are deemed entitled to “discipline” a woman. In a study conducted on the attitudes towards and solutions for IPV by Nigerian immigrant women living in the United States of America, participants recommended female submission, acceptance and respect for their partners as resolutions of IPV (Kalunta-Crumpton Reference Kalunta-Crumpton2017). These resolutions are from African women living in and exposed to a developed country. In comparison, Kenyan women living in the Kibera slum, who are not exposed to the same degree of equality and freedom, are left powerless and defeated. In African communities, older women are often perceived as wise, experienced and able to advise younger women. These older women inadvertently perpetuate patriarchy due to their strong patriarchal beliefs. For example, Judith was advised by her mother-in-law to be patient with her husband. Additionally, research in African countries indicates that violence can be viewed, by both genders, as an act of care and a means to correct inappropriate behaviour (McKinley Reference McKinley2020). It is thus evident that the journey towards combatting patriarchal structures and ideologies commences with breaking down regressive mindsets.
Patriarchal belief systems are maintained by both government and civil authorities (Dubber Reference Dubber2005). This is evident when police do not provide adequate support to victims and further contribute to victim-blaming. Although there is Kenyan legislation to govern and police GBV, many women in Kibera are not afforded justice when reporting incidents of IPV. This is largely due to a corrupt system, which does not necessarily cater to the needs of the victims but to those of the perpetrators. In fact, domestic violence can be viewed as gender persecution in Kenya (Razack Reference Razack1995). Of the participants, 20 shared that they reported the abuse to the police, and none of the participants received a positive or helpful response from the police. Those who choose to report their partners may face persecution and threats of violence from their perpetrators, family members or community. In a recent study conducted by Mengo, Sharma and Beaujolais (Reference Mengo, Sharma and Beaujolais2021) on the informal and formal systems of care for IPV victims in Kenya, it was found that 55.5% of the women did not seek help. Women who sought help chose to use informal support services, whereas only 5.5% of the victims sought legal support services such as the police.
Hope (Reference Hope2019) reports that police corruption is a criminal problem in Kenya. Corruption syndicates are mostly conducted through higher-ranked officers. Furthermore, police corruption highlights the failure of governing bodies as ethics and integrity are not enforced (Hope Reference Hope2019). Participants who attempted to report their victimization were not taken seriously by the police. In some cases, the police were bribed by the perpetrators, and, in other incidences, the victims were sent away unassisted as their requests for assistance were regarded as a domestic matter. In a study conducted on 18 countries in sub-Saharan Africa, it was determined that the odds of reporting incidents of IPV were very low among women without decision-making capacities (Ahinkorah, Dickson, and Seidu Reference Ahinkorah, Sekyi Dickson and Seidu2018). A lack of authoritative guardianship and intervention coupled with the powerlessness of women living in the Kibera slum contribute to maintaining patriarchy and, subsequently, IPV.
By exploring the narrative accounts of the female victims of IPV, the embedded patriarchy instituted in the Kibera slum milieu can be understood. Once these patriarchal structures and ideologies are practically exposed, strategies to dismantle patriarchy can be mobilized.
TOWARDS DISMANTLING PATRIARCHY IN KIBERA
Globally and locally, IPV tends to be gender biased (Mukamana, Machakanja, and Adjei Reference Mukamana, Machakanja and Kofi Adjei2020). Women’s empowerment should commence at a young age and be sustained throughout a woman’s lifetime. Women’s empowerment creates a safe space for women to have equal rights to make their own decisions. Moreover, it advocates for women to be given the confidence to act upon those rights. It increases women’s spiritual, social, political, educational and economic power in their communities (Kuuder et al. Reference Kuuder, Essel, Husseini, Yirbekyaa, Dzramedo, Halidu, Arowosafe, Poku, Gyader and Nutsugbodo2020; Odok Reference Odok2020; Sanger and Kacker Reference Sanger, Kacker and Rahman2020). Women’s empowerment is fundamental in developing the economy as it improves males’ and females’ quality of life, their families and the community (Jansen van Rensburg Reference Jansen van Rensburg2021).
Moreover, Sanger and Kacker (Reference Sanger, Kacker and Rahman2020) advocate that women’s empowerment is pivotal in crime reduction. However, women’s empowerment alone can also trigger IPV (Vyas and Watts Reference Vyas and Watts2009). Thus, women’s empowerment should be strengthened by increasing women’s decision-making capacity in their families and communities (Ahinkorah et al. Reference Ahinkorah, Sekyi Dickson and Seidu2018). Once young girls and women know and recognize that IPV is harmful, they can avoid entering a relationship with an abusive partner. A study conducted in Uganda found that providing young girls with vocational training, sex education and information concerning intimate relationships and marriage yielded positive results. Post-intervention, the girls were found to be more likely to be self-employed.
Additionally, the rate of teen pregnancy and entry into early marriage or cohabitation also declined. The study also revealed that sexual violence also decreased (Bandiera et al. Reference Bandiera, Buehren, Burgess, Goldstein, Gulesci, Rasul and Sulaiman2020). Women’s empowerment should be instilled in educational campaigns and localized and mobilized within local communities.
The participants, who took part in the study, took the first step in overcoming their experiences of IPV by joining a support group. The support group equips victims of IPV to become financially independent and socially empowered. Victims of IPV can find support in similar groups. Online support groups should be encouraged. A study conducted by Tarzia et al. (Reference Tarzia, Cornelio, Forsdike and Hegarty2018) found that female victims of IPV deemed the online support they received to be effective. These support groups may also enhance trust as anonymity can be ensured. However, the authors note that this type of support system may be restrictive to the local women in Kibera due to data and connectivity challenges even though 44.29% of Kenyans use social media platforms, such as Facebook (Statcounter 2021), which runs a support group for IPV victims.
THE COMMUNITY’S RESPONSIBILITY
The findings of this paper establish Kibera, Kenya, to be rooted in patriarchal and cultural value systems. Power, feminist and social disorganization theories provide relevant and applicable explanations for the occurrence of IPV in communities such as Kibera. Thus, to decrease or prevent IPV, the local community needs to take responsibility and appropriate actions. Graham and Brickell (Reference Graham and Brickell2019) believe that victims of IPV should always be consulted about initiatives to restore their safety and security. Thus, based on the findings of the larger study (Kariuki Reference Kariuki2021) as well as the recommendations put forth by the participants, as a point of departure, the local community of Kibera can partner with victims of IPV through the following initiatives:
Hosting community workshops to break down patriarchal and harmful cultural belief structures and ideologies.
Widespread marketing campaigns against IPV and patriarchal structures.
Development of safe community forums (inclusive of men and women) to assist victims of IPV.
Partnership with local authoritative role players on how they can effectively support and service victims of IPV.
Conflict management courses should be introduced, and participation encouraged for men and women.
Empowerment and awareness campaigns for young boys and girls explicitly detailing the harmful effects of patriarchy and IPV.
Economic empowerment of women through government incentives for businesses and opportunities for employment.
Use of government and religious institutions to create awareness of the adverse effects of IPV.
CONCLUSION
Health and wellness are reliant on harmonious interpersonal relationships. Violations that occur within these interpersonal relationships have adverse effects on the victims, the community and the economy. Patriarchy ignites power imbalances that consequently perpetrate IPV. Through the narrative accounts of female victims of IPV, strategies specific to the context of the Kibera slum were developed towards dismantling patriarchy. This article acknowledges limitations in terms of sample size. However, empirical case studies provide rich insights as palpable in the detailed narrative accounts voiced by the participants. The evidence from this article suggests that further studies need to be done concerning patriarchy and IPV within the African context. These studies should use theoretical and empirical research to inform practice, and customized implementation plans specific to the context under study.
Acknowledgements
This paper was funded by a Women in Research (WiR) grant from the University of South Africa (UNISA).
L. W. Kariuki obtained her MA in Criminology at the Department of Criminology and Security Science at the University of South Africa (UNISA) under the supervision of Professor S. K. Jansen van Rensburg. She is a Kenyan national and works as an assistant director in the Ministry of Interior and Coordination of National Government in Nairobi, Kenya.
S. K. Jansen van Rensburg is an associate professor in the Department of Criminology and Security Science at the University of South Africa (UNISA).
