This edited book sets out to ‘comprehend the phenomenon’ (p. 9) of Nordic seniors who migrate, seasonally or permanently, to leisure-oriented destinations in their own country or abroad. In nine chapters, Swedish, Finnish and Danish academics discuss issues based on their ethnographic research, including: retirement migration and its potential for both adventure and security; eating habits and adjustments in a bi-cultural context; the role of religion and associated institutions in maintaining transnational social inclusion; permanent migrants and their support role with recent arrivals; public policy at home and its influence on foreign health provision for older migrants; and the impact of retirement migration on architecture and urban design. The eclectic nature of the accounts is welcome, notwithstanding inclusion of a rather sketchy chapter on moving to local age-specific housing, which says nothing new and seems out of place given the book's focus on migration.
In the introductory chapter, Blaakilde and Nilsson argue that the dynamism shown by retirement migrants seeking opportunities for enjoyment in conducive locations is a hallmark of active ageing and the desire to live in less age-prescribed ways. At the same time, the authors suggest that older migrants strive for continuity in constructing their ideal retirement identity, e.g. by always transporting valued personal items when on the move and adapting foreign homes to accommodate possible future health deficits. The paradoxical nature and multi-faceted causes and effects of a transnational lifestyle are themes common to subsequent chapters. Karisto, in his chapter on the eating habits and cooking fusions of Finnish migrants to Spain, describes the ‘contradictory cultural forces’ that impact on migrants' dining choices (p. 78), with the result that meals often combine new local perspectives with traditional practices, so maintaining and re-constructing Finnish identity at the Spanish table.
In the first of two chapters on religious aspects of a transnational lifestyle, Spännäri explores how Finnish retirement migrants' religious life in Spain centres on well-attended churches with outreach support, resembling community centres, which provide valued opportunities for social connection with other ex-pats, as well as new spaces for spiritual growth and a sense of belonging. Similarly, Grassman and Larsson, in considering the role of foreign-based parishes of the Swedish Church Abroad, highlight its capacity to be a replacement home, offering a haven for lonely or vulnerable older migrants who want greater interaction with compatriots. Another way in which vulnerable older migrants are helped to deal with the challenges of life abroad is through the advocacy provided by their more experienced peers. Woube presents an account of those who lack language skills pertaining to the host country, or who may be ill or in need of care, and the difficulty they have representing their needs appropriately. Older migrants who have acquired good communication skills and maintain close contact with or knowledge of their home country, and have an interest in pastoral care, provide a highly valued service, based on their ‘transnational competence’ (p. 170).
The final two chapters present wider perspectives on the transnational phenomenon but maintain the focus on outcomes combining change and continuity. Blaakilde investigates how Danish public policy affects citizens living partly or exclusively abroad, in either Turkey or Spain. A detailed discussion of Danish law, health-care and tax systems concludes that Danish legislation is likely to favour wealthier older migrants, with the result that poorer migrants whose health would benefit from staying in a warmer climate are more likely to return to Denmark and become a drain on health services there, benefiting no-one. The suggestion is made that nation states have not yet caught up with the growing transnational movements of older people and its resource implications. Simpson rounds off the book by drawing attention to new models of architecture and urbanisation resulting from increased transnational mobility in later life. Whether it is retirement-themed leisure complexes in the Costa del Sol, huge retirement villages in Florida or nomadic migrations within the United States of America in large recreational vehicles, newly designed environments and infrastructure facilitate transnational lifestyles, combining elements of leisure, adventure, home and nostalgia. Mobility is evaluated as a ‘key emblem’ through which the Third Age may be understood, one that Simpson suggests has profound consequences for our notion of home, place and spatial identity in later life.
A key strength of this collection is the attention to both positive and negative aspects of migration in later life, the variety of ways in which this can be understood and the grounded examples of daily living that older migrants experience. It is also encouraging to see authors examine health and housing policy implications of migration in later life, which are set to become more important concerns given mobility trends. Most chapters are reasonably succinct but some would have benefited from inclusion of more evidence, to substantiate statements and findings and provide a clearer context for readers unfamiliar with Nordic retirement and pensions systems. On a stylistic level, certain chapters should have been more carefully edited: in a few chapters there are errors in spelling, grammar and syntax, and, more worryingly, incidences of incomplete referencing, with surnames missing and different dates entered for the same reference.
This book will be of use to academics and students working in the field of social gerontology and migration, and should also be of interest to health policy professionals.
