Hostname: page-component-7b9c58cd5d-v2ckm Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2025-03-17T06:22:33.364Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Deconstructing Abe Shinzo's “Take Back Japan” Nationalism

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  14 March 2025

Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

Core share and HTML view are not available for this content. However, as you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.

This study investigates how former Prime Minister Abe Shinzo and his Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) tried to reproduce and reinforce their conservative and nationalist ideologies from 2012 to 2020. Conducting critical discourse analysis on official statements, speeches, and remarks at press conferences highlights the strategies that Abe and his sympathizers used to promote and legitimize the idea of “Take back Japan (Nippon wo torimodosu).” This study also elucidates the implications of the party's efforts to reproduce and disseminate its campaign slogan in official narratives.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Authors 2021

References

References:

Abe, S. (2006) Utsukushii kuni e [Towards a beautiful country]. Tokyo: Bunshun Shinsho.Google Scholar
Abe, S. (2013) Atarashii kuni e: Utsukushii kuni e kanzenban [Toward a new country: Toward a beautiful country complete edition]. Tokyo: Bunshun Shinsho.Google Scholar
Akaha, T. (2008) ‘The nationalist discourse in contemporary Japan: The role of China and Korea in the last decade’, Pacific Focus, 23 (2), pp. 156188.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Akşak, E. Ö. (2020) ‘Discursive construction of Syrian refugees in shaping international public opinion: Turkey's public diplomacy efforts’, Discourse & Communication, 14 (3), pp. 294313.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Althusser, L. (1970) Ideology and ideological state apparatuses (Notes towards an investigation). (Accessed:20 September 2021).Google Scholar
Shimbun, Asahi. (2015) ‘Henoko ni “NO”: Okinawa san man go sen nin [Say “NO” to Henoko:Okinawa 35,000 people]’, 18 May.Google Scholar
Berger, T. (2012) War, guilt, and world politics after World War 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Brubaker, R. (2017) ‘Why populism?‘, Theory and Society, 46, pp. 357385.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chan, M. (2012) ‘The discursive reproduction of ideologies and national identities in the Chinese and Japanese English-language press’, Discourse & Communication, 6 (4), pp. 361378.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dian, M. (2015) ‘Interpreting Japan's contested memory: Conservative and progressive traditions’, International Relations, 29 (3), pp. 363377.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dower, J. W. (1999) Embracing defeat: Japan in the wake of World War II. New York, NY: W.W. Norton & Company.Google Scholar
Filippov, D (2017) ‘Shinzo Abe: Ideologue or pragmatist?‘, The Diplomat, 13 June. (Accessed:20 September 2021).Google Scholar
Glosserman, B., and Snyder, S. A. (2015) ‘Japan's identity crisis’, in The Japan-South Korea identity clash: East Asian security and the United States. New York, NY: Columbia University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gramsci, A. (2006 [1930]) ‘(i) History of the subaltern classes; (ii) The concept of “ideology”; (iii) Cultural themes: ideological material’, in Meenakshi, G. D. and Kellner, D. M. (eds.), Media and cultural studies: Keyworks, revised edition. Hoboken, NJ: Blackwell Publishing.Google Scholar
Hall, S. (1986) ‘The problem of ideology: Marxism without guarantees’, Journal of Communication Inquiry, 10 (2), pp. 2844.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Iokibe, M. (2005) Nichibei senso to sengo nihon [Japan-US war and postwar Japan]. Tokyo: Kodansha Gakujutsu Bunko.Google Scholar
Shimbun, Izu. (2013) ‘“Nejire kaisho e saishu kessen” Motegi keisansho, Atami de ouen enzetsu-Saninsen [“The final battle against the nejire Diet”: Economy Minister Motegi delivers speech in Atami to support election of House of Councilors]’, 13 July.Google Scholar
Jacobs, T. (2018) ‘The dislocated universe of Laclau and Mouffe: An introduction to post-structuralist discourse theory’, Critical Review, 30(3-4), pp. 294315.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Japanese Communist Party. (2014) ‘“Boukoku no seiji” to ketsubetsushi, mirai ni sekinin wo ou atarashii seiji wo: Shii iincho no kouen [Overcome the “politics of a lost nation” to seek a new politics responsible for the future: Speech by Chairman Shii]’, The Japanese Communist Party 92nd Anniversary Commemorative Speech. (Accessed:21 September 2021).Google Scholar
Johnston, E., and Sugiyama, S. (2020) ‘Abe to resign over health, ending era of political stability’, The Japan Times, 28 August. (Accessed:20 September 2021).Google Scholar
Kang, S. (2014) Posuto koroniarizumu [Postcolonialism]. Tokyo: Sakuhinsha.Google Scholar
Kim, J. (2014) ‘Escaping the vicious cycle: Symbolic politics and history disputes between South Korea and Japan’, Asian Perspective, 38 (1), pp. 3160.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kingston, J. (2012/2014) ‘Self-immolation protests PM Abe overturning Japan's pacifist postwar order’, The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus, 10 (54). (Accessed 1 November 2021).Google Scholar
Kingston, J. (2019) ‘One-hand clapping: Japanese nationalism in the Abe era’, in Sohn, Y. and Pempel, T. J. (eds.), Japan and Asia's contested order: The interplay of security, economics, and identity. London: Palgrave Macmillan.Google Scholar
Kolmaš, M. (2020) ‘Identity change and societal pressures in Japan: the constraints on Abe Shinzo's educational and constitutional reform’, The Pacific Review, 33 (2), pp. 185215.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Komiya, S. (2016) Datsu ‘Sengo Nihon’ no nashonarisumu:90 nen ikou no mittsu no nagare [Nationalism of overcoming “Postwar Japan”: Three waves since the 1990s]. Tokyo: Daisan Shokan.Google Scholar
Krämer, B. (2017) ‘Populist online practices: The function of the Internet in right-wing populism’, Information, Communication & Society, 20 (9), pp. 12931309.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Laclau, E., and Mouffe, C. (1985) Hegemony and socialist strategy. New York, NY: Verso.Google Scholar
Lawson, S., and Tanaka, S. (2010) ‘War memories and Japan's “normalization” as an international actor: A critical analysis’, European Journal of International Relations, 17 (3), pp. 405428.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Liberal Democratic Party/LDP. (2012) Nippon wo torimodosu: Ju-ten seisaku 2012 [Take back Japan:Core policies 2012]. (Accessed:20 September 2021).Google Scholar
Lu, C., Menju, T., and Williams, M. (2005) ‘Japan and “the other”: Reconceiving Japanese citizenship in the era of globalization’, Asian Perspective, 29 (1), pp. 99134.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Matthews, E. A. (2003) ‘Japan's new nationalism’, Foreign Affairs, 82 (6), pp. 7490. Council on Foreign Relations.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
McVeigh, B. J. (2003) Nationalisms of Japan: Managing and mystifying identity. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.Google Scholar
Mesmer, P., and Pons, P. (2017) Japon: Shinzo Abe, Le révisionnisme en héritage. Le Monde, 20 October. (Accessed:20 September 2021).Google Scholar
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2014) Cabinet decision on development of seamless security legislation to ensure Japan's survival and protect its people. (Accessed:1 November 2021).Google Scholar
Nagy, S. R. (2014) ‘Nationalism, domestic politics, and the Japan economic rejuvenation’, East Asia, 31, pp. 521.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sports, Nikkan. (2015) ‘Takamura fukusousai made ogori hatsugen: Seikai Jigoku mimi [Even Vice President (of LDP) Takamura speaks out of pride: Political big ears]’, 8 July.Google Scholar
Nilsson-Wright, J. (2020) ‘Shinzo Abe: Revisionist nationalist or pragmatic realist?‘, BBC News, 28 August. (Accessed:20 September 2021).Google Scholar
Okabe, Y., Nakamura, K., and Tadama, E. (2017) ‘“Konna hitotachi” hatsugen, teki mikata wo shunbetsu. Shusho enzetsu ga hamon [“Such people like them” comment, dividing friend and foe. Prime Minister's speech became controversial]‘, Asahi Shimbun, 6 July. (Accessed:20 September 2021).Google Scholar
Penny, M., and Wakefield, B. (2008/2009) ‘Right angles: Examining accounts of Japanese neo- nationalism’, Pacific Affairs, 81 (4), pp. 537555.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Pope, C. (2017) Bringing back ‘Japan‘? Prime minister Abe's political rhetoric in critical perspective. PhD thesis, University of Sheffield. (Accessed:20 September 2021).Google Scholar
Reuters. (2013) ‘Japan PM Abe sings national anthem as step to “take back Japan”’, 7 January. (Accessed:20 September 2021).Google Scholar
Shimbun, Sankei. (2013) ‘Abe shusho, Yasukuni sanpai: “Nihon wo torimodosu” ketsudan [Prime Minister Abe visited Yasukuni (Shrine): A decision to “take back Japan”]’, 26 December.Google Scholar
Shimbun, Sankei. (2014) ‘Sakurai Yoshiko utsukushiki tsuyoki kuni e: Mekubari kaku josei seisaku [Sakurai Yoshiko toward a beautiful and strong country: Women's policy that lacks careful consideration]’, 4 August.Google Scholar
Shimbun, Shimotsuke. (2014) ‘Dainiji Abe kaizou naikaku hossoku, kakutou kennai daihyo; Nishikawa-shi ni sorotte kitaikan; naikaku kaizo; yatoukan ni ondosa [Inauguration of the Second Abe Cabinet; prefectural representatives of each party; high Expectations for Mr. Nishikawa; Cabinet reshuffle, differences in attitudes among opposition parties]’, 4 September.Google Scholar
Stier, S, Posch, L., Bleier, A., and Strohmaier, M. (2017) ‘When populists become popular: Comparing Facebook use by the right-wing movement Pegida and German political parties’, Information, Communication & Society, 20 (9), pp. 13651388.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sutherland, C. (2005) Nation-building through discourse theory. Nations and Nationalism, 11 (2), 185202.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
The House of Representatives. (2019) ‘Dai 198 kai kokkai honkaigi dai 32 gou (Reiwa gannen 6 gatsu 25 nichi kayoubi) [The 198th Diet plenary session No. 32 (25 June Reiwa 1 Tuesday)].’ (Accessed:21 September 2021).Google Scholar
Zompetti, J. P. (1997) ‘Toward a Gramscian critical rhetoric’, Western Journal of Communication, 61 (1), pp. 6686.CrossRefGoogle Scholar