I. INTRODUCTION
The global financial crisis of 2007–09 clearly showed that effective legal tools for dealing with bank crises were missing. At that time, some jurisdictions did not even have specific administrative procedures to apply to failing banks, which were therefore submitted to traditional bankruptcy proceedings.Footnote 1 However, these proceedings are usually not appropriate for banks, since they are slow and typically do not allow the continuation of their critical functions, such as payment services, lending activities and maintaining the availability of deposits to depositors.Footnote 2 For this reason, the submission of banks to traditional bankruptcy procedures is deemed to generate financial instability and also to create systemic risk, as the Lehman Brothers case clearly showed.Footnote 3
Consequently, during the crisis, many sovereign States had to intervene by using public money to rescue their banks and avoid their failure, (so-called bail-outs).Footnote 4 With this in mind, in 2011, the Financial Stability Board published its ‘Key Attributes of Effective Resolution Regimes for Financial Institutions’, recommending their transposition into the domestic laws in order to ‘resolve financial institutions in an orderly manner without taxpayer exposure to loss from solvency support, while maintaining continuity of their vital economic functions’.Footnote 5
The Financial Stability Board’s main objective was, therefore, to allow the orderly resolution of banks without impacting the public finances as was the case in the past with bail-outs. But in so doing, the resolution authorities should also aim to avoid the creation of ‘severe systemic disruption’.Footnote 6 The most powerful legal instrument recommended for introduction by the Financial Stability Board to reach both of these aims is certainly the bail-in tool.
Bail-in is conceptually opposite to bail-out, as the losses of a bank in crisis are put on its shareholders and creditors instead of on taxpayers, as would happen with bail-out. From an operational perspective, it is the use of internal resources, already provided by shareholders and creditors of the bank, in order to absorb its losses and recapitalise it. Legally speaking, it is a statutory power allowing the resolution authorities to write down the bank’s capital and liabilities or convert them into equity.Footnote 7 By doing so, the losses are absorbed and the bank can be recapitalised.
It can also be seen as a method to allow an insolvent bank to return to a stable condition without using taxpayers’ money.Footnote 8 It is different from liquidation since its main objective is to keep the fundamental operations of a failing bank working.Footnote 9 In order to reach this purpose, the debts of the institution are restructured on the basis of what the resolution authorities decide according to the valuation provided by an independent expert. By reducing the liabilities of the bank, the negative difference between assets and liabilities caused by the losses can be equalised. This reduction has to be made in such an amount as to restore the Common Equity Tier 1 (CET1) ratio, which has to be at least 4.5% against risk-weighted assets. In this way the bank can achieve the necessary regulatory capital to meet the conditions for authorisation and sustain sufficient market confidence.Footnote 10
Its effectiveness derives from the fact that it is able to provide new value to the institution in crisis by eliminating shareholders’ and creditors’ rights. From this point of view, the write down of capital instruments and liabilities and/or their conversion into equity can be considered as a provision of new value in the form of less debts to repay in the future.
However, even though the bail-in tool can be helpful for restructuring banks in trouble, it may also create the issues that resolution is supposed to prevent and/or avoid, ie contagion, financial instability and systemic risk.Footnote 11 In order to make the legal framework properly work, it is necessary that resolution authorities are given the power to exempt the application of such a tool when it is likely to create financial instability, but, at the same time, in these cases the provision of external resources has to be allowed in order to make the restructuring effective.
Looking at the new EU regime, this article argues that, despite the presence of strict rules on State aid measures, there seems to be space to manage even difficult bank crisis situations in which the application of the bail-in tool could be detrimental and therefore should be avoided or reduced. In such cases, it seems that the rules give a minimum amount of flexibility to allow for the provision of public assistance mainly in the form of the so-called precautionary recapitalisation. However, unless the rules are amended, to be effective such a strategy has to be put in place in a prompt and timely fashion, as some recent Greek and Italian cases have demonstrated.
The article is divided into six parts. After the introduction, Part II discusses the new EU bank restructuring legal framework; Part III analyses pros and cons of the bail-in tool; Part IV deals with the provision of external resources discussing both the resolution funds and the government financial stabilisation tools; Part V looks at the precautionary recapitalisation focusing on some recent cases; and Part VI provides the conclusions.
II. THE NEW EU LEGAL FRAMEWORK
The European Parliament and the Council of the European Union implemented the Financial Stability Board’s principles in 2014 by adopting Directive 2014/59/EU (the so-called Bank Recovery and Resolution Directive, hereinafter BRRD).Footnote 12 The BRRD represents, at EU level, the new legal framework for effectively dealing with banks crises, avoiding – or at least minimising – the use of taxpayers’ money.Footnote 13 It mainly provides that the administrative procedure which banks in crisis are submitted to is the so-called ‘resolution’, through which the resolution authorities are empowered to apply the resolution tools (ie the sale of business tool under articles 38 and 39, the bridge institution tool under articles 40 and 41, the asset separation tool under article 42 and the bail-in tool under articles 43 and following) in order to achieve one or more of the resolution objectives.Footnote 14 These objectives are: ‘… (a) to ensure the continuity of critical functions; (b) to avoid a significant adverse effect on the financial system, in particular by preventing contagion, including to market infrastructures, and by maintaining market discipline; (c) to protect public funds by minimising reliance on extraordinary public financial support; (d) to protect depositors covered by Directive 2014/49/EU and investors covered by Directive 97/9/EC; (e) to protect client funds and client assets …’Footnote 15
A bank is submitted to resolution when: (1) it is deemed by the competent authority to be failing or likely to fail;Footnote 16 (2) there is no reasonable prospect that any alternative private sector measures would prevent the failure of the institution within a reasonable timeframe; and (3) a resolution action is necessary in the public interest.Footnote 17
It follows that, for a failing bank (or one that is likely to fail), there are essentially two alternative potential options to choose from: (1) submission to insolvency proceedings;Footnote 18 or (2) submission to resolution. The main factor driving the authorities in making such a choice is the ‘public interest’.Footnote 19 The concept of ‘public interest’ appears to be closely connected with the resolution objectives, mainly maintaining financial stability and taxpayers’ interest protection. If, in case of a bank crisis, these objectives cannot be reached with the bank’s submission to insolvency proceedings, then the public interest can be safeguarded only through the resolution procedure.Footnote 20
This means that the authorities have to assess whether the failure of a bank and its following submission to insolvency proceedings can generate financial instability by impacting the system and, if they think there is such a risk, then the solution is the application of the resolution tools, provided that this institution is effectively resolvable.Footnote 21 On the other hand, if the crisis of a bank is not able to generate financial instability – for instance because it is very small and not closely interconnected with many other financial institutions – then such a bank can be submitted to winding down or normal insolvency proceedings, according to the law of its jurisdiction, as there is no public interest to protect.
However, it is worth noting that in practice it can be rather difficult to understand in advance if the failure of a bank will create financial instability and, as a consequence, trigger the submission to resolution in light of the public interest. In this regard, some criteria have been elaborated; for example, the Bank of England has established some thresholds which act as a guide for choosing between the submission of the institution to modified insolvency proceedings or to resolution. These thresholds are: (1) amount of assets exceeding GBP 15 billion; and (2) a number of transactional accounts exceeding 40,000.Footnote 22 In contrast, in 2015 the Bank of Italy submitted to resolution a bank (Carichieti) with just EUR 4.7 billion of assets, implying that even the failure of a bank with such a limited amount of assets could impact the system and hurt the public interest.Footnote 23 Conversely, on 23 of June 2017, the Single Resolution Board decided that due to the particular characteristics of Banca Popolare di Vicenza and Veneto Banca, and their specific financial and economic situation, their submission to resolution was not necessary in the public interest.Footnote 24
III. THE BAIL-IN TOOL: PROS AND CONS
Even at EU level, the most significant resolution tool is now bail-in, due to its capability to restore the unbalanced ratio between own funds and liabilities of the institution in trouble. Article 2(1)(57) of the BRRD, defines the bail-in tool as ‘… the mechanism for effecting the exercise by a resolution authority of the write-down and conversion powers in relation to liabilities of an institution under resolution …’
Despite its potential ability to make a failing bank viable again, some issues remain. The most critical aspect is that the application of the bail-in tool can generate the same consequences that resolution should prevent and/or avoid, mainly financial instability. This can happen when by writing down the bank’s liabilities, its insolvency problems are transmitted to its creditors. In other words, bail-in could act as an accelerator of contagion generating the so-called domino effect.Footnote 25
For this reason, the EU rules allow the resolution authorities to exempt some liabilities from being bailed-in.Footnote 26 In particular, according to Article 44 (3)(c) of the BRRD, the resolution authorities have the power to exempt some liabilities from being bailed-in, if the application of such a tool could generate financial instability. This can occur if a significant portion of the liabilities is held by other banks and financial institutions since by writing them down, the insolvency problems of the failing bank are likely to be transmitted to the creditor banks and financial firms.
Accordingly, the Commission Delegated Regulation (EU) 2016/860 Article 8 states that, in deciding whether or not to exempt some of the bank’s liabilities from being bailed-in, the resolution authorities should, if the application of such a tool could create direct contagion, ‘assess, to the maximum extent possible, the interconnectedness of the institution under resolution with its counterparties’.Footnote 27 If such an application might create indirect contagion, these authorities should ‘assess, to the maximum extent possible, the need and proportionality of the exclusion based on multiple objective relevant indicators’.Footnote 28
The legislative choice to provide the resolution authorities with the power to exempt the application of the bail-in tool in such situations is beneficial in light of the public interest to avoid financial instability. In fact, facing a bank’s crisis, the resolution authorities are the only institutions in a position to properly understand whether the use of the bail-in tool is beneficial or detrimental with regard to both the effective resolution of the failing institution and the public interest to avoid the creation of financial instability. However, if they decide not to use the bail-in tool, the problem is that to make the resolution work, some additional external resources have to be provided. In other words, if such exemptions are applied, then a corresponding amount of alternative resources have to be found in order to adequately recapitalise the bank.Footnote 29
IV. THE PROVISION OF EXTERNAL RESOURCES
External resources to resolve a bank can come from so-called external financing arrangements – also known as resolution funds – within some stringent limitations or, in particularly serious situations, from the Member States in compliance with the State aid framework through the so-called government financial stabilisation tools.
A. The resolution funds
The BRRD has introduced some forms of external financing called ‘resolution financing arrangements’, commonly known as resolution funds. These resolution funds are ‘filled’ through mandatory contributions from banks, but they should not be used directly to absorb the losses of the institution under resolution or to recapitalise it. Under Article 44(5) of the BRRD, they can intervene in the resolution proceeding only if: (1) a contribution to loss absorption and recapitalisation equal to an amount not less than 8% of the total liabilities including own funds of the institution has been made through write down, conversion or otherwise; and (2) their contribution does not exceed 5% of the total liabilities including own funds of the institution. This aspect represents a potential problem since in order to use these funds, a significant amount of liabilities has to have been previously bailed-in. This means, from the opposite point of view, that if the resolution authorities consider it appropriate not to apply the bail-in tool to such a significant extent, then the resolution funds cannot be involved in the bank’s resolution. This makes these instruments usable only when a relevant number of liabilities can be written down or converted into equity without the risk of financial instability.
In addition, such resolution funds have already proven not to be well equipped to help resolve significant banks. Indeed, four small, local Italian banks (Banca delle Marche, Cassa di Risparmio di Ferrara, Banca Popolare dell’Etruria e del Lazio and Cassa di Risparmio della Provincia di Chieti) were resolved at the end of 2015 before bail-in rules entered into force.Footnote 30 To do this, the Italian Resolution Authority combined some resolution tools, such as separation of the assets, bridge bank and burden sharing, and, at the same time, the Italian Resolution Fund provided fresh financial resources.Footnote 31
The total amount of money used by the Italian Resolution Fund to resolve such four small banks has so far been EUR 3.7 billion, which is much more than the losses borne by shareholders and subordinated creditors, ie EUR 870 million.Footnote 32 In order to raise this amount of resources, the Italian fund had to borrow a large sum of money from the three largest Italian banks, as the regular contributions of the banking system were not enough.Footnote 33
It is true that if bail-in had been applied (with the write down or conversion into equity of many more liabilities) the amount of money provided by the Fund would have been more limited, but what can be derived from these cases is that resolution funds should be better equipped as currently they could have serious problems in helping resolve significant banks.
B. The Government financial stabilisation tools
The BRRD has also introduced two different government financial stabilisation tools which can be used by Member States during the resolution of an institution.Footnote 34 They are: (1) public equity support tool under Article 57; and (2) temporary public ownership tool under Article 58. Both of these can be used only as a last resort measure – after the other resolution tools have been applied – with a view to transferring the holding in the resolved institution to the private sector as soon as commercial and financial conditions allow it. Yet the critical point is that these two tools can be applied only: (1) when the use of the resolution tools is not enough to avoid a significant adverse effect on the financial system; or (2) when the application of the resolution tools do not suffice to protect public interest, where extraordinary liquidity assistance from the central bank has previously been given to the institution; or (3) in relation to the temporary public ownership tool, when the application of the resolution tools do not suffice to protect the public interest, where public equity support through the equity support tool has previously been given to the institution. Further conditions to be met in order to use these tools are that: (1) a contribution to loss absorption and recapitalisation equal to an amount not less than 8% of total liabilities including own funds of the institution under resolution has been made by shareholders and creditors through write down, conversion or otherwise; (2) it shall be conditional on prior and final approval under the Union State aid framework, which means that they have to be authorised by the Commission according to the provisions of its Communications.Footnote 35 These forms of public assistance can be given only in particularly serious situations when the crisis of a bank can undermine the financial stability of the system as a whole, for example in the case of a big bank’s crisis or of systemic crisis. This interpretation is confirmed by the provisions of Recital 57 of the BRRD, which states that the Commission in assessing the government stabilisation tools, in light of Article 107 TFEU, should also assess whether ‘there is a very extraordinary situation of a systemic crisis justifying resorting to those tools …’
But, as in the case of resolution funds, what makes the government financial stabilisation tools inappropriate and even counterproductive in particularly difficult situations is that before their use, a relevant amount of liabilities has to be bailed-in.Footnote 36 As a consequence, when the resolution authorities think that the use of the bail-in tool can endanger the stability of the financial system and therefore it should not be applied, then these tools are not utilisable either.
V. THE PRECAUTIONARY RECAPITALISATION
In light of all these limitations, the way allowing the use of public money without the corresponding duty to bail-in a huge amount of liabilities can be found in the so-called precautionary recapitalisation.Footnote 37 Even if the BRRD never uses the expression ‘precautionary recapitalisation’, the concept can be derived from the wording of Article 32(4).Footnote 38 According to Article 32(4)(d), in order to remedy a serious disturbance in the economy of a Member State and preserve financial stability, the extraordinary public financial support can take the form of a precautionary recapitalisation, which is ‘an injection of own funds or purchase of capital instruments at prices and on terms that do not confer an advantage upon the institution’ where the institution is not failing or likely to fail.Footnote 39 These measures ‘shall be confined to solvent institutions and shall be conditional on final approval under the Union State aid framework ... shall be of a precautionary and temporary nature and shall be proportionate to remedy the consequences of the serious disturbance and shall not be used to offset losses that the institution has incurred or is likely to incur in the near future’.Footnote 40 Such recapitalisations ‘shall be limited to injections necessary to address capital shortfall established in the national, Union or SSM-wide stress tests, asset quality reviews or equivalent exercises conducted by the European Central Bank, EBA or national authorities, where applicable, confirmed by the competent authority’.Footnote 41
Paraphrasing the words of Article 32(4) of the BRRD, the European Central Bank has provided a definition of precautionary recapitalisation, according to which ‘a precautionary recapitalisation describes the injection of own funds into a solvent bank by the state when this is necessary to remedy a serious disturbance in the economy of a Member State and preserve financial stability. It is an exceptional measure that is conditional on final approval under the European Union State aid framework. It does not trigger the resolution of the bank’.Footnote 42
Similarly, also Banca d’Italia, dealing with the Monte dei Paschi case, has created a definition of precautionary recapitalisation as ‘a measure provided under European legislation (the Bank Recovery and Resolution Directive – BRRD) in exceptional circumstances, to remedy a serious disturbance to the economy of a Member State and preserve financial stability. In these cases, in order to strengthen the capital of a bank, extraordinary State aid of a precautionary and temporary nature is permitted as long as the bank is solvent and the intervention is compliant with the rules on State aid. These rules mean that a State can only intervene after the subordinated bonds have been converted into equity (the burden sharing principle)’.Footnote 43
This means that precautionary recapitalisation can take place when a bank, although in need of recapitalisation, is not deemed to be failing or likely to fail.Footnote 44 In this regard, the underlying assumption justifying the public intervention is that the capital shortfall of such banks could quickly deteriorate as a consequence of ‘a serious disturbance in the economy’ of a Member State and then generate financial instability.
It should be also noted that the English version of the Directive just refers to the case in which this tool is employed ‘in order to remedy a serious disturbance in the economy of a Member State’, whilst the Italian, the French and the Spanish versions also mention the case in which it is used in order to avoid a serious disturbance in the economy of a Member State.Footnote 45 Obviously such a wording difference is significant in practice, since in the first case the capital shortfall is due to a serious disturbance in the economy of a Member State that has made the recapitalisation necessary in order to preserve financial stability, whilst in the second one, the tool is used with the aim of avoiding a situation in which the bank’s capital shortfall creates a serious disturbance of the economy of a Member State which in turn could generate financial instability. Also, the availability of the precautionary recapitalisation tool to use to avoid a serious disturbance of the economy should allow for public intervention even outside a general crisis scenario, when it is deemed that the potential distress of a given bank could seriously impact the economy.
However, the very point is that this instrument can be employed only outside the scope of a resolution procedure. This is mainly the case of banks that are not deemed by the competent authorities to be failing or likely to fail but still in need of recapitalisation. The new BRRD provisions allow such banks to be recapitalised with public money but some conditions have to be met. First, such banks have to be assessed as solvent by their competent authorities. Then, their need of capital injection has to be pointed out by the results of stress tests. And obviously, as the recapitalisation is carried out by the States with public money, the rules of the State aid framework apply.Footnote 46
A. The interplay between Article 32(4) of the BRRD and the State aid framework
Generally speaking, EU rules limit the possibility for a Member State to intervene in a bank’s rescue by using public money.Footnote 47 Article 107 TFEU states that any State aid is incompatible with the internal market, unless it qualifies as one of the narrow exceptions set out in Article 107(2) TFEU or unless it has been approved by the Commission for one of the reasons set out in Article 107(3) TFEU.Footnote 48 In relation to banking bail-outs, the most conceivable justification to allow public intervention, according to Article 107(3)(b) TFEU, is ‘to remedy a serious disturbance in the economy of a Member State’.
Between 2008 and 2011, the Commission adopted six communications to provide details for the criteria to use in assessing the compatibility of State aid with the provisions of the TFEU.Footnote 49 Then, in 2013, in light of the adoption of the new regulatory architecture, namely the Banking Union and the new bank resolution regime, the Commission published the so-called 2013 Banking Communication, providing for the application of the ‘burden sharing’ tool to subordinated creditors and requesting the adoption of a restructuring plan to be approved before obtaining the aid.Footnote 50 Accordingly, now State aid can be given only if equity and subordinated debt holders are involved in absorbing the losses through the conversion and/or the write down of their instruments. However, it is worth noting that the Commission has also always stressed that its main goal in the State aid authorisation process in the banking sector is to ensure financial stability.Footnote 51 And, for this reason, according to the 2013 Banking Communication, it has the power to exclude the application of the burden sharing mechanism when this ‘would endanger financial stability or lead to disproportionate results’.Footnote 52
B. The Greek cases
It is interesting to remark that the precautionary recapitalisation under Article 32(4)(d)(iii) of the BRRD has been already authorised twice.Footnote 53 In 2015, both Piraeus Bank and the National Bank of Greece failed the 2015 Comprehensive Assessment in the baseline as well as in the adverse scenario.Footnote 54 Therefore, the two banks were requested by the European Central Bank to increase their capital of EUR 4.933 billion and EUR 4.602 billion, respectively.Footnote 55
Due to the significant amount of capital to raise and the difficulties that the Greek economy was experiencing, it soon became clear that the only feasible solution was precautionary recapitalisation for both institutions. The Hellenic Financial Stability Fund (HFSF) played a pivotal role in recapitalising the two intermediaries. At the beginning, it acted as a backstop to facilitate private subscriptions of capital and then as a real underwriter providing the missing resources necessary to fill the gap highlighted by the Comprehensive Assessment.Footnote 56
In accordance with the 2013 Commission’s Banking Communication, the banks first succeeded in increasing their capital through the involvement of private investors. Piraeus Bank managed to raise EUR 1.340 billion of capital from the market and also succeeded in a significant liability management exercise (LME) converting notes in newly issued ordinary shares and creating EUR 602 million of additional equity capital.Footnote 57 Similarly, National Bank of Greece raised EUR 757 million of capital from the market and succeeded in a significant liability management exercise converting notes in newly issued ordinary shares and creating EUR 717 million of equity capital.Footnote 58 The remaining junior and senior bonds and hybrid securities, that did not accept the liability management exercise, as well as the US preference shares which were not targeted by it (for which the Bank’s liabilities amounted to EUR 197 million) were converted into ordinary shares in line with the Hellenic Financial Stability Fund law. This bail-in like exercise generated EUR 302 million of capital.Footnote 59
The remaining amount of capital (EUR 2.720 billion for Piraeus Bank and EUR 2.706 billion for National Bank of Greece) was provided by the Hellenic Financial Stability Fund partly (ie 25%: EUR 680 million and EUR 676 million) through subscription of new ordinary shares, and partly (ie 75%: EUR 2.040 billion and EUR 2.029 billion) through subscription of CoCos.Footnote 60 Both transactions were carried out entirely according to the burden sharing principle laid down in the 2013 Banking Communication.
The shareholders dating from before the 2013 recapitalisation have been nearly fully diluted since the shares issued in November 2015 represent the vast majority of the total shares of the Banks. Due to the combination of these factors, the burden-sharing by shareholders has been sufficient. In particular, the objective of the requirement of the 2011 Prolongation Communication to ensure that the State subscribes new shares at a price which is sufficiently low, allowing for dilution and burden-sharing by existing shareholders (and sufficient remuneration on the shares subscribed), has been achieved. In the case of Piraeus Bank, regarding burden-sharing by subordinated debt holders, before it was yet known whether the private capital increase would be successful, Greece had committed that before any new State aid was granted to the Bank, the latter had to convert in CET1 the entire amount of the outstanding hybrid capital and subordinated debt instruments in order to ensure compliance with the requirements of 2013 Banking Communication. That commitment aimed at ensuring that all existing hybrid capital and subordinated debt holders would fully contribute to the restructuring costs of the Bank before the HFSF stepped in. The contribution of both the hybrid capital and subordinated debt holders, and that of the senior unsecured debt holders, was already achieved to the maximum extent possible with the 2015 LME. The results of 2015 LME ended with a 100% participation rate for all instruments and the full elimination of all existing hybrid capital, subordinated and senior unsecured debt instruments. The terms of the 2015 LME towards the junior bondholders complied with State aid requirements as they were structured as debt to equity swap, with an option of the cash component at symbolic level (9 cents to the Euro), which was taken up by a very small proportion of the bondholders. The 2015 LME exceeded the minimum level burden-sharing sought for State aid purposes, which does not require contributions of senior unsecured debt holders.Footnote 61 In the case of the National Bank of Greece, the contribution of both the hybrid capital and subordinated debt holders, and that of the senior unsecured debt holders, was already partially achieved with the 2015 LME. With regard to the contribution obtained from the senior creditors, the 2015 LME exceeded the minimum level burden-sharing sought for State aid purposes, which does not require contributions of senior unsecured debt holders.Footnote 62
C. The Italian cases
From a slightly different perspective, some recent Italian cases seem to demonstrate that both the possibility of avoiding – or at least reducing – the application of the bail-in tool and the provision of public financing, which can be obtained together with the use of the precautionary recapitalisation tool, might be very helpful instruments to effectively rescue banks in crisis that are not failing yet.
This is the rescuing strategy that will be used for Monte dei Paschi di Siena.Footnote 63 But for some months, this was also supposed to be the strategy for rescuing both Banca Popolare di Vicenza and Veneto Banca.Footnote 64 After being submitted to stress tests, the European Central Bank requested that all of them should be consistently recapitalised.Footnote 65 In such a difficult situation, it was and still is very hard to find a market solution where other private financial players are willing to be involved in the recapitalisation. But the very point is that both the lack of intervention by the authorities and the simultaneous submission to resolution of these three banks with the bail-in of a significant amount of liabilities could generate financial instability, probably not only at national level.Footnote 66
All of these banks were already issuing bonds with State guarantee under Article 32.4(d)(ii) of the BRRD on the grounds of being considered solvent by the supervisor.Footnote 67 However, on 23 June 2017, the European Central Bank determined that both Banca Popolare di Vicenza and Veneto Banca were failing or likely to fail as they repeatedly breached supervisory capital requirements.Footnote 68 Consequently, precautionary recapitalisation could no longer take place and subsequently the two institutions have been submitted to winding up under the Italian law on the basis of the lack of public interest for resolution as determined by the Single Resolution Board.Footnote 69 Still, in a contradictory way, the Commission has approved State aid measures to facilitate the liquidation of the two institutions, apparently implying that there is a public interest to maintain financial stability (at least in their geographical area) to protect with the use of public money.Footnote 70
On the other hand, precautionary recapitalisation will be used to solve the crisis of Monte dei Paschi since the European Central Bank has confirmed that the bank is solvent and the Commission has authorised the State aid.Footnote 71 The use of this mechanism will avoid Monte dei Paschi’s resolution and the institution will be recapitalised with public money provided by the Italian State, after the losses have been absorbed by shareholders and subordinated creditors, who, in turn, can seek compensation from the bank for having been mis-sold junior bonds.Footnote 72
In this context, what has to be underlined is that these cases prove that there could be situations where the use of public money, instead of the resolution tools, can be more appropriate and effective in light of the public interest. In other words, cases could occur in which the States’ intervention can be less costly and more beneficial for the public than the bail-in tool both in a going-concern and in a gone-concern scenario.Footnote 73
VI. CONCLUSIONS
Some recent cases have made it clear that the authorities think that there are situations where it is better to avoid the application of the bail-in tool, or at least to limit the use of such a tool. Even if, in principle, this is a powerful and effective instrument, at the same time it may generate or exacerbate the issues that resolution, as an administrative procedure, should prevent and/or avoid, such as contagion, financial instability and systemic risk. The new legal framework introduced with the BRRD addresses these issues by providing the resolution authorities with the discretionary power to decide, on the basis of Article 44, whether and to what extent to apply the bail-in tool, when there is the risk of creating financial instability by so doing.
At the same time, it is obvious that if the bail-in tool is not applied (or just partially applied) then alternative resources have to be provided to effectively restructure the bank in crisis. From this point of view, the BRRD provides the resolution authorities with some potentially useful tools such as the external financing arrangements and the government financial stabilisation tools.
However, the weakness of the resolution funds is that at this point they do not seem to be adequately equipped to provide sufficient resources to resolve significant banks. In addition, they can be used only after the bail-in tool has been previously and significantly applied. It follows that it is not possible to exempt many liabilities from being bailed-in and at the same time have the intervention of such funds.
With regard to the government financial stabilisation tools, the main shortcoming is that they are seen as a last resort measure to use after all the other resolution tools have been applied. This means that their use presupposes the bail-in of a huge amount of liabilities. Additionally, being a form of public intervention, the limitations of the State aid framework apply. These legal constraints can make it very difficult in practice to effectively benefit from the possibility to exempt the application of the bail-in tool when this could generate financial instability.
On the contrary, the precautionary recapitalisation is not a tool to use during the resolution of a failing bank. Indeed, it can be used only if the bank that needs to be recapitalised is not failing or likely to fail. This means that this instrument can be used without the need to previously submit the bank to resolution with the strict application of the bail-in tool.
Accordingly, the way in which this tool is regulated in the BRRD looks consistent and coherent. In fact, it can be used – outside a resolution procedure – when the difficulties of a solvent bank in need of recapitalisation (according to the result of a stress test) might impact the economy of a Member State and generate instability. It is obvious that in such a context the write down of the bank’s liabilities could just exacerbate the issues that the recapitalisation aims to solve. This is why, in carrying out a precautionary recapitalisation, the previous bail-in of the bank’s liabilities is not a mandatory requirement.Footnote 74
Still, due to the use of public money, the State aid rules have to be applied. As a consequence, generally, before the precautionary recapitalisation can be performed, the burden sharing mechanism takes place, with the write down of capital instruments and subordinated debt instruments. However, the Commission is given the power to avoid the write down of such instruments when this ‘would endanger financial stability and lead to disproportionate results’.Footnote 75
It follows that there could be cases in which a bank is recapitalised with public money and its shareholders and creditors are not involved in ‘bearing the burden’. Apparently the case where equity instruments are not written down is merely theoretical as such a strategy can excessively increase moral hazard. On the contrary, the disapplication (or the partial disapplication) of the burden sharing rules with regard to subordinated creditors sometimes can be reasonable and beneficial. This could occur when subordinated debt is held by other financial institutions and its write down could trigger contagion and then financial instability. The possibility to use the precautionary recapitalisation, therefore, even if potentially in contrast with the BRRD resolution objective to protect taxpayers, could be useful in particular situations.
In the two Greek cases, a recapitalisation with public money was the only way to avoid the submission of Piraeus Bank and National Bank of Greece to resolution as they failed the stress tests under both the baseline and adverse scenarios. After the publication of the results, they managed to raise private funds to address the capital shortfall under the baseline scenario and in so doing they became eligible for the application of a precautionary recapitalisation which allowed them to cover even the shortfall under the adverse scenario with public money.Footnote 76 Accordingly, from the opposite perspective, the simultaneous submission to resolution of two of the four largest Greek banks could have seriously impacted the domestic economy that was already experiencing a very difficult situation. That is what moved the authorities to perform a public precautionary recapitalisation.Footnote 77
Similarly, looking at the Italian banking system, the simultaneous crisis of three significant banks (with the risk that more institutions will get into trouble in the near future) has represented a very serious problem.Footnote 78 Their submission to resolution at the same time and a strict application of the bail-in tool as well as no intervention of the authorities at all could have generated financial instability. That is why for some months, precautionary recapitalisation was considered to be the most appropriate solution with regard to all of them, since it would have allowed a more ‘lenient’ write down involving just some instruments and the provision of public money for the recapitalisation.
However, after a rather long negotiation between Banca Popolare di Vicenza and Veneto Banca, on one side, and the Italian and European authorities on the other, the European Central Bank claimed that the banks were failing or likely to fail and therefore ineligible for precautionary recapitalisation. As a consequence, immediately afterwards they were submitted to winding down under the Italian insolvency law on the grounds that, according to the Single Resolution Board, there would have not been a public interest to protect them with the resolution procedure. At the same time, however, in a contradictory way, State aid measures have been approved by the Commission in order to orderly manage their liquidation, implying that there is a collective interest that needs to be protected with the use of public money. Conversely, with regard to Monte dei Paschi, the State intervention to recapitalise the institution has been approved.
Obviously, it has to be kept in mind that public interventions (ie bail-outs) should be the exception and not the rule in the new legal framework and, accordingly, the final goal must be for the State to find a way to sell its shares in the recapitalised banks as soon as the market conditions allow it to recover the invested amount.Footnote 79
Drawing conclusions from the Greek and Italian cases, it can be argued that in the new legal framework the authorities should always seek to intervene at an early stage when the banks are still solvent. Afterwards, indeed, due to the limitations of the current rules and the high number of different authorities that are involved in the process, it might be very difficult to effectively act using public resources in order to avoid the creation of financial instability. Thus, there is still little room to manage difficult crisis situations by employing public money, but from now onwards the authorities’ intervention must be increasingly more prompt and timely than was the case in the past. After all, also in the context of bank restructuring time is money.