Theorising physical activity in later life

Within Western culture, oldness is reviled, if not feared, as later life is socially constructed as a time of inevitable and progressive infirmity, dependence, immobility, senility, social exclusion, obsolescence, and loss of productivity and physical appeal (Nelson Reference Nelson2002). In contrast, youthfulness is valorised and associated with health, independence, mental acuity, attractiveness, social engagement and active sexuality (Calasanti and Slevin Reference Calasanti and Slevin2001; Hurd Clarke Reference Hurd Clarke2011). These polarised conceptualisations of agedness versus youthfulness are taken for granted and underscored by age relations, or the use of age as an organising principle of society (Laws Reference Laws1995). Age relations are ‘social structures that privilege younger adults at the expense of old people and intersect with other relations of inequality’ (King and Calasanti Reference King and Calasanti2013: 699). In this way, age relations are reflected in and buttressed by societal ageism whereby older adults progressively lose social status over time and are subject to ‘systematic stereotyping and discrimination’ (Butler Reference Butler1975: 12).

Physical activity has become an increasingly important part of age relations and societal narratives regarding agedness and youthfulness. Physical activity is positioned as an essential practice for the demonstration of the ‘will to health’ (Higgs et al. Reference Higgs, Leontowitsch, Stevenson and Rees Jones2009: 687), or the fulfilment of one's personal and moral responsibility to optimise and preserve one's health through appropriate self-care and engagement in health promotion practices (Crawford Reference Crawford2006). As well as establishing their morality, physical activity participation enables individuals to claim a youthful identity evidenced by their physical abilities and accomplishments, as well as their resultant health status (Hurd Reference Hurd1999; Katz Reference Katz2000). Thus, physical activity is central to the distinction between good and bad ageing, also referred to as third age and fourth age. An idealised way to grow older, the third age is ‘an ageing youth culture’ (Higgs and McGowan Reference Higgs, McGowan, Kampf, Marshall and Petersen2013: 22) that is characterised by agency, health, self-fulfilment, social engagement and active leisure (Gilleard and Higgs Reference Gilleard and Higgs2000; Laslett Reference Laslett1996). Individuals in the third age are ‘older but not old’ (Higgs and McGowan Reference Higgs, McGowan, Kampf, Marshall and Petersen2013: 22). In contrast, the fourth age is a lifestage associated with dependence, frailty, loss of autonomy and pleasure, and ultimately death (Gilleard and Higgs Reference Gilleard and Higgs2010; Laslett Reference Laslett1996). The fourth age stands as a feared ‘social imaginary’ (Higgs and Gilleard Reference Higgs and Gilleard2015b: 116) that individuals aim to avoid by disciplining their bodies through engagement in consumer culture and health promotion. Ignoring the impact of social inequality and the accumulated advantage or disadvantage over the lifecourse (Katz and Calasanti Reference Katz and Calasanti2015), the third and fourth ages exist as cultural metaphors for desirable and undesirable pathways in later life that individuals are assumed to choose through their lifestyles and consumption patterns.

Subjective experiences of physical activity in later life

In light of the complex meanings ascribed to ageing, health and physical activity, increasing attention has been paid to older men's and women's subjective experiences of being physically active (Orr and Phoenix Reference Orr and Phoenix2015; Phoenix and Orr Reference Phoenix and Orr2014; Tulle Reference Tulle2017). Within this literature, four dominant themes have emerged. To begin, these studies have established that many older adults derive pleasure from their physical activity pursuits (Grant Reference Grant2012; Liechty et al. Reference Liechty, Dahlstrom, Sveinson, Son and Rossow-Kimball2014; Minello and Nixon Reference Minello and Nixon2017; Orr and Phoenix Reference Orr and Phoenix2015; Phoenix and Orr Reference Phoenix and Orr2014). For example, some individuals emphasise the physical satisfaction that comes from the feeling of water on their skin while swimming, the smell of freshly cut grass on the golf course or the movement of their bodies while cycling (Minello and Nixon Reference Minello and Nixon2017; Phoenix and Orr Reference Phoenix and Orr2014). Studies with older men have also found that they feel exhilarated after exercise and that their experiences of pleasure from physical activity increase with advancing age as a result of their growing appreciation of their functional abilities (Grant Reference Grant2012; Liechty et al. Reference Liechty, Dahlstrom, Sveinson, Son and Rossow-Kimball2014). Participants have also been found to gain pleasure from the documentation of their physical activities, the structure and purpose their pursuits bring to their lives, and the escapism from personal troubles that activity often affords (Minello and Nixon Reference Minello and Nixon2017; Orr and Phoenix Reference Orr and Phoenix2015; Phoenix and Orr Reference Phoenix and Orr2014).

In addition to pleasure, the research reveals that physical activity participation enables older adults to foster and maintain interpersonal relationships (Evans and Sleap Reference Evans and Sleap2012). For example, older women have described a sense of belonging that results from their involvement in structured exercise groups and sporting pursuits (Bidonde, Goodwin and Drinkwater Reference Bidonde, Goodwin and Drinkwater2009; Heuser Reference Heuser2005; Kluge et al. Reference Kluge, Tang, Glick, LeCompte and Willis2012). Similar studies with older men have found that they emphasise the importance of the friendships with other men that arise from their participation in exercise and sporting groups (Grant Reference Grant2012; Lozano-Sufrategui et al. Reference Lozano-Sufrategui, Pringle, Carless and McKenna2017; Minello and Nixon Reference Minello and Nixon2017).

Additionally, older adults perceive exercise to be essential for the maintenance of their independence, health and wellbeing (Bidonde, Goodwin and Drinkwater Reference Bidonde, Goodwin and Drinkwater2009; Kluge et al. Reference Kluge, Tang, Glick, LeCompte and Willis2012; Grant Reference Grant2012; Lozano-Sufrategui et al. Reference Lozano-Sufrategui, Pringle, Carless and McKenna2017; Liechty et al. Reference Liechty, Dahlstrom, Sveinson, Son and Rossow-Kimball2014; Minello and Nixon Reference Minello and Nixon2017; Sims-Gould et al. Reference Sims-Gould, Hurd Clarke, Ashe, Naslund and Liu-Ambrose2010). Some studies point to specific health and functional benefits that participants perceive result from their activities, such as improved balance, strength and flexibility (Bidonde, Goodwin and Drinkwater Reference Bidonde, Goodwin and Drinkwater2009). Older adults have also reported psychological health benefits from physical activity engagement, including the ability to cope better with stress (Bidonde, Goodwin and Drinkwater Reference Bidonde, Goodwin and Drinkwater2009; Minello and Nixon Reference Minello and Nixon2017), an improved sense of self (Kluge et al. Reference Kluge, Tang, Glick, LeCompte and Willis2012) and enhanced quality of life (Grant Reference Grant2012). Others have found that older adults consider physical activity to be an important tool for combating the general physical decline they associate with being old (Hudson, Day and Oliver Reference Hudson, Day and Oliver2015; Lozano-Sufrategui et al. Reference Lozano-Sufrategui, Pringle, Carless and McKenna2017). For example, the older men in the study by Liechty et al. (Reference Liechty, Dahlstrom, Sveinson, Son and Rossow-Kimball2014) reported that their primary motivation for engaging in leisure-time physical activity was to prevent future, additional health losses. Similarly, the older men in Minello and Nixon's (Reference Minello and Nixon2017) study perceived that cycling enabled them to stay healthier longer, participate in other sports and activities, maintain social connections with family, and cope with existing physical and mental health concerns. That said, older men also often express concerns about their changing health and continued ability to sustain their participation in physical pursuits (Grant Reference Grant2012).

Finally, older adults often point to their engagement in physical activity as a means of distancing themselves from ageist stereotypes (Hurd Reference Hurd1999; Minello and Nixon Reference Minello and Nixon2017; Phoenix Reference Phoenix2010; Phoenix and Sparkes Reference Phoenix and Sparkes2009; Phoenix and Smith Reference Phoenix and Smith2011; Pike Reference Pike2012). Claiming a third-age identity, active, older adults often reject the label and cultural connotations of oldness (Hurd Reference Hurd1999; Pike Reference Pike2012). Some scholars argue that in this way physical activity is a means by which older adults may construct positive identities in the face of cultural aspersions of ageing and oldness (Phoenix Reference Phoenix2010; Phoenix and Sparkes Reference Phoenix and Sparkes2009; Tulle Reference Tulle2008).

‘I do it for my health’: exercise for maintaining health and the body

When asked why they engaged in their chosen forms of physical activity, all but one of the men emphasised the importance of exercise in particular for the health and maintenance of their bodies. The men made comments similar to 71-year-old Donald who worked out at a gym once a week for an hour and occasionally went for walks: ‘I do it for my health … What encourages me to exercise … mostly is the feeling good after and the ongoing, long-term benefits.’ The long-term health benefits of exercise that the men identified were sometimes expressed in terms of their continued ability to engage in sport and leisure-time physical activities. For example, highly active, 68-year-old, Victor stated:

In this way, the men stressed that one of the key health benefits of exercise was that it enabled them to engage in valued physical pursuits and thereby fight ageing and feeling ‘old’. Viewing ageing as a choice, the men stressed that exercise enabled them to, as 70-year-old Otis who walked several times a week and played golf in the summer, put it, ‘age the way I want to’.

The notion that exercise enabled the men to grow older in desirable ways was juxtaposed against fears about the alternative. Thus, many of the men made comments similar to those of 87-year-old Charlie who went for walks up to an hour in length three times per week:

Using words like ‘should’, ‘must’ and ‘ought’ to describe exercise as a socially and personally required pursuit to avoid poor health, the men's descriptions were often imbued with moral overtones. Harvey, who worked out at the gym for an hour once or twice a week and went for 15-minute walks each day, put it this way, ‘It's partly about maintaining my body, partly an obligation I feel … to keep myself in reasonable working order.’ In this way, the men reported feeling compelled to be physically active even though a few of them conceded that they did not enjoy all of their exercise practices. Jesse, aged 83, who worked out at the gym with a trainer three times a week for a total of close to five hours of exercise and enjoyed seasonal activities such as hunting and snowshoeing, put it this way:

In addition to fears about illness and general bodily ‘failing’, the men often articulated their concerns about becoming disabled, dependent and immobile. For example, Phillip, aged 67, who swam lengths, worked out at the gym or went for bike rides depending on the season for an average total of more than five hours per week, as well as enjoying regular leisurely walks, asserted the following:

In this way, exercise was discussed in relation to the avoidance of physical dependence, immobility and frailty. Luke, aged 77, a highly active individual who swam laps for an hour four times a week and went for regular walks, had this to say:

While most of the men felt that exercise would help them to avoid physical decline, a few men also expressed the hope that exercise regimens would promote their longevity as well as their quality of life. For example, Tony, aged 77, who went for walks several times a week for an average total of exercise of 2.5 hours, asserted the following:

Exercise was constructed as a means of postponing their ultimate demise, or as 71-year-old Arnold, who got close to four hours of exercise each week through either workouts at the gym or golfing and cycling, stated: ‘At my age, exercise is holding off – what's the word I'm trying to find? Nature? Old man? Death or something like that.’

Notably, six men had already experienced serious health issues, which had impacted their functional abilities and resulted in new or altered physical activity routines. These six men ranged in age from 71 to 87 and reported having experienced cancer treatments and surgeries, degenerative chronic diseases, high blood pressure, strokes and various heart surgeries. As a result of their health issues, the men were engaged in exercise programmes that had been prescribed by physicians. For example, Steve, aged 87, who attended two hours of exercise classes each week, relayed the following:

While the men did not believe that physical activity would reverse the health declines they had already experienced, they hoped that their efforts would preserve their remaining physical abilities and health status. Having been to the brink of their mortality and made aware of their impending frailty, the men stressed that they were exercising so as to ‘keep as healthy as we can, for as long as we can’ (Ben, aged 71, who attended cardio rehabilitation classes for a total of 4.5 hours per week following open heart surgery).

‘It feels good’: sport, exercise and leisure-time physical activity as pleasurable

All but one of the men noted that different aspects of sport, exercise and leisure-time pursuits ‘felt good’. Many of the men emphasised the physical satisfaction they derived from exercise as they made comments similar to those of Arnold who stated: ‘It feels good. You come back [from the gym] feeling really good. Kind of on top of it for the day.’ Indeed, the men frequently used words and phrases such as ‘enjoyable’, ‘wow’, ‘refreshed’, ‘relaxed’, ‘great, energised, revitalised’ and ‘kind of Zen’ to describe the way that exercise ‘felt good’ in their bodies. The men further likened the physical sensations of post-exercise to what Phillip referred to as ‘a natural kind of feeling of pleasure, a natural high’.

The men noted that sport, exercise and leisure-time physical activity also felt good in terms of a range of psychological benefits. Many of the men noted that physical activity led to improved self-esteem and wellbeing, as articulated by Tony:

As well as suggesting that physical activity was psychologically therapeutic, the men also often remarked that being active enabled them to manage the stresses of daily living better. Melvin, aged 69, who had previously been highly active but was currently recovering from an injury and only able to engage in physiotherapy exercises and moderate walking, had this to say:

For these men, the ability to engage in sport, exercise and leisure-time physical activities collectively left them with a strong sense of accomplishment. The men noted that their resultant feelings of pride came from a combination of the sense that they had fulfilled their moral responsibility to care for their bodies as well as a perception that they were, as Max, aged 90, who rode a stationary bike for a total of approximately one hour per week, put it, ‘special’ by virtue of their continued ability to be active:

Indirectly or directly comparing themselves to ageist stereotypes of physical decline, the men thus suggested that they were exceptional by virtue of their physical abilities despite their advancing ages.

Finally, the men frequently noted that physical activity felt good in terms of the social benefits they reaped from their various sport, exercise and leisure-time physical activities. In particular, the men noted that physical activity enhanced or maintained their social connections with their peers, as expressed by Victor who described what he liked most about playing soccer in this way: ‘Camaraderie … after the game. We go for a beer … that's mostly the only socialising that I do on a regular basis … So yeah, that's the fun part of it.’ Indeed, many of the men noted that the time they spent with others during and after their exercise and sporting regimens constituted their primary source of social interaction. While most of the men emphasised the pleasure they derived from interacting with same-aged peers, a few men additionally commented that they appreciated how their physical activities gave them an opportunity to engage with younger individuals, as expressed by Luke who stated:

In this way, the men noted that physical activity afforded them a way to forge relationships across generational boundaries, thereby enabling them to resist the social exclusion associated with advanced age, and leading to heightened self-esteem and wellbeing.

‘It gets tougher’: physical activity as increasingly elusive

Even as they emphasised the importance of exercise for health and wellbeing, all of the men also noted that their bodies were changing with age and, as a result, physical activity was becoming increasingly difficult. The men described a variety of health issues, including arthritis, back pain/injuries, heart disease, high blood pressure, kidney conditions, osteoarthritis and vision impairment, that had negatively impacted their ability to be physically active. These health issues had further resulted in losses in stamina, strength, flexibility, balance and mobility, which had collectively slowed them down. For example, Phillip, who had carpel tunnel syndrome, plantar fasciitis, high blood pressure and type II diabetes, reported: ‘My energies aren't what they used to be. I walk more slowly than I used to … I just can't keep up with a lot of my friends when we're walking.’ A few men noted that in addition to having less energy and having ‘slowed down’ over time, they also now took longer to recover from exertion. Edgar, who had asthma and had had a quadruple bypass, put it this way:

Consequently, the men suggested that they had to alter their expectations of their bodies and be more intentional in their pacing and planning so as to manage their changing physical abilities.

Many of the men reported that they had begun to avoid certain forms of physical activity as a result of their changing bodies. Some men eschewed activities that they perceived might aggravate existing health concerns, as articulated by Danny: ‘Because of my back injury I avoid all exercise that could … compromise my back because I don't know what I can do and what I can't do.’ Others were concerned about incurring new injuries, such as Oliver, aged 67, a body builder who worked out an average of eight hours per week: ‘I train lighter now … and I try to control my motions so the exercises are done much more strictly … I want to avoid injuries … I'm very careful. I try to train, you know, smarter.’ The combination of altered body functionality and concerns about becoming injured had culminated in many men reluctantly giving up previously valued forms of physical activity. For example, Melvin had undergone hip replacement surgery and developed arthritis in his neck, forcing him to give up both tennis and badminton. He, like the other men who had ceased various physical pursuits, expressed a strong sense of loss:

Thus, accommodating their physical abilities was often a difficult, emotional process as it forced the men to give up deeply valued pursuits and confront their mortality.

The impact of the men's altered body functionality was further compounded by a variety of environmental factors, including weather and topography. For example, Melvin relayed the following:

A few men noted that their health issues meant they were no longer able to drive, which curtailed their opportunities for physical activity. For example, 75-year-old Jack, who walked an average of seven hours per week, noted that the trail he liked to walk on with his dog was at the top of a steep hill that he was finding increasingly inaccessible because of arthritis, vision impairment and declining mobility. He stated:

At the same time, the men often reported that a lack of same-aged peers precluded their willingness to engage in some physical activities. For example, Max who had previously been an avid golf player had given up the sport because most of his previous golfing companions had died and he lacked peers with similar sporting interests:

Other participants explained how their lack of physically active, same-aged peers made them feel excluded in certain spaces, as expressed by Victor who described going to the fitness gym in this way:

In other words, the men felt that they stood out by virtue of their ages in ways that left them feeling uncomfortable, unwanted and disinclined to return.

In light of the positive meanings that they attributed to being active, their reports of having begun to alter their physical pursuits and their expressions of sorrow over changing abilities, we asked the men to reflect on how they anticipated feeling about future continued losses. A few men were pragmatic as they stated that they would simply adjust as their bodies changed. For example, Jesse stated: ‘If I was deteriorating, not being able to do [physical activity], I would have to recognise that I guess ageing has set in. I don't think it would upset me terribly.’ However, the majority of men asserted that no longer being able to be physically active would be distressing as they made comments similar to those of Phillip, who stated:

The men asserted that becoming unable to engage in physical activity would impact their sense of identity and mean that their worst fears about growing older had been realised. In doing so, the men reaffirmed the importance of physical activity for their sense of self, wellbeing and ability to cope with the stresses of everyday living.