Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of Tables
- List of Figures
- List of Maps
- Acknowledgements
- 1 Introduction (UM)
- 2 Field-Work Methodology (HB)
- 3 Minahasa: Some Thoughts on the Region (HB)
- 4 Kakas Village (UM)
- 5 Pasar Kakas (UM)
- 6 Trader Households
- 7 Part-Time and Permanent Traders (UM)
- 8 Trading within the Strategy of Combined Economic Sectors (UM)
- 9 The Efficient Subsistence Trader and the World Market (UM)
- 10 Trading past the Market-Place: The Case of Cloves (UM)
- 11 Socio-Economic Change and the Role of Traders in the Village (UM)
- Bibliography
- THE AUTHORS
2 - Field-Work Methodology (HB)
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 October 2015
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of Tables
- List of Figures
- List of Maps
- Acknowledgements
- 1 Introduction (UM)
- 2 Field-Work Methodology (HB)
- 3 Minahasa: Some Thoughts on the Region (HB)
- 4 Kakas Village (UM)
- 5 Pasar Kakas (UM)
- 6 Trader Households
- 7 Part-Time and Permanent Traders (UM)
- 8 Trading within the Strategy of Combined Economic Sectors (UM)
- 9 The Efficient Subsistence Trader and the World Market (UM)
- 10 Trading past the Market-Place: The Case of Cloves (UM)
- 11 Socio-Economic Change and the Role of Traders in the Village (UM)
- Bibliography
- THE AUTHORS
Summary
The field-work was carried out in the village of Kakas, District of Minahasa, from August to October 1983, preceded by two months of orientation work in August and September 1982. Kakas was chosen for various reasons: Firstly, the village has one of the oldest market-places in the region founded by the Dutch in the second half of the nineteenth century, hence permitting an insight into the historical development of a market-place since colonial times. Secondly, Kakas is one of the major “clove villages” in Minahasa, and the impact of cash-cropping, including the accompanying commercialization on the local economy, society, and culture could well be investigated here. From observation, socio-economic differentiation within the village seemed to have proceeded relatively far. Thirdly, the village peasantry has traditionally lived on a multiplicity of subsistence activities, such as fishing on Lake Tondano, growing rice in well-irrigated sawahs near the lake, and the cultivation of ladang in the mountains, thus providing the prerequisites of subsistence safety for the introduction of cash crops. Fourthly, Kakas is a fairly small rural market — large enough to provide the occasional job opportunities to peasant pedlars and to secure the necessary provision with primary goods; too small, however, to withstand the economic dominance of the more attractive larger markets in nearby Langoan, thus reflecting the ambivalent quality of the typical rural market-place in the area.
We stayed in the house of one of the larger farmers in the village, only a few minutes’ walk from the market-place. The people accepted our presence in the village and were very co-operative and friendly. During the first two weeks of our stay we visited the market-place on each market-day. Only on the first few market-days did we attract a crowd; we were perceived as part of the local market scene thereafter. The very informality of meeting people in the market-place made it easy to get in contact with not only traders but also informants from peasant households.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- Peasant Pedlars and Professional TradersSubsistence Trade in Rural Markets of Minahasa, Indonesia, pp. 6 - 9Publisher: ISEAS–Yusof Ishak InstitutePrint publication year: 1987